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Abt. I. — Emotional Eeligion in Islam as affected by Music 
and Singing. Translation of a book of the 
Ihyd 'Ulum ad'IHn by Duncan B. Macdonald. 
(Part III.) 1 

Abt. n. — The Ghreat Stupa at Sanchi - Kanakhe^a. By 

Jambs Bubgess, LL.D., CLE 29 

AsT. III. — Yraca^a and Sindhl. By G. A. Obiebsok, 

C.I.E., I.C.S 47 

Abt. IY. — Description of Persia and Mesopotamia in the 
year 1340 a.b. from the I9'uzhat-al-]^alub of 
Hamd-AUah Mustawfi, with a summary of the 
contents of that work. By G. Le Stkanob . • . . 49 

Abt. v.— The Risalatu'UQhufran : by Abu'l-'Ala al-Ma'arri. 
Part n, including Table of Contents with Text 
and Translation of the Section on Zandaka and of 
other passages. By Eeynold A. Nicholson .... 75 

Abt. YI. — A List of Writers, Books, and other Authorities 
mentioned by El Maqrizi in his !Odtat. By 
A. R. Guest 103 

Abt. Vll. — ^Note on the Larfguages spoken between the 

Assam Valley and Tibet. By Sten Konow .... 127 

Abt. Yin. — Kusinara, or Ku^inagara, and other Buddhist 

Holy Places. By ^^ncent A. Smith, M.R.A.S. 189 


1. Prehistoric Burial Sites in Southern India. By 

R. Sbwbll. 166 

2. The Author of the Life of Shah Isma'Il. By 


3. A Cambodjan Mahayam^a. By E. Habdy 171 

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4. A Sanstrit Maxim. By G. A. Jacob 174 

6. Chronology of the Kusan Dynasty of Northern 

India. By Vincewt A . Smith 1 76 

NoncBS OP Books. 

Ekno Litthamn. Zur Entzifferung der Saf^- 

Inschriften. Reviewed by 8. A. C 177 

F. H. Weissbach. Die Sumerische Frage 181 

Rev. Sherbabd Beaumont Buenabt. Elements of the 

Jewish and Muhammadan Calendars. By M. G. 183 
W. SzEAT. Fables and Folk Tales from an Eastern 

Forest. By M. G 184 

Bom J. Paeisot. Rapport sur une Mission Scientifique 

en Turquie d'Asie 186 

Dr. M. Stebck. Die alte Landschaft Babylonien 

nach den Arabischen Geographen. By G. Le S. 187 
Dr. GusTAF H. Dalman. Aramaeisch-Nenhebraeisches 

Woerterbuch zu Targum, Talmud, und Midrasch. 

By M. G 189 

VmcENT A. Smith. Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor of 

India. By T. W. Rhys Davids 191 

L. Finot. Rastrapala Parippccha. By T. W. Rhys 

Davids 196 

Le Due de la Teemoille. Notice sur la Vie et les 

Travaux de Joachim Menant. By T. G. P 200 

Papers on Egyptology by Jean Capart and Baron von 

Oefele. ByT.G.P 200 

P. Jeksek. Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek. Band VI, 

Theil 1 : Assyrische - babylonische Mythen und 

Epen. By T. G. Pinches 203 

Theodoe Aufeecht. Katalog der Handschriften der . 

Universitiits - Bibliothek zu Leipzig. I : Die 

Sanskrit-Handschriften. By E. J. Rapson .... 207 
Jas, Buegess, CLE., LL.D. Archaeological Survey 

of Western India. Vol. vii : Muhammadan 

Architecture of Ahmadabad ; Part i, a.d. 1412- 

1520. By E. J. Rapson 208 

Dr. Geoeg Huth. Xeun Mahaban - Inschriften — 

Entzifferung, Uebersetzung, Erklarung. By 

E. J. Rapson 209 

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Olf . A. SxEDT. Preliminary Report on a Journey of 
Archaeological and Topographical Exploration in 
Chinese Turkestan. By E. J. Rapson 212 

Babu Pubna GHANBaA MuKEXBJi and Yikcent A. 
Smith, B.A., M.B.A.S. Archaeological Survey 
of India : A Report on a Tour of Exploration of 
the Antiquities in the Tarai, Nepal, the region 
of Kapilavastu, etc. By E. J. Rapsok 215 

EnMTTin) Habdy. Indiens Kultur in der Bliithezeit 

des Buddhismus : Konig Asoka. By Rh. D. . . 217 

Jas. Buboess. Buddhist Art in India. By Ra. D. 220 

Edoxtabd Spscht. Du D6chifbrement des Monnaies 

sindo-ephthalites. By E. J. Rapsok 224 

Notes of the Quabteb. 

I. OoifTBirTS of Fobeion Obiental Joubnals , • 227 

n. OBrruABT Notices. 

Professor Albbecht Webeb. By C. Bendall .... 228 

III. Notes awd News 230 

Ter. By James Bijboess 230 

Indian Documents on Parchment. By Vincent A. 

Smith , 232 

rV. Adbitioks to the Libbaby 233 

Abt. IX. — Description of Persia and Mesopotamia in the 
year 1340 a.d. from the Nuzhat-al-Kulub of 
Hamd- Allah Mustawfi, with a summary of the 
contents of that work. By G. Le Stbanqe. 
(Part II.) 237 

Abt. X. — Vaisali. By Vincent A. Smith, M.R.A.S 267 

Abt. XI. — Abu'l - *Ala al - Ma'arri's Correspondence on 

Vegetarianism. By D. S. Mabgoliottth 289 

Am. Xn. — An Unknown Work by Albirunl. By H. 

Bbtebibqe 333 

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Abt. Xin.— The EitSlatu'l-Ohufran: by Abu'l-'Ala al- 
Ma'arrf. Part II, including Table of Contents 
with Text and Translation of the Section on 
Zandaka and of other passages. By Eetkold A. 
NiCHOisow. (Part U.) 387 

AfiT. XIY. — On the Authority (Prdrndnya) of the Buddhist 
Agamas. By Louis be la YallIie Poussnr, 
M.R.A.S 368 

Abt. XY. — Buddhist Gnosticism, the System of Basilides. 

By J. Kenhkdy 877 

Abt. XVI. — Note on the Past Tense in Marathi. By Stbn 

KoNow 417 


1. A Rectification. By O. Le Stbakoe 423 

2. The term Sahampati. By IT. Wogihara 423 

3. Water {vatura) in Sinhalese. By Don M. be 


4. Two Old Manuscripts. By Lieut. -Col. G. BAinnKG, 

M.D., I.M.S. ••....• 426 

5. The word Kozola as used of Kadphises on Kushan 

Coins. By W. Hoby 428 

6. Buddhist Notes. By L. D. BAmrETT 480 

7. Kusinara. By V. A. Smith 431 

NoncBS OP Books. 

Welliak Wbight, LL.D., and Stai^ey Abthub Cook, 
M.A. A Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts 
preserved in the Library of the University of 
Cambridge. Eeviewed by D. S. Mabgoliouth . . 433 

F. EIiELHOBK. Bruchstiicke Indischer Schauspiele in 

Inschriften zu Ajmere. By Stek Eonow 434 

A. A. Macbonell. Sanskrit Grammar for Beginners. 

By C. M. BmnufG 440 

Albzanbeb S. Khakhakov. Ocherki po Istorii 

Gruziuskoi Slovesnosti. By W. R. Mobfill . . 442 

J. Shlbbn Willmobe, M.A. The Spoken Arabic of 

Egypt. By A. R. Guest 444 

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Aiabic Manual. By A. E. 461 

Dr. BsBTHOLD Lattfkr. Ein Siibngedicht der Bonpo. 

By C. M. Bidding 462 

Edwa&d Hebok- Allbn and Elizabbth Cttbtis Bbenton. 
The Lament of Baba Tahir, being the Baba^yat 
of Baba Tahir, Hamadkn! (*Uryan). By E. Q. B. 467 

Dr. Paul Hobn and Dr. C. Bbooeblmann. Die 
Litteraturen dee Ostens in Einzeldarstellungen. 
By E. G. B 469 

EoBSBT Ghalmebs, C.B., and Mabel Bode, Ph.D. : 
The Maj jhima-nikaya. Eabl EvesN NEUKAinir : 
Die Beden Gotamo Bnddho's ans der mittleren 
Sammlung (Majjhimanikayo) des Pali-KanonB. 
By C. A. F. Bars Davids 472 

Notes of thb Qttabteb. 

I. GoirrENTS of Fobsign Obiental Joubkals 486 

n. Obituabt Notices. 

Elias Johh Wilkinson Gibb. By E. G. B 486 

m. Notes and News. 

Lauriya-Nandangafh. By Vincent A. Smith .... 490 
Thirteenth Congress of Orientalists 490 

lY. Additions to the Libbabt 491 

List of Mekbebs 1>32 

Abt. XVII. — ^The Georgian Version of the Story of the 

Lores of Vis and Ramln. By Oliyeb Wabdbof 493 

Abi. XVni. — ^Description of Persia and Mesopotamia in 
the year 1340 a.d. from the Nuzhat-al-Xulub 
of Hamd-Allah Mustawfi, with a summary of 
the contents of that work. By G. Le Stbangb. 
(Part in.) 609 

Abi. XIX. — On the Mugdhavabodhamauktikay and its 
evidence as to Old Gujarat!. By G. A. Gbiebson, 
CLE., I.C.S 687 

Abi. XX. — ^A Comparative Vocabulary of Malayan Dialects. 

By C. Otto Blaqden 667 

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Abt. XXL — Account of a rare, if not unique, manuscript 
History of the Seljfiqs contained in the Schefer 
Collection lately acquired by the Biblioth^ue 
Nationale in Paris, and now described by Edwabb 
G. Bbowne, M.A., M.R.A.S. (Part I.) 

Abt. XXII. — Catalogue of the late Professor Fr. Max 
MiiUer's Sanskrit Manuscripts. Compiled by 
Don M. de Z. Wickbehasikohe 61 1 

Abt. XXIII.— Further Notes on the MSS. of the Turk! Text 

of Babar's Memoirs. By Aitnette S. Beyebidqb 653 


The Successor of Deva Ray a II. of Yijayanagara. 

By R. Simon 661 

Notices of Books. 

L. Cadi^ibe. Phonetique Annamite (Dialecte du 

Haut-Annam). Reviewed by S. W. B 666 

E. Luket de Lajonquiebe. Atlas Arch^ologique de 
rindo- Chine. Monuments du Champa et du 
Cambodge. By C. 0. Blagden 667 

C. M. MuLYANY, M.A., B.Litt. Translation from 

Urdu for Advanced Students 670 

AirroiNE Cabaton. NouveUes Recherches sur les 

Chams. By C. 0. Blagden 672 

Philip Edwabd Puset, M.A., and Geoeoe Henbt 
GwnxiAM, B.D. Tetraeuangelium Sanctum juxta 
simplicem S3nx)rum Yersionem ad fidem codicum, 
Massorae. By S. A. C 676 

P. De Lacy Johnstone, M.A., M.R.A.S. Muhammad 

and his Power. By S. A. C 680 

Annette S. Bevebidge. The History of Humayun 
(Humayun-nama) : by Gul Badan Begum. By 
F. Beames 681 

Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. Assyrian Deeds and 
Documents recording the Transfer of Property, 
et>c. Vol. III. By T. G. Pinches 682 

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Jadttitath Sarkab, M.A. The India of Aurangzeb. 

By Wm. Ibvine 687 . 

N. N. Ghose. Memoirs of Haharaja Nubkissen 

Bahadur. By Wm. Ibvine 692 


I. General Mebting8 of the Royal Asutic Society 697 

Anniversary Meeting 697 

II. Goktents of Foreign Oriental Journals ........ 717 

III. OBiruARY Notices. 

Professor Charles Rieu, Ph.D., M.A. By Edward 

G. Browne 718 

John Beames. By G. A. G 722 

L^N Peer 726 

IV. Notes and News 728 

V. Additions to the Library , 729 

Appendix : Report of the Royal Asiatic Society's Coronation 

Banquet 1-20 

Art. XXIV. — Description of Persia and Mesopotamia in 
the year 1340 a.d. from the Nuzhat-al-Kulub 
of PTamd-Allah Mustawfi, with a summary of 
the contents of that work. By G. Le Strange. 
(Part IV.) 733 

^ Abi. XXV.— Three Arabic MSS. on the History of the City 

of Mayyafariqin. By H. F. Amedroz 786 

Art. XXVI.— The RUalatu'UGhufran: by Abu'l-'Ala al- 
Ma'arri. Part II, including Table of Contents 
with Text and Translation of the Section on 
ZandaJca and of other passages. By Reynold A. 
Nicholson. (Part III.) 813 

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^Abt. XXVII. — ^Account of a rare, if not tmiqae, manuscript 
History of the Seljdqs contained in the Schefer 
Collection lately acquired by the BibliothSque 
Nationale in Paris, and now described by Edward ^ '^\ 
G. Bbowoti, M.A., M.R.A.8. (Part II.) TsW 

Am. XXVin.— The Author of the life of Shah Isma'Il 

Safavi. By H. Bevbbidge 889 

Abt. XXIX. — ^Zarathushtra and Heraclitus. By Professor 

Lawbbnce Mills 897 

Art. XXX. — ^Etymological Vocabulary of the Maldiyian 

Language. By Wilh. Gbioeb 909 

•^Abt. XXXI. — Historical Notes on South-East Persia. By 

Major P. MoLESwoBiH Stkes, C.M.G 939 


1. Mara in the guise of Buddha. By E. Habdt .. 951 

2. A Nltimanjarl Quotation. By A. B. Keith • . • . 956 

3. An Atlas of Ancient India. By J. C. Dxjtt 956 

Notices of Books. 

Major P. M. Sykes, C.M.G. Ten Thousand Miles in 

Persia, or Eight Years in Iran. By G. Le S. . . 959 

Notes of the Quaeteb. 

I. CoNTEiTTS OF EoEEiON Oeiental Joubnals 963 

II. Notes ajtd News 964 

III. Additions to the Libeaby 964 

Index 967 

Alphabetical List of Axtthobs. 

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Amedboz. Three Arabic M88. on the History of the City of 

Mayyafariqin 785 

Betebidge (H). An Unknown Work by Alblruni 833 

The Author of the Life of Shah Isma*!! Safav! . . 889 

(A. 8.). Further Notes on the MS8. of the Turk! 

Text of Babar's Memoirs 653 

Blaoden. a Gomparatiye Vocabulary of Malayan Dialects . 557 
Browne. Account of a rare, if not unique, manuscript 
History of the Seljuqs contained in the Schefer Col- 
lection lately acquired by the BibliothSque Nationale 

in Paris . . /. 567, 849 

BuHOBSs. The Great 8tupa at Sanchi-Kanakhe^a 29 

Geigeb. Etymological Vocabulary of the Maldivian Language 909 
Gbiebsoit. Vraca^a and 8indhl 47 

On the Mugdhavabodhamauktika, and its evidence 

as to Old Gujarat! 537 

Guest. A List of Writers, Books, and other Authorities 

mentioned by El Maqrizi in his Khitat 103 

Keskedy, Buddhist Gnosticism, the System of Basilides . . 377 
Kovow. Note on the Languages spoken between the Assam 

Valley and Tibet 127 

Note on the Past Tense in Marathl 417 

Le Stbanoe. Description of Persia and Mesopotamia in the 

year 1340 a.d. from the Nuzhat-al-Kulub of Hamd- 
Allah Mustawfi 49, 237, 509, 733 

Macdokali). Emotional Religion in Islam as affected by 

Music and Singing. (Part III.) 1 

Mabgoliouth. Abu*l-*Ala al-Ma^arrPs Correspondence on 

Vegetarianism : 289 

Mills. Zarathushtra and Heraclitus 897 

Nicholson. The RisalatuHGhufr&n \ by Abu'l-*Ala al- 
Ma*arr!. Part II, including Table of Contents with 
Text and Translation of the Section on Zandaka and 
of other passages 75, 337, 813 

PorissiK. On the Authority {Prdmdnya) of the Buddhist 

Agamas 363 

Smith. Kusinara, or Eulinagara, and other Buddhist Holy 

Places 139 

Vaisali 267 

Stkes. Historical Notes on South-East Persia 939 

Wabdbop. The Georgian Version of the Story of the Loves 

of Vis and Bamin 493 

WiCKBEMASiTfOHB. Catalogue of the late Professor Fr. Max 

Miiiler's Sanskrit Manuscripts 611 

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Art. I. — Etnotional Religion in Islam as affected b^ Music 
and Singing. Being a Translation of a Book of the Ihyd 
'Ulum ad-Dm of al-6hazzali with Analysis, Annotation, 
and Appendices. By Duncan B. Macdonald, Hartford, 

[ComUtrfnl fi'om p. 748, Ocfohn\ 1901.; 

We have now given the rule of the first stage concerning 
understanding what is heard and applying it ; and also the 
nde of the second stage concerning the ecstasy which is 
encountered in the heart ; so let us now give what of it 
oozes to the outside, consisting of cries and weeping and 
moyeoients and rending of clothes, etc. So we say 

The Third Stage of Hearing Music and Singing. 

We will give in it the laws of good conduct related to 
the hearing of music and singing internally and externally, 
and what of the traces of ecstasy is praised and what is 
blamed. The laws of good conduct are five. The first is 
showing regard for time, place, and company. Al-Junayd 
said, " Hearing has need of three things, and if they are 
not there, then do not hear; time, place, and company." 
His meaning is that there is no advantage in being occupied 

\ J.M.K.^. 190-i. 1 


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2 al-ghazzalI on music and ecstasy. 

with Hearing on an occasion when food is present, or on 
an occasion of discussion or of prayer, or of anything that 
turns away from emotion of the heart. This is the meaning 
of showing regard for time ; the hearer shows regard for 
his condition of emptiness as to the heart. And as for 
place, sometimes it is the heaten highway or a place whose 
appearance is disliked or where there is some cause which 
distracts the heart ; so he avoids that. And as for the 
company, its cause is that, whenever there is present one 
of a different nature, who dislikes Hearing, externally 
a devotee, poor in the subtil ties of hearts, he is found 
burdensome to the assembly and the heart is occupied with 
him. And so, too, when there is present one of the people 
of this world who magnifies himself, of whom a care must 
be taken and to whom regard must be shown ; or one of 
the people of Sfifiism who strains and feigns ecstasy, being 
hypocritical in ecstasy and in dancing and in tearing of 
clothes. All these things are disturbing, and it is fitter 
that the Hearing should be abandoned in the case of the 
lack of these three conditions. 

The conditions just mentioned are to be considered by 
the listener ; but the second law is a matter to be considered 
by those who are present. It is that the Shaykh, whenever 
beginners [^Murids'] are around him whom Hearing hurts, 
ought not to listen in their presence, and if he listens, let 
him occupy them in some other way. The beginner who 
is hurt by singing is one of three. The lowest of them 
in rank is he who does not attain in the Path ^ except to 
external works, and who has no taste for Hearing. So his 
being occupied with Hearing is his being occupied with 
what he does not know. For he is not of the people of 
sport that he should sport, nor of the people of taste that 
he should enjoy himself in Hearing ; so let him be occupied 
in praising and service, otherwise his time is wasted. The 
second is he who has taste for Hearing, but in him is 
a remainder of the fanciful desires [huzuz'] and a turning 
to lusts and fleshly qualities, and he is not yet subdued 
' Tariqa ; sec note in Life^ p. 89. 

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with such a subduing that there is safety from his wicked- 
nesses. Then, often, Hearing arouses in him a summoner 
to sport and lust ; and so his path is cut o£f, and his way 
to perfection is barred. The third is that his lust should 
have been broken and there be safety from his wickedness, 
and his perception have been opened and the love of God 
Most High rule over his heart ; but he be not wise in the 
external part of science, and does not know the names and 
the qualities of God Most High and what is allowable with 
regard to Him and what is impossible. Then, whenever 
the gate of Hearing is opened he applies what is heard to 
what is allowable and to what is not allowable with regard 
to God Most High ; so his hurt from such thoughts as are 
unbelief is greater than his advantage from the Hearing. 
SahP said, "Every ecstasy to which the Book and the 
Sunna do not witness is false.'' And for such a one as 
this. Hearing is not good, nor for him whose heart is yet 
soiled with the love of this world and the love of praise 
and glory, nor for him who listens for the sake of the 
pleasure and to find delight in the impression. Then that 
becomes a custom to him and diverts him from his religious 
duties and from regard for his heart ; and his path is cut 
oflF. So Hearing is a slippery place for the foot; from it 
the weak should be kept. Al-Junayd said: "I saw Iblis 
in sleep and said to him, ' Dost thou gain the mastery over 
any of our comrades in anything ? ' He said, * Yes, on 
two occasions ; on occasion of Hearing and on occasion of 
theological speculation [nqzarl, for I go in to them thereat.* " 
Then said one of the Shaykhs, " If I had seen him I would 
have said to him, * How foolish thou art ! One who hears 
from Him when He hears, and speculates about Him when 
he speculates, how canst thou gain the mastery over him P ' " 
Then said al- Junayd, " Thou hast spoken truth." 

The third law is that he should be attentive to what 
the speaker says, present in heart, turning aside little, 
guarding himself from gazing upon the faces of those who 
are listening and upon what they exhibit of states of ecstasy, 

^ 8ahl at-Tustari ; see note 1 on p. 252 (1901). 

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absorbed in himself and in the guarding of his own heart 
and in the treasuring of what God Most High opens to 
him of His mercy in his secret heart, keeping himself from 
a movement that would disturb the hearts of his comrades. 
He should be in external rest, still in his extremities, 
holding himself from coughing or yawning. And he should 
sit with bent head as he would sit in thought that absorbed 
his heart, restraining himself from hand - clapping and 
leaping and the rest of the movements used to work up 
the emotions and make a hypocritical show, silent in the 
intervals of the recitation from such conversation as can 
be avoided. Then if ecstasy overcome him and move him 
without his volition, he is excusable in regard to it and 
not blameworthy. But whenever volition returns to him 
let him return to his stillness and to his repose ; it is not 
incumbent on him that he should seek to prolong his ecstasy 
out of shame, lest it should be said, ** His ecstasy was soon 
cut short," nor that he should constrain himself to an 
ecstasy, out of fear, lest it should be said, ** He is hard of 
heart, lacking in purity and softness." It is related that 
a youth used to accompany al-Junayd, and whenever he 
heard aught of the mention of God he would cry out. 
Then al- Junayd said to him, " If you do that another time, 
you shall not accompany me." And thereafter he kept 
putting pressure upon himself until from every hair of him 
there would drip a drop of water, and he did not cry out. 
And it is related that he choked one day through the 
force of the pressure upon hira and sobbed a single sob> 
and his heart broke and he died. 

And it is related on tradition that Mus^ was telling 
traditional stories ^ among the Banu IsraTl, and one of them 
rent his dress or his shirt. And God Most High revealed 
to MQs^, **Say to him, 'Rend for me thy heart and rend 
not thy dress.' " - 

1 Qoffa ; on the professional qa^d^ and the practice of qa»^^ set' Gold/.iher 
in ZDMO., xxviii, p. 320. 

- Joel, ii, 13 ; Moses is a bad shot even far a Muslim, but th^^ whok^ thin^^ i.s^ 
a jrood example of Oriental incuriosity. 

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Abu-l-Qusim an-Nasrabadhi ^ said to Abu *Amr b. Najid,* 
" I say that whenever the people gather together, and there 
is with them a reciter of poems who recites, it is better 
for them than that they should talk slander." Then said 
Abii 'Amr, " Hypocrisy in regard to Hearing — and it is that 
you should show in yourself a state that is not in you — 
is worse than that you should talk slander thirty years or 

And if you should say, " Is the more excellent he whom 
Hearing does not move and upon whom it does not make 
an impression or he upon whom it appears ? " Then know 
that the lack of external appearance is at one time on 
account of weakness of the visitant [wdrid'} that springs 
from Hearing, and that is defeat ; and at another time it 
is in spite of strength of ecstasy, but motion does not 
appear on account of perfect strength in control of the 
limbs, and that is perfection. And, at another time, it is 
on account of the state of ecstasy inhering in and being 
part of all the states. Then an increase of impression does 
not show itself on occasion of Hearing, and that is the 
utmost degree of perfection. For the ecstasy of him who 
has ecstasy in most states does not last, but he who is in 
a lasting ecstasy is applying himself assiduously and 
constantly to the Truth, and is clinging to the essence of 
Witnessing. Then such a one the occurrence of the states 
does not change. And it is reasonable to suppose that 
what is pointed to in the saying of as-Siddlq, "We were 
like you ; then our hearts became hardened," is our hearts 
became powerful and were strengthened, and became able 
to cling constantly to ecstasy in all states while we are 
hearing the thoughts of the Qur'an continually ; and the 
Qur'an is not new with regard to us nor fresh upon us 
so that we should be a£fected by it. So, then, the force of 
ecstasy moves the external manifestations, and the force of 
reason and self-restraint controls them, and sometimes the 

* Abu-l-Qasim Ibrahim b. Muhammad an-Na^rabadhi ; d. 369. Al-Qush., 
p. 36 ; Lawaqlhy i, p. 97. 
- Abu ♦Amr isma*!! b. Na jid ; d. 366. AI-Qush., p. 36. 

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one of them oyercomes the other either on account of the 
vehemence of its force or on account of the weakness of 
what opposes it, and it is defeat or perfection in accordance 
with that. Then think not that he who throws himself 
upon the ground in agitation is more perfect as to ecstasy 
than he who is still and does not agitate himself ; yea, often 
he who is still is more perfect as to ecstasy than he who is 
in agitation. Al-Junayd, in his novitiate, was wont to be 
moved through Hearing; then he came not to be moved, 
and people spoke to him about that. He said, ''And thou 
seest the hills, thou thinkest them Jirrn, but they shall pass 
away even as the clouds j^f^ss away — a tcork of Qod who hath 
made eve)*ything perfect'' [Qur., xxvii, 90]. This points 
to the fact that the heart may be agitated, circling in the 
invisible world [tnalakutl, and the limbs externally well 
disciplined and at rest. And Abu-1-Hasan Muhammad b. 
Ahmad ^ said — he was in al-Basra — "I companied with 
Sahl b. *Abd Allah sixty years, and I never saw him change 
at a thing which he heard of mention of God or from the 
Qur'an. And when he was at the end of his life a man 
recited before him, And on this day there shall not be taken 
a ransom from you [Qur., Ivii, 14], and the rest of the 
verse. Then I saw him tremble and almost fall. And 
when he returned to himself I asked him about that. 
And he said, 'Yes, my beloved, we have grown weak.* And 
so, too, one time he heard the saying of Him Most High, 
The kingdom on that day shall rerily belong to the Coin- 
passionate One [Qur., xxv, 28] ; then he was agitated. And 
Ibn Salim,^ one of his companions, questioned him, and he 
said, * I have grown weak.' Then they said to him, * If 
this springs from weakness, what is strength of state ? ' 
He said, 'That there should not come upon one a visitant 
[trdrw/] without his meeting it with the strength of his state ; 
then the visitants do not change him, although they are 
powerful.' " And the cause of that strength in controlling 

^ Abu-l-Husayn (so the SM.) Muhammad b. Ahmad : d. 387. Sec Ibu 

ball., iii, pp. 21 f. 

2 Ibn Salim ; see note 3 on p. 203 (April, 1901). 

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the external parts in spite of the presence of ecstasy, is 
equality .of the states in constant clinging to witnessing; 
as it has been related concerning Sahl that he said, ''My 
condition before prayer and after it is one " ; for he was 
a regarder of the heart, present in recollection with God 
Most High in every state. And thus he was before Hearing, 
and after it, since his ecstasy was abiding and his thirst 
enduring and his drinking continuous, inasmuch as Hearing 
had no effect in increasing his ecstasy, like as it is 
related that Mimshadh ad-Ulnawar! came upon a company, 
among whom was a reciter of poems, and they became 
silent. But he said, "Return to what you were about, 
for even though you gathered all the musical instruments 
of the world in my ears, my meditation would not be 
disturbed, nor would aught appear of what is in me," And 
al-Junayd said, " Defect of ecstasy does not hurt when 
there is abundance of science, and abundance of science is 
more powerful than abundance of ecstasy." But if you 
say, " Why does such a one as this attend Hearing?" know 
that some of these abandoned Hearing in the perfection of 
their strength, and were wont to attend only occasionally 
in order to assist one of the brethren and to cause joy to 
enter his heart. And often he would attend that the people 
might perceive the completeness of his power and know 
that completeness is not in external ecstasy; then that 
they might learn from him the control of the external 
through application, though they might be unable to imitate 
him in his becoming a model to them. And if their being 
present fell with other than people of this kind, they were 
with them with their bodies, but distant from them with 
their hearts and what is within ; just as they might sit, apart 
from Hearing, with other than their kind for accidental 
causes which required such sitting with them. Then some 
copied from these the abandoning of Hearing, thinking 
that the cause of their abandoning it was that they were 
able to do without it through what we have mentioned. 
And some of them belonged to the ascetics, and had no 
spiritual part \hazz ruhani] in Hearing, and were not of 

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the people of sport, and so abandoned it that they might 
not be distracted through what did not concern them.^ 
And some abandoned it for lack of brethren. It was said 
to one, " Why do you not Hear P " He said, " From whom 
and with whom P " 

The fourth law is that he should not rise up or raise his 
voice in weeping while he is able to restrain himself. Yet 
if he dance or force weeping, that is allowable whenever he 
does not intend hypocrisy by it ; for forcing weeping induces 
grief and dancing is a cause of joy and liveliness. And the 
moving of every allowable joy is permissible ; if it were 
unlawful ' A'isha would not have looked on at the Abyssinians 
with the Apostle of God while they were * kicking out.' * 
That is 'A'isha's expression in some traditions, and it has 
been handed down from a number of the Companions that 
they hopped when a joy befell them which called for that. 
It is in the story of Ibna Hamza^ when there disputed 
about her 'All b. Abl Talib and his brother Ja'far^ and 
Zayd b. Haritha, and they contended together jealously as to 
her rearing. Then the Prophet said to 'All, "Thou art 
of me and I am of thee/' and 'Ali hopped ; and he said to 
Ja'far, " Thou resemblest me outwardly and inwardly," and 
he hopped behind the hopping of 'All ; and he said to Zayd, 
" Thou art our brother and our freedman," and he hopped 
behind the hopping of Ja'far. Then the Prophet said, "She 
belongs to Ja'far, for her maternal aunt is his wife, and 
the maternal aunt is the same as the mother." And in 

' Here al-Ghazzal! and those like bim appear to be opposed to simple ascetics. 
Such ascetics are incapable of higher spiritual life and gain nothing by muuc and 
singing; they do not belong to *' the people of the heart." Further, they are 
opposed to recreation and light things generally ; not seeing what may be got 
from them, they consider them vain. 

* y ZFN. It means in the first instance * to kick or push with the leg,' and 
there is a tradition of Fatima that she used to do this to al- Hasan in the sense of 
* dance to him.' The tradition runs, Kanat tazfinu lil-^asan ; and Lane, 
Lexicon^ 1237r, so translates it. But in the Lisan, xvii, p. 08, 1. 13, it is 
explained with turaqqifuhu^ i.e. ^ she would dandle him,' ttiat is, make him 
dance or leq> (nazzathu) in her lap. See on this latter sense of ZFN Goldziher 
in the Wiener Zeitachrift, ii, 164 ff. ; he there equates raqqofa with zaffana (in 
the II stem), but I cannot ficd in the lexicons anything but the I. 

' Ibna Hamza b. 'Abd al-Mnttalib; see an-Naw., p. 867, and Ibn Qut., 
p. 60, 1. 14. 

* For Ja'far see an-Naw., pp. 192 flF., and note 7 on p. 203 ; and for Zayd, 
pp. 260 ff. 

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a tradition it is said that he said to 'A'isha, ** Wouldst thou 
like to look at the kicking ont ? " and * kicking out ' and 
' hopping * are dancing. And that takes place on account 
-of a pleasure or a yearning, and the law applicable to it is 
the law applicable to that which rouses it. If the pleasure 
^hich causes dancing is praiseworthy, and the dancing 
increases and strengthens it, then the dancing is praise- 
worthy. And if the one is permissible, then the other is 
permissible, and if blameworthy, blameworthy. Yet it is 
true that the practice of dancing does not befit the station 
of notable people or people who set an example, because, 
for the most part, it springs from sport and play, and that 
which has the aspect of play and sport in the eyes of the 
people should be avoided by him whose actions are imitated 
in order that he may not become small in the eyes of the 
people and they should leave off imitating him. 

And as to the tearing up of garments, there is no 
indulgence for it except when the matter passes beyond the 
control of volition. It is reasonable to suppose that ecstasy 
may overcome one so that he will tear his garment and yet 
not know it from the force of the intoxication of ecstasy 
which is on him. Or he may know it, but he is like one 
who is constrained and unable to control himself. Then he 
presents the appearance of one who is forced to do a thing 
though disliking it ; since there is for him in moving or 
tearing a means of taking, breath, and he is forced to it as 
a sick man is forced to groan. And though he were to 
impose patience upon himself as to it, he would not be able 
to control it in spite of its being a free-will action. For 
man is not able to abandon every action whose occurrence 
depends upon intention ; taking breath is an action whose 
occurrence depends upon intention, but if a man imposed 
upon himself that he would hold breath he would be com- 
pelled from within him to will taking breath. So, too, is 
crying out ; and tearing of garments sometimes happens 
in this way ; then it is not to be described as forbidden. 
They spoke in the presence of as-Sarl of the occurrence of 
extreme overwhelming ecstasy, and he said, "Yes, the face 

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10 al-ghazzalI on music and ecstasy. 

of one may be struck with a sword and lie not know it."^ 
Then they disputed with him about it and found it strange 
that ecstasy should reach such a point, but he persisted and 
would not abandon his view that in some states this point 
was sometimes reached by some individuals. 

And if you ask, " Then what do you say as to the tearing 
of new garments on the part of Sufis after the ecstasy has- 
subsided and the Hearing is over, for they tear them in 
little pieces and distribute them to the people and call them 
khirqa ? " * Know that that is permissible whenever it is- 
tom into square pieces useful to patch garments and prayer* 
carpets for the kirbds* is torn up that the qamt§ may be 
sewn together from it. And that is not waste, for it i& 
tearing for a purpose. So, too, the patching of garments 
is only possible by means of little pieces, and that is an 
object ; and the dividing to the multitude that the benefit 
may be general is an allowable object. Every king is 
required to divide his kirbds into one hundred pieces and 
give to one hundred poor people,^ but it is necessary that 
the pieces shall be such that they can be made useful in 
patching. And in Hearing we prevent only that tearing 
which spoils the garment, destroying part of it so that it 
does not remain capable of use. That is pure waste, and 
is not lawful when it happens by free will. 

The fifth law of good breeding is agreement of the people 

* The khirqa means first a rajj^ or scrap of cloth, nud secoudly the mantlo <»t 
a da^wI^h. It seems to be apphed to the mantle as made up of such shreds 
patched togetlier. The tearing up and distributing is to distribute the blessing 
that is supposed to cleave to them from having been >vom by someone in an 
especially blessed state. So the garments of saints acquire miraculous powers ;. 
compare Elijah's mantle. 

^ The SM. describes the kirbai as a rough thick garment. But that is not 
at all suitable here, and the other and common meaning of kitbasy a piece ot 
cotton cloth, is much better. See Lane, tub voce, ana especially the Lisan, 
viii, pp. lb f., where a tradition is quoted speaking of a qamU, or shirt, made 
of karablSf the plural of kirbas. 

* As a garment the kirbiis is Persian, and we have probably here a Persian 
custom. 1 know nothing of it, and the SM., of course, gives no explanation. 
But compare the seizing, tearing to pieces, and distribution of the pieces of the 
jubba of the kha{lb ynho pronounces the khttfba at the Mi'raj festival in modern 

Mecca. It is described oy Snouck-Hurgronje in his Mekka, ii, pp. 71 f. He 
refers to the Berlin Zeitschrijt fur Ethnologie^ 1888, p. 112, where it is described 
how the Riff Arabs similarly tear to pieces the burmh of the Sul^n. 

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in rising up when one of them rises up in a true ecstasy 
without hypocrisy and strives ; or rises up by choice without 
exhibiting ecstasy^ and the company rises up to him. Fof 
there must be agreement because agreement belongs to the 
laws of comradeship. So, too, if it is the custom of a party 
to throw off the turban in agreement with him who is in 
ecstasy whenever his turban falls off, or to pull off garments 
whenever his garment has fallen off him through tearing, 
then agreement in these things belongs to good comradeship 
and social intercourse, since disagreement is churlishness 
and every people has a usage of its own. We must "consort 
with people according to their qualities" — as has come 
down in the tradition — especially when they are qualities 
containing good-fellowship and courteous treatment and 
soothing of the heart with lielp. And someone may say, 
" Lo, that is an innovation [^bid*a'] ; the Companions did not 
do so." But everything judged allowable is not derived 
from the Companions. What is to be guarded against is 
committing an innovation which abandons a Sunna handed 
down from one to another ; but forbidding a thing is not 
to be deduced from this. Rising up on the entrance of 
anyone was not a custom of the Arabs ; yea, the Companions 
did not rise up for the Apostle of God under some conditions, 
as Anas- has narrated.^ But since there is not established 
a general prohibition of it, we do not see any harm in it 
in those countries where it is a custom to honour him who 
enters by standing up ; for its object is to show respect and 
to honour and to soothe the heart. So, too, it is with the 
other kinds of help when they have as object to soothe the 
heart and are adopted as usage by a company of people. 
Then there is no harm in their helping in these ; yea, the 
best of things is help, except in a thing with regard to 
which there has come down a direct prohibition, insusceptible 
of explanation [ta'will. 

And it belongs to good breeding that no one should arise 

* On not rising to meet viiiiton!. as a aimna, et. the lite of *iVli b. MaymQn 
in ZDMG.y xxviii, p. 300. *Ali refused to rij<e to meet anyone, as he wa« 
a zealous upholder of tninnn in all details. 

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to dance with people if his dancing is considered sluggish 
and inert, lest he should disturb their states for them. For 
dancing without ecstasy is allowable, and a striver to show 
ecstasy is one in whom the trace of straining is evident 
to the company. And in the case of him who rises up 
in sincerity, whom you would not think sluggish and 
inert in nature, the hearts of those present, if they are 
possessors of hearts, are a touchstone of sincerity and 
of straining. One of them was asked concerning sound 
ecstasy, and he said, ** Its soundness is the acceptance of 
it by the hearts of those present when they are likes and 
not opposites." ^ 

Then if you say, " But what about that disposition which 
turns aside from dancing, does it rush erroneously to its 
opinion that dancing is lying, vain, and contrary to the 
Faith, while he that is vehement in the Faith never sees 
dancing without blaming it ? " then know that there is no 
vehemence that is greater than the vehemence of the Apostle 
of God, and he saw the Abyssinians kicking out in the 
Mosque and did not blame what they were doing, because 
it was at a suitable time, that is, a time of Festival, and on 
the part of suitable individuals, that is, Abyssinians. It is 
true that some dispositions turn aside from it, because it is 
seen for the most part in combination with vanity and play, 
and vanity and play are allowable, but only for the common 
people of the Zanj and Abyssinians and their like, while they 
are disliked in those who are notable people because they 
do not befit them. But it is not lawful to describe as 
forbidden what is disliked because it does not befit the 
position of a person of note. If one asked a poor man for 
something, and he gave him a cake of bread, that would be 
a praiseworthy gift ; but if he asked a king and he gave 
him a cake of bread or two cakes of bread, that would be 
blameworthy in the sight of all men and would be written 

^ The seuse apparently is tlmt the dancer in an ecstasy {wajd) is liglit and 
brisk in his movements, but he who is trying to bring on an ecstasy (fmitawqfid) 
is heavy and clumsy. The sincerity' of the mutnwajid can only be judged by the 
insight of those present. 

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in books of history as of the number of his evil deeds, and 
his posterity and adherents would be upbraided with it. 
But, in spite of that, it is not lawful that what he did 
shoald be forbidden, since he, inasmuch as he gave bread 
to the poor man, was beneficent, but inasmuch as, in relation 
to his position, it was like refusing in relation to the poor 
man, his action is to be considered vile. So, too, it is with 
dancing and tho class of permissible things that follow the 
same rule. "The permissible deeds of common people are^ 
the evil deeds of pious people, and the good deeds of pious 
people are the evil deeds of archangels." * But this is when 
we take account of relationship to different positions, and 
whenever the thing is looked at as it is in itself, the sentence 
must be passed that in it, as it is in itself, there is nothing 
forbidden — and God knows best.^ 

It follows from all that has preceded, sectionwise, that 
listening to Music and Singing is sometimes absolutely 
forbidden and sometimes permissible and sometimes disliked 
and sometimes to be loved. It is forbidden to the most of 
mankind, consisting of youths and those whom the lust of 
this world controls so that Music and Singing arouse in 
them only that which has control of their hearts, consisting 
of blameworthy qualities. And it is disliked with reference 
to him who, it is true, does not apply it to the form of 
created things, but in whose case a habit which he has 
leads him on most occasions on the path of vain sport. And 
it is allowed with reference to him who has no delight in 
it except the taking pleasure in beautiful sounds. And it is- 
loved with reference to him whom the love of God Most 
High controls and in whom Music and Singing arouse only 
praiseworthy qualities. The Praise belongeth to God alone, 
and His Benediction be upon Muhammad and his Family ! 

* The uftcn quott'd saving of Abu Sa*i(l al-Kharruz ; .*H*e ou him note 2 
on p. 713(1901). 

^ This phrase generallv implies aime grain of doubt in the mind of its user 
as to the correctness of wnat he has just said. But the SM. notes that here it 
is Hied lit't«harrttk, for the sake of gaining a blessing, i.e., al-Ghazzali had no 
doubt as t<» the truth of his conclusion, but addeiV the f«)nnula on general 

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14 al-ghazzalT on music and ecstasy. 


Chronological Table. 

In the following table the life of al-Ghazzall is exhibited 
in outline as a part of the history of his time. For a fuller 
statement of his life and views, I would refer to my article 
in the Journal of the An^erican Oriental Society, vol. xx, 
1899, pp. 71-132. The sketch which I give here can 
only be suggestive, but its suggestiveness can hardly be 
exaggerated. A year before the birth of this man, who 
was to be the restorer of faith in his age, died Abu-l-*Ala 
al-Ma*arri, the great and only poet of scepticism in 
Arabic literature. In the year itself of his birth died 
al-Mawardi, the master of constitutional law ; in his lifetime 
al-Ghazzall was to see the empire of the Seljuqs shrivel 
up and the Khalifate move nearer to its end. When he 
was fifteen died al-QushayrI, who had done so much to 
formulate Suflism ; he was to carry on "his work. In his 
earliest youth had fallen the momentous exile of Abu-1- 
Ma'all at Mecca, and the death of the same in 478 was 
a turning-point in his life. A year later, while he was with 
Nizam al-Mulk, the battle of az-Zalaqa in Spain marked 
an epoch in the history of the Muslim West. Again, 
two years later, Nasir b. Khusru died, poet, traveller, 
philosopher ; he stands beside al - QushayrI and 'IJmar 
Khayyam for diflTerent phases of the mysticism and thought 
of the time. But a little later again — al-Ghazzali was still 
with Nizam al-Mulk — Islam received two great blows; 
Hasan b. as-Sabbah seized Alamut, and the power of the 
Assassins stood firm for a century and a half until the Mongol 
wave under Hulagu swept unchecked to the Mediterranean ; 
in the same year Malta was taken by the Normans, never 
to be held again by Islam. Now events crowd on, in all of 
which al-6hazzalr had some part or with which he had some 

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connection. Nizam al-Mulk and Malik Shah fall under 
the dagger; the Assassins are showing their teeth. The 
unending civil war that marks the decadence of a Muslim 
state appears ; Bargiyaruq becomes Great Seljuq. Jerusalem 
is lost, first to the Fatimids, and by them to the Crusaders ; 
the first Crusade has begun. In the year of its fall passes 
away, too, that hammer of Islam and Christendom alike, 
El Cid Campeador. In 504 dies al-Kiya, an old fellow-pupil, 
and, in the eyes of many of his time, a greater scholar; 
a year more and al-Ghazzall himself ends his short and 
troubled life: posterity has long since settled what place 
each shall hold. He had seen the star of the Murabit empire 
rise and wax ; if he had lived out the ordinary life of man 
he might have seen it wane. Nineteen years after him died 
Ibn Tumart, the Mahdl of the Muwahhids. Another fourteen 
years and az-Zamakhshari went his way, often and wrongly 
called the last of the Mu'tazilites ; their creed in diflTering 
forms survived for many a long year the polemic of al- 
OhazzalT. In the field of letters he had as contemporaries, 
more or less, al-Jawallqi the lexicographer, Nasir b. Ehusru 
and *Umar Khayyam, al-BakrI the geographer, at-Tughra'i 
the learned scribe, wazir, and soi-disant poet (has not his 
Lamiyatu-l-*Ajam enjoyed more European editions than any 
other piece of Arabic verse ?), al-Hariri, the master of ornate 
prose and artificial verse, and al-Maydaui of the proverbs. 
But a little after him died al-Baghawi, who first redacted 
the Tradition Books of the Six into practical and edifying 
form, and ash-Shahrastani, who has laid before us with rare 
objectivity the religious world of his day and horizon. It 
was an age of summing up ; of compendium s and systems. 
Meanwhile, in Europe, Hastings is lost and won when 
al-Ohazzall has seen eight years ; Hildebrand is running 
his great career and nourishing his vast dreams; he loves 
righteousness and hates iniquity, and dies in exile in the 
same year that the Imam al-Haramayn passes tranquilly 
away in the circle of his disciples. Berengerius and 
Laniranc confront one another while al-Ghazzali is wrestling 
with the theology of the schools and raising the clouds that 

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16 al-ghazzalT on misk am> kcstasy. 

are to overshadow his faith. But as he passes from under 
the shadow a new life springs in Europe as well. Anselm^ 
the father of scholasticism, has died, and the university of 
Bologna is founded ; Abelard teaches at Paris ; we pass from 
the Cur Dem Homo to the Sic et Non. In Abelard there i& 
much to remind us of al-6hazzall — his keen questioning and 
sceptical mind ; but there is more in his great opponent, 
St. Bernard of Clairvaux, with his faith, his yearnings 
upward, and his raptures. If we can conceive of an Abelard 
developing into a Bernard, we have the life of al-Ghazzall. 
Such was the Europe of which the Muslim knew nothing ; 
he could have known Christendom only under shield on the 
plains of Syria. 

449. Abfi-l-'Ala al-Ma'arrl d. 
450. Al'Qhazznli horn at Tus: al-Qii'im being Khalifa; 
Tughril Beg, Great Seljuq ; al-Mustansir, Fatimid 
Khalifa. Abu-t-Tayyib at-Tabarl d. al-MiiwardI d. 
452. Abu Ishaq ash-ShlrazI d. 

Exile of Imam al-IIaramayn at Mecca ; lasted till 456. 
455 is). 

[458. Battle of Hastings, a.d. 1066.] 
460 (/o). 

465 (/j). 465-485. Malik Shah, Great Seljuq ; al-Qushayri 
d. ; al-Jawallql d. Al-Gh, at Tus, Jufydn, Tus, 
Naysdhur till 478. 
467. Al-MuqtadI Khalifa. 
[Submission to Pope at Canossa, a.d. 1076.] 
Investigation of theological dijf'erencef< began ichen he was 
under 20 ; brohe tcith taqlid from earliest youth. 
470 {20). 

[Berengerius and Lanfranc] 
476 {2S). 

477. Al-Farmadi, pupil of al-Qushayrl and teacher of 
al-Gh. in Sufiism, d. 

478. Imam al-Haramayn d. Rab. ii; aUGh, goes to 
attend Nizam al-Mulk. [Hildebrand d. a.d. 1085.] 

479. Battle of az-Zalaqa in Spain. 

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480 (jo). 480-500. Yusuf b. Tashfin al-Murabit. 
481. Nasir b. Khusru d. 
Scepticism ? 
Studied theology ? 

483. Hasan b. as-Sabbah seizes Alamiit. 
[Malta taken by the Normans, a.d. 1091.] 

484. Appointed to teach in Madrasa at Baghddd. Almost 
three years studying philosophy; beginning 483 to 
beginning 487 P 

485 (jj). Nizam al-Mulk assassinated Ramadan 10. Thirty- 
five days thereafter Malik Shah assassinated. 

487. Al-Mustazhir Ehallfa Muh. 15 ; Bargiyaruq Great 
Seljuq; al-Musta'li Fatimid Khalifa; al-Oh. studied 
Ta*ltmites and wrote the Mustaxhirl ; al-BakrI, the 
geographer, d. 

488. Left Baghdad in Dhu-l-Oa'da aftei* delay of six 
months, i.e. from Bajab. 

In Syria almost ttco years^ i.e. to end of 490; Damascus, 
Jerusalem, Hebron, Mecca, Medina. 

490 {40). Sinjar Governor of Khurasan for his brother 
Bargiyaruq ; Abu-1-Fath Nasr al-MaqdisI d. 

491. Capture of Antioch by Crusaders ; Jerusalem taken 
by Fatimids from Seljuqs. 

492. Sha'ban, capture of Jerusalem by Crusaders. 
[Death of the Cid, a.d. 1099.] 

496 (4S)' ^^ years passed in retreat at different places ; tvrote 
Ihya and other books ; was preacher at Baghdad and 
taught Ihya ; al-Amir Fatimid Khalifa. 

498. Bargiyaruq d. Rab. ii. 

499. Al'Oh. returns to active life at Naysdbur in DhU-l- 

600 (50). 500-537. 'All b. Yusuf al-Murabit; Fakhr 
al-Mulk assassinated, Muh. 10 ; al-Khawafi d. ; 
al'Oh. writes Munqidh after 500. 

[University of Bologna P] 

[Anselm d. a.d. 1109.] 

604. Al-Kiyad. 

J.&.A.S. 1902. 2 

Digitized by 



505 (sj). AUOh, d. Monday, 14 Jumddd IL 

507. Abu Bakr ash-Sbashi d. 

[Abelard at Paris, a.d. 1115.] 
510. Ash-Shabrastani in Bagbdad. 

511-552. Sinjar Great Seljuq. 

512. Al-Mustarsbid Kballfa. 

[Order of Knights of the Temple founded, a.d. 1118.] 
515. 'Umar al-Kbayyam d. ; at-Tugbra*I d. 

516. Al-Harlrl d. ; al-Baghawi d. 

518. Hasan b. as-Sabbab d. ; al-Maydan! d. 
520. Ahmad al-Ghazzali d. ; at-fartusbl d. 

524. Al-HafizFatimid Khalifa'; Ibn Tumart d. 
525. [Bernard of Clairvaux flourished.] 

528. Asb-Shabrastani d. 

529. Ar-Easbid Khalifa ; 'Abd al-Gbafir d. 
530. Al-Muqtafi Khalifa. 

533. As-Salm! d. 

538. Az-Zamakhsharl d. 

The Name al-Ghazzali. 

The name is at present usually written in the East, 
al-Ghazzall ; but since the publication of Ibn Khallikan's 
biographical dictionary, in which (vol. i, p. 80, of de Slane's 
translation) it seems to be asserted that Ibn as-Sam*ani in bis 
Ansdb wrote al-Ghazali, Western Arabists have inclined to 
follow his authority. Added to this there was other evidence, 
stray references, notes on the margin of manuscripts, and the 
like ; see Fliigel in ZDMG., xvi, 691 ; Fleischer's notes in 
Cat codd. M8S. orr. bibl, reg. Dread,, p. 94, and Cat. libb. 
M8S. bibl. sen. Lips., p. 366. The publication of the Tqf 
al'* Arils by the Sayyid Murtada, and of his commentary on 

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the Ihydy has, however, added much to the evidence, and 
somewhat changed its bearing. 

In the Taj (vol. viii, p. 44, 11. 19 ff.) the SM. writes :— 
" Ghazala is one of the villages of X^s, it is said. And to 
it is referred the nisba of the Imam Abu Hamid al-Ghazali, 
according to an-Nawawfs statement in the Tibydn. But 
Ibn al-AthIr said that the form with takhflf is not the 
known form, and he approved of taahdid in it. And it 
is referred as a niaba to ghazzdl, a seller of spun yam; or 
it is related to al- ghazzdl according to the usage of the 
people of Khwarizm and Jurjan, as aU*a§§dri is related to 
al-'assdr. As-Subki and Ibn Elhallikan and Ibn Shuhba 
spread that view." 

Here there is no mention of Ibn as-Sam'ani. An-Nawaw! 
(d. 676) spells with one z, and refers to this asserted village. 
Ibn al-Athir {*lzz ad -Din, the author of the Lubdb, the 
basis of as - Suyiiti's Lubb al - lubdh^ d. 630), on the other 
hand, prefers tashdid. Then Ibn as-Subkl (the author of 
the Tabagdt, d. 771), Ibn Khallikan (d. 681), and Ibn 
Shuhba (Taqi ad-Din Abu Bakr, d. 850) spread the view 
that ghazzdh was to be explained by the custom of the people 
of Khwarizm and Jurjan to use the measure /a^a/t instead of 
fa^'dl. Evidently in the SM.'s copy of Ibn Khallikan there 
was no mention of as-Sam'anI ; it is only in the autograph 
manuscript, and there as a marginal note. 

In the introduction to the commentary on the Ihyd (vol. i, 
p. 18) there is a section on this nisba : — ** The author of the 
Tuhfa al-Irshdd says, deriving from an-Nawawi in the 
DaqaOg ar-Rau:da, * Tashdid in al-Ghazzall is the known form 
which Ibn al-Athir mentioned, but it has reached us that he 
(i.e. an-Nawawi) said that it was a nisba to Ghazala with 
takhflf, one of the villages of Tus.' I (the SM.) say that so 
an-Nawawi mentions it also in the Tibydn. And adh- 
Dhahab! (d. 748) said in the ^Ibar, and Ibn Khallikan in the 
Ta'rikh, that it was a custom of the people of Khwarizm and 
Jurjan to say al-qa^^dri and al^habbdrt with ya in both ; so 
they referred the nisba to ghazl, and said al-ghazzdli, and like 
that is ash'Shahhdmh Ibn as-Sam'ani (d. 562) also pointed 

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20 al-ghazzIli on music and ecstasy. 

to that and denied the takhflfy and said, ' I asked the people 
of Tus concerning this village and they denied its existence ; 
the addition of the ya, they said, was for strengthening/ 
And according to the annotation of some of our shaykhs it is 
to distinguish between a nisha referring to the trade itself 
and a nuha referring to someone whose trade it was. This 
is plain in the case of al-Ghazzall, for he was not of those 
who span wool and sold it ; that was only the trade of his 
&ther and grandfather. But in the Misbdh (finished 734) 
of al-Fayyumi is a statement that defends takhftf and 
involves that Ghazala is a village in Tus, and that the nisha 
of the Imam Abu Hamid refers to it. He says, ' That was 
related to me by the shaykh Majd ad-Din b. Muhammad 
b. Abi-t-Tahir Sharwanshan b. Abi-l-Fada'il Fakhrawar 
b. 'Ubayd Allah b. Sitt al.Muna(?) bint Abi Hamid 
al-Ohazali at Baghdad in the year 710. He said to me, 
" The people have erred in writing our ancestor's name with 
tashdid ; it is mukhaffaf only." ' And ash-Shihab al-KhaSji 
said at the end of the %harh on the Shifa, * It is said that the 
nisba refers to Ghazala, daughter of Ka*b al-Ahbar.' If this 
is sound there is no escaping it. But the opinion generally 
depended upon now among the later writers of history and 
the genealogists is that Ibn al-AthIr is in the right, i.e. that 
it is with tashdid.*' 

At last the question was settled as questions are apt to be 
settled in Islam. Al-Aydarus, a shaykh of the SM., drew 
attention to the fact that the Prophet, seen in a dream, had 
pronounced the name with double z. The SM. only alludes 
to this story here, but in the tractate of al-Aydarus referred 
to elsewhere (Life, p. 109) it is given on the margin of 
SM., i, p. 29. It was the shaykh Abu-1-Hasan ash-Shadhill ^ 
who saw the Prophet boasting of al-Ghazzall to Milsd and 
'I«a, and asking them if there was his like as a doctor in 
their flocks. After that there could be no more doubt; 
compare the story of the head of al-Husayn given by Lane 
in T/ie Modem Egyptians (chap, ix) and Lane's remark. 

» D. 656 : ZDMG., vii, 13 ff. ; lii, 557, note. He was a native of Shadhila 
in North Africa, and founded the Sh&dhiliya order of darwishes. 

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Here the oldest evidence is that of as-Sam'anl, who also 
knew the ground at first-hand. It is evident that in his 
time the two forms were current, and that the two ex* 
planations were : (1) that it was from ghazl on the measure 
fa'^dli used by the people of Khwarizm and Jurjan for 
fa"dl; and (2) that it was from Ghazala, a village of Tus. 
As-Sam'anI, however, working on the spot, could find no 
trace or recollection of such a village ; and it should be 
remembered that he died only fifty -seven years after 
al-Ghazzali. Nor can I find in the geographers the slightest 
reference to such a Ghazala. It is true that Tus consisted of 
a complex of villages, and that the name of one might have 
been little prominent ; but still it could hardly have escaped 
as-Sam'ani's researches. But that it referred to this village, 
Ohazala, was also the tradition in the family of Abu Hamid. 
This is a very important fact and is unexceptionally vouched 
for. Further, we have seen that the grand-uncle was also 
known under the same nUba, Is it possible that the nisba to 
a village Ghazala was introduced into the family several 
generations back and continued in use after the village had 
disappeared, and that the origin of the nisba was forgotten 
except by those best informed ? Then people may have 
begun to pronounce the name with tashdid, and explain it as 
a case of the measure /a'^d/z iov/a'^dL In any case it is to be 
noticed that while as-Sam'anl shows that the pronunciation 
with one z existed in his day, he cannot be quoted as 
approving of it. In Ibn Khallikan the passage which is 
supposed to involve that is a marginal insertion in the 
autograph, and runs literally : lakinna hddha qdlahu-s- 
Sam*dnlyu ji kUdbi-l-ansdb tca-lldhu a'lam ; apparently it has 
been inserted in the wrong place. 

But the question is again complicated by the fact that 
there are several others with the same nisba as our family of 
Tus. The SM. says (i, p. 19) that it was the general opinion 
that there were no others, but that he had himself found 
two and then a third. One of them was 'Abd al-Baqi 
b. Muhammad *Abd al -Wahid, the faqih, Abu-l-Mansur 
al-Ghazzali. He studied Fiqh with al-Kiya, and traditions 

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22 al-ghazzIli on music and ecstasy. 

are handed down from him by the hafiz Abu-t-T^hir 
as-Salafl. He died 513. The second was 'AH b. Ma'sum b. 
Abi Dharr Abu-l-Hasan al-Ghazzali. He was a Maghribite 
and a Shafi'ite, was born in 496, and died in Isfarain in 
555. The third was of later date, al-'Ala 'All b. Ahmad 
al-Ghazzall, the author of the Mizdn al-iatiqdma li-ahli-l-qurb 
wal'kardma. He died 721. Further, I find that some have 
alleged the existence of a Mahmud al-Ghazzali, a Mu'tazilite, 
who was author of the Manhul instead of Abu Hamid; 
this, because of the railing accusations brought against Abu 
Hanifa in the Manhul} It seems hard to believe that all 
these sprang from this vanished village of Tus. 

Such are the facts so far as I can find them, but they do 
not guide me to any certain result. I have, therefore, used 
the form al-Ghazzall as that which eventually won its way to 
universal acceptance in the East. 

* Al'khayrat al-hisan Ji manaqxh aUImam, Alii ^amfay by Iba Fajar 
al-Haytami, p. 4 of ed. of Cairo, 1304. See also Lxfe^ p. 106. 

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al-ghazzIli on music and ecstasy. 23 


Title of Book. Ascription of praise to God as the enchainer 
of the hearts of His Saints and Blessing on Muhammad. 
Statement that Music and Singing are a means of eliciting 
what is truly present in the heart ; under their influence 
the heart reveals itself and what it contains. This book will 
be in two chapters — (I) The lawfulness of listening to Music 
and Singing, and (II) Their laws and effects on the heart 
and body (pp. 198-200).^ 

Chapter I. 

§ 1 (pp. 200-207). 

Statements of the learned opining that such listening is 
unlawful (pp. 200-202), and, on the contrary, that it is lawful 
(pp. 202-207). But these openly contradict one another. It 
is plain that thus, through attaching ourselves to authority, 
we can get no certainty. We must examine, rather, the 
legal sources of prohibition and permission (p. 207). 

§ 2 (pp. 207-244). 

A proof that listening to Music and Singing is allowable. 
A proof that it is unlawful must base on statute, i.e. what 
Muhammad said or did, or on analogy from statute. But 
it will be shown that no such statute or analogy exists, 
and that statute and analogy rather indicate allowableness 
(pp. 207-208). 

Listening to Music and Singing is hearing a sound, 
pleasant, measured, with a meaning, moving the heart. 
But hearing a pleasant sound is not unlawful (pp. 208-210) ; 

' Up to the middle of p. 27 the page references are to this Journal for 1901. 

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nor is it if measure be added (pp. 210-211). Tet certain 
instruments are expressly excepted by statute because they 
have been associated with drinking customs. So, too, if any- 
one especially connects Singing and Music with drinking^, 
and is through them led astray, listening is unlawful for 
him. Thus a distinction is to be made between some musical 
instruments and others ; and those that are forbidden are 
not forbidden because they give pleasure but because of 
association (pp. 211-215). Nor can the addition of a meaning 
to the pleasing, measured sound make it imlawful, always 
presupposing that the meaning itself is lawful (p. 215). 
There are many traditions that the Prophet listened to 
poetry (pp. 215-217). Strange effect on the mind of simple 
Music apart from words bearing a meaning (p. 218) ; 
story of camels (pp. 219 f.). Nature of impression varies 
with circumstances and persons. Seven purposes for which 
Singing can be used — (1) To incite to pilgrimage (p. 220). 
But it is not lawful to incite to go on pilgrimage those 
for whom pilgrimage is unlawful (p. 221). (2) To urge to 
warfare under the same conditions of lawfulness (pp. 221- 
222). (3) To excite courage on the day of battle (p. 222). 
(4) To rouse to lamentation or sorrow, blameworthy or 
praiseworthy according to the sorrow (pp. 222-223). (5) To 
arouse joy. Many traditions that the Prophet regarded 
that as allowable (pp. 223-228). (6) To arouse love 
and longing — conditions when Music and Singing for this 
purpose are allowable (pp. 228-229). (7) To arouse the love 
of God. Then are aroused States, i.e. Revelations and 
Caressings, unknowable except by experience. These bring 
after them further Visions, but how that happens is the 
secret of God (pp. 229-230). How love and passionate love 
{^ishq) can be felt for God. How great is His perfection 
and how great should be the passion for Him ! The love 
of God the only true love, and the term 'passion' only 
applicable to Him (pp. 231-234). 

In what cases is listening to Music and Singing unlawful? 
Five cases: (1) If the producer of Music be a woman under 
certain conditions (pp. 235-236). (2) The instruments 

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al-ghazzIli on music and ecstasy. 25 

used : some are expressly prohibited (p. 237), (3) The 
content of what is sung : is satire allowable P is love-poetry 
allowable? (pp. 237-238). How the heart applies the 
expressions heard to God and to intercourse with Him : 
•examples (pp. 238-239). To him who loves God and can 
ihus apply what he hears, listening to Music and Singing 
is recommended (p. 239). (4) If lust have control over 
the listener, listening is unlawful for him (pp. 239-240). 
(5) If anyone love listening to Music for its own sake and 
give too much time to it, that is unlawful for him. For its 
-own sake it is allowable only as a recreation (pp. 240-241). 
Thus Music and Singing are generally lawful, but unlawful 
under certain conditions (pp. 241-242). The school of 
ash-Shafi'I does not pronounce them unlawful ; it only 
pronounces professionalism unlawful (pp. 242-244). 

§ 3 (pp. 244-252). 

The arguments of those who pronounce against Music and 

^Singing and the answer to them. Passages from the 

Qur'an and tradition so alleged and their true explanation 

(pp. 244-250). A general defence of play as a rest and 

Tecreation (pp. 251-252). 

Chapter II. 

Effects of Music and Singing and Laws of Polite Conduct 
with regard to them. There are three stages : understanding 
.what is heard and applying it ; ecstasy ; moTcments of 
members of the body (p. 705). Stage I. Understanding 
and applying (pp. 705-718). (1) Simple physical hearing 
as that of an animal is allowable (p. 705). (2) Hearing 
and applying to the form of a creature, unallowable (p. 705). 
(3) Hearing of the Murid. He, especially as a beginner, 
hears and tries to get experiential knowledge of God in 
his hearing. He takes over and applies to his intercourse 
with God the expressions which he hears without considering 
what the poet had meant (pp. 706-707). Examples of this 

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and of the ecstasy that it excites (pp. 707-709). To do 
this safely he must know well the law of the knowledge 
of God. Otherwise be is in danger of ascribing things to 
Ood which are impossible and of being an unbeliever 
(pp. 709-710). Some in hearing Music and Singing go 
80 far as to blame God for His distribution of ecstasy and 
His treatment of creatures in His predestining them ; this 
is a great danger (pp. 710-712). Listeners vary in their 
understanding of the same verses, and all the ways of 
understanding them may be equally right : examples 
(pp. 712-715). Hearing on the part of him who is oblivious 
to himself and only conscious of God. Description of his 
state. Only comes in flashes ; its consequences sometimes 
death from the agitation involved (pp. 715-717). This is 
the highest degree. The nature of the heart in the spiritual 
sense and how it perceives. From this degree develop 
the errors of Pantheistic Sufis and Trinitarians (p. 718). 
Stage II. Ecstasy (pp. 719-748). Its nature as given 
in various sayings of the Sufis (pp. 719-721), also in 
statements of philosophers (pp. 721-722). An attempt at 
a definition of ecstasy as the result produced in the soul 
by hearing Music and Singing. It may be by way either 
of knowledge or of feeling. If it expresses itself outwardly 
it is ecstasy, and varies in force in itself and in proportion 
to the self-control of him who is hearing (pp. 722-723). It 
produces purity of heart and alacrity. How truth may be 
communicated to a pure heart — ^by a Hatif, by dreams, by 
al-Khadir, by angels to prophets (pp. 723-725). Insight 
produced by this purity of heart : anecdotes (pp. 726-727). 
The result of ecstasy divides into what can be expressed 
in language and what can not. This is not strange: we 
all know ideas and states of feeling which we cannot 
express in words — especially the feelings excited by instru- 
mental music (pp. 728-730). The difference between 
ecstasy and the affecting of ecstasy. The latter blame- 
worthy or praiseworthy (p. 730). The path to ecstasy lies 
often through effort and application (p. 731), or by com- 
panionship (p. 732). But why should poetry be used to excite 

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ecstasy and not the Qar'an P (p. 732). The Qur'an does 
excite it: examples (pp. 733-737). But Singing is more 
powerful for seven reasons (p. 738) : — (1) All verses of the 
Qur'an do not suit the state of the listener^ e.g. legislative 
verses. Some can be affected by such verses, but that is 
rare (pp. 738-740). (2) The Qur'an is known too well, 
and what is heard for the first time makes a heavier im- 
pression (pp. 740-741). (3) Poetry has the advantage of 
measure (pp. 741-742). (4) The Qur'an must be recited 
simply and distinctly without varying to make measure, 
etc. (p. 742). (5) It is unallowable to accompany the Qur*an 
with instrumental music : in other ways also the Qur'an 
has to be guarded against profanation (pp. 742-744). 
(6) If the sense of a verse of the Qur'an does not tit the 
hearer, he must either pervert its sense or reject it — ^both 
are sins (pp. 744-745). (7) The Qur'an is the uncreated 
word of God, and has no link of connection with humanity ; 
therefore poetry makes a stronger impression on the sensuous 
nature. Thus poetry affects men when the Qur'an cannot. 
It is in accord with our human nature, and the Qur'an is 
not Therefore men can write poetry, but cannot produce 
another Qur'an. It is a miracle (pp. 745-748). Stage III. 
What shows itself externally of ecstasy and of the laws of 
good conduct in ecstasy (pp. 1-13). The laws are five: — 
(1) Regard for time, place, and company (pp. 1-2). (2) The 
Shaykh should not hear in presence of MuridB whom it 
hurts (p. 2). These are of three classes : (a) Those 
who attain to external works only, (b) Those who have 
still some passions and lusts, (c) Those who are ignorant 
of theology and therefore apply wrongly (pp. 2-3). 
(3) Attention to what the speaker says and avoidance of 
distraction (p. 3). The hearer should put pressure on 
himself and only give way to ecstasy when he cannot help 
it (p. 4). Lack of external ecstasy may be weakness of 
ecstasy, but may also be strength on the part of the hearer : 
examples of such self-restraint. He who is always beholding 
God does not yield to external ecstasy (pp. 5-7). Why 
do those who are thus perfect attend assemblies to listen 

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28 al-ghazzalT on music and ecstasy. 

to Music and Singing? In order to give an example and 
encouragement to others (pp. 7-8). (4) Not to rise and 
weep if restraint is possible. Yet if that will increase the 
emotion it is allowable: traditions in example (pp. 8-9). 
Garment-tearing only allowable when self-restraint is lost 
(p. 9). The tearing of new garments after ecstasy and 
distribution of the pieces only allowable when the pieces 
may be useful (p. 10). (5) If one rises or throws off his 
garment or his turban, the others should aid him in a spirit 
of comradeship and courtesy. Yet that, like all social 
usages, depends on the usage of the country (pp. 10-11). 
No one should dance whose dancing is sluggish and inert 
(p. 11). The test of the genuineness of ecstasy is its 
acceptance by the hearts of the onlookers (p. 12). The 
suitableness of dancing generally depends on circumstances 
and the dancer. An allowable thing to one man may not 
be allowable to another. Legally, dancing is not forbidden 
(pp. 12-13). 

Recapitulation : Listening to Music and Singing is some- 
times forbidden, sometimes disliked, sometimes loved. All 
depends on him who listens (p. 13). 

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Art. II. — The Great Stupa at Sdhchi-Kdndkhedd. By 
Jas. Burgess, LL.D., CLE. 

Among the ancient monuments of India, few are of more 
interest than the tops or stupas at Suilchi-Eanakheda, 
about 5 1 miles south-west from Bhelsa or Bhilsa, in the 
Qwaliar territory, and some 20 miles north-east of the capital 
of the Bhopal State. There is now a railway station close 
to the spot, and most of the trains stop there. The various 
notices of the remains here are scattered in numerous 
publications, and some notice of them may perhaps be 
usefully combined with the history of the stupas since their 

The larger stupa consisted of a hemispherical dome, about 
110 feet in diameter at the ground level, against which was 
built a sort of ramp or berm, 14 or 16 feet high, about 5^ feet 
broad on the top, and sloping out at the base, making the 
total diameter about 121^ feet. On the top of the dome was 
a flat area 34 feet in diameter, surrounded by a stone railing, 
and having a square capital or shrine in the centre.^ The 
height of this platform is differently given by Generals 
Cunningham and Maisey — both on somewhat theoretical 
grounds rather than from actual measurements: the first gave 
56 feet and the second 53^ ; it is, perhaps, even somewhat 
less in height.^ The base of the stupa is ascended by a stair 
on the south side, and the whole is surroimded by a massive 
stone rail 11 feet high. This is nearly circular, but on the 

» Lat. 23° 28' N. and long. 77° 48' E., in the Diwanganj KuMivision of the 
Bhopal State. 

^ Cunningham's Bhilsa Tope», p. 184. 

3 Cunnineham's statement {Bniha Topeni p. 186) that the whole structnre 
must have heen upwards of 100 feet in height, was an error: hi!< restored 
elevation measiiref* only 77J foet, and General Maisey's 72 feet. Cf. ^«c/#t and 
its Remaiiis, p. 6. 

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south side the stair demanded a slight extension of the curve. 
General Cunningham made the outside diameter of the rail 
144| feet from east to west and 151| from north to south, or 
a difference of 7 feet ; ^ but as the stair is only about 4^ feet 
wide at the bottom, and the ramp is narrowed on the south 
side, as is also the passage on the ground level, this amount 
can hardly be accounted for. Mr. H. Cousens last year made 
a careful re-measurement, with the result that the diameter 
of the dome at the top of the berm was found to be about 
106 feet — perhaps a very little more from north to south, 
and less from east to west ; but, owing to the irregularities 
of curvature in the restorations made about 1881, it is 
difficult to determine this with precision. The height of the 
terrace Mr. Cousens reports as 15 ft. 4 in. If the stupa was 
originally hemispherical, his measurements give a radius of 
55 ft. 2 in.^ and a height of 52 ft. 6 in., with a measurement 
over the top of 141 ft. 8 in. Of the rail, the diameter from 
north to south measures 146J feet, and from east to west 
143 feet, and these measurements, if not absolutely correct, 
must be within a few inches of the truth. 

Outside, to the north and south, stood monolithic pillars 
or Idts, probably set up by A^oka — for one of them at least 
bore one of his inscriptions — and a line connecting them 
would pass within less than 6 feet of the centre of the stupa, 
and would be on the meridian. When the gates came to be 
added, then — to avoid the south pillar (the north one was 
farther off) — ^it was necessary to put the entrance on that side 
a little to the west, and the northern one as much to the east 
of the cardinal points.* These gateways or toranas are richly 
covered with sculpture and probably date from the second 

' Bhilsa Topes, p. 186. 

' This gives an average diameter at the top of the ramp of 106 ft. 1 in. It 
may be noted that the older Nepal chaitvas are mostly hemispherical : Wright, 
Mitt, of Nepal, pis. iv, ix, x, and xi. Ci. Oldfield, Sketches from Nlpdl, voL ii, 
p. 206 ; and Notes on the Bmiddha Rock-tempUs of Ajanta (Bombay, 1879), 
p. 103. A st^pa excavated by Mr. Caddy in Swat, in 1896, was also hemispherical. 

' A smaller monolith, Id n. 2 in. hign, stood on the south of the east gateway, 
and was still entire in 1852 or later. It seems to have disappeared by 1882. 
See Maisey, Satichi and its Remains, p. 73, and pi. xxxiii, fig. 2 ; Cunningham, 
Bhilsa Topes, p. 199 and pi. vii. 

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century B.c.y when it is believed the south and north toranaa 
were executed, and the other two followed at no very long 

The second stupa stands at a slightly lower level about 
400 yards W.N.W. of the first. Its dome was 39 feet in 
diameter, and, like the larger one, it had a platform on the 
top, according to Captain Fell/ 19 feet in diameter, which 
must have been railed round and enclosed the capital. The 
basement was 6 feet high and projected about &}- feet. It 
was surrounded also by a stone rail with four entrances, 
but, so far as we know, without toranas. There are some 
rather archaic-like sculptures on the pillars of the rail, but 
the larger stupa has so engrossed attention that no notice 
has been taken of them, though they may have an important 
bearing on the relative ages of the monuments. 

The gateways of the great stupa stand forward from the 
rail, which is returned outwards to the back of the right- 
hand pillars or jambs ; and from behind the left-band pillar 
a rail is carried about 8} feet to the left, that is, the width 
of two interspaces with supporting uprights, and is then 
returned to the circular rail. This gives an area of about 
16 feet by 8^ inside each gateway, and on entering the portal 
one turns to the left, as the entry through the great rail is 
not opposite the torana. 

Facing each entrance and resting against the basement 
wall were large figures of Buddha, under carved canopies, 
which are now quite destroyed. The southern statue only 
was a standing figure with a large nimbus behind the head, 
on which were two flying Gandharvas. To the right and 
left were two attendants of smaller size, that on the left 
with the curly hair of a Buddha and a long staff, with 
a small elephant in front of the other.^ This seems to have 
been changed in 1881, and is an unfortunate interference 
which, if unnoticed, may lead to a serious mistake, for the 
south is the position of the Dhyani Buddha Ratnasambhava, 
who is represented by Ka^yapa Buddha. It is now a large 

* See Maisey'B Sanehi, p. 14, and pi. xiv, fig. 1. 

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cross-legged figure, the head of which has been broken off^ 
but is set over the bust.^ The others may also have been 
altered, for Cunningham describes the northern figure in 
terms which apply to that now on the east ; and Maisey'a 
account would agree with this latter position. This east 
figure is seated with the hands in the Dhydni mudrd — ^in the 
lap, with the palms turned up, the robe over both 
shoulders, with two attendant chauri bearers, and a large 
decorated halo or nimbus having a flying Gandharva on each 
side. It may be Akshobhya or his mortal representative, 
Kanakamuni. Colonel Maisey's account of the northern 
figure, which was still in its place in 1851, whilst the others 
had been disturbed, difiers from Cunningham's ; and the 
former represents the head, which had been broken off, aa 
having a high mukuta or crown, on the front of which waa 
a seated Buddha: ^ this would seem to point to the Bodhisattva 
Padmapani, who is associated with Amitabha of the western 
heavens. We should rather expect Maitreya in the north. 
The western figure was also seated, but the head was entirely 
gone in Maisey's time. Could he have mistaken the head 
belonging to this for that of the northern figure ? — then the 
arrangement of the '' four Buddhas " would be that still 
received in northern Buddhism.^ The arrangement suggested 
by General Cunningham is very improbable. 

From the cast of the eastern torana now in our Museums, 
we find that the side pillars, including the capitals, are 
17 ft. 3 in. high by 2 ft. b\ in. square, and 6 ft. 11 in. apart, 
while the three architraves measure 10 ft. 11 in. in height, 

* It is possible that the fieure that stood here fifty years ago was uot the 
original ; a Heated figure probably occupied the place iu a.d. 450, when ** the 
four seated Buddhus *^ are mentioned (Fleet, Vot-p. Jftsn\ Ltd., vol. iii, p. 262) ; 
but is this now the original, or was it the figure of which the head with a large 
nimbus is now in a cell on the terrace ? 

' Maisey's Smwhi^ p. 6, and pi. xv, 10 ; Cunningham's Bhifm Topes, p. 191 f. 

^ In almost all chait}aH or stupas, seated figure** of the Dhyani Budohas are 
placed in niches round the base of the dome or garbha, facing the cardinal pointa. 
Akshobhya occupies the niche on the eastern face, Ratnasambhava is on the 
southern, Amitaoha is on the western, and Amoghasiddha on the northern face. 
Vairochana's place is the centre of the garbha ; but he is often placed on the east 
of the hemisphere, close to the right side of Amitabha. Ct. Buddhiit Art, 

S, 195 ; Notts on the Bmutdha Rock-tcmpkH at Jjanta, pp. 98, 99 ; Oldfield's 
ketches ft Mn Nipiily vol. ii, p. 214. 

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or the whole height to the top of the third architrave ia 
28 ft. 5 in. ; the ornaments above rise 4} feet over the 
architrave. The northern gateway is 6ft. llf in. wide; iU 
jambs 2 ft. 3 in. square and about 18^ feet high, 28 ft. 6) in. 
to the top of the third architrave, and 33 ft. 11| in. to the 
highest point. The west gate pillars were 16 ft. 2 in. high 
and 2 ft. 4^ in. square ; but since re-erection, the height to 
the lower side of the first architrave is 17 ft. l^in., to the 
top of the third 27ft. 8in., and to the highest point 28ft. lin. 
And the re-erected south gate pillars are 1 ft. 9 in. square, 
and iU total height 27 ft. 11 in.^ 

The smaller torana which formed the entrance to the third 
stupa is 5 ft. 3^ in. wide, with pillars 1 ft. 4 in. square and 
9 ft. 7^ in. high, and its entire height 16 ft. 5 in. 

Probably the first British officer to visit these monuments 
was General Taylor, of the Bengal Cavalry, who was 
encamped near them during the campaign against the 
Pindharis in 1818. Three of the gateways of the great 
stupa were then standing, and the southern one was lying 
much in the condition in which it continued for fully sixty 
jrears afterwards. The great dome was then untouched, and 
a great part of the railing round the capital (gala or Mi) 
upon it was still in situ. The second stupa was also 
imtouched, and the third, with the gateway on its south 
side, was apparently in good preservation. There were 
remains of eight minor stiipas, besides other buildings 
within 180 yards of the second, but of their then condition 
there is no record ; they may have been ruinous from age, 
but most of them would otherwise probably have been 

The next visitor seems to have been Dr. Yeld, and a sketch- 
plan, drawn to scale, and signed " Roebuck, 1819,'' fell into 
Mr. James Prinsep's hands long afterwards, which was 
accompanied by marginal notes and directions, as if for 
some one to visit the spot.^ This may have been prepared 

* Theee raeasurements have mostly been supplied by Mr. Consenii. 
- JoHTH. A$. Soe, Bengal, vol. iii, p. 489. 

J.R.A.6. 1902. 3 

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for Captain E. Fell, who wrote the first account of the place 
early in 1819, and published it in Buckingham's Calcutta 
Jaumaly 11th July. His account was reprinted by Prinsep 
in the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in October, 
1834.^ The two principal stupas, at least, were then quite 

In 1822, when Mr. Herbert Maddock was Political 
Agent at Bhopal, he obtained permission from the native 
Government to dig into these venerable monuments — it 
has been supposed for treasure — ^and in December of that 
year Dr. Spilsbury found that Captain Johnson, the Agent's 
assistant, had completely opened the larger one from the 
top to what he believed the bottom of the foundation, and 
found the whole solid brickwork without any appearance 
of recess or open space within it.' The second and smaller 
stiipa, previously in perfect repair, was also half destroyed 
by the same bungling amateur antiquaries or searchers 
for coins in their blundering excavations ; and they probably 
also completed the ruin of the other minor monuments 
previously unnoticed by the few visitors,^ Similar destructive 
work has been too often repeated since in India, and 
even with Oovemment permission. Structures, have been 
demolished in search of relic caskets and the like; and it 
has been quite forgotten that scientific excavation is an 
art requiring specially skilled experience. 

This careless search did immense damage to the structures 
of at least the three larger stupas, and hastened the 
dilapidation of their enclosures, while no discovery helped 
to compensate in any way for the wanton destruction. The 
west gateway was apparently much shaken, and fell some 
years afterwards, though the date is uncertain. 

Our next notice is of two inscriptious from Sanchi, copied 
by the indefatigable Brian H. Hodgson in 1824, probably 
when he left Calcutta in that year to return to Nepal. 

1 Ibid,, vol. iii, pp. 490-494. 

3 Cunmngham's BhiUa Topetf pp. 1S5, 275. 

* Joum. At. 8oe. Bengoly vol. iv, p. 712. 

* /oMm. As. Soe. Bengal, Tol. xvi, p. 746 ; Bhika Topes, pp. 183, 269, 285. 

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These he sent to Jas. Prinsep in 1834. In 1835 we find 
Dr. Spilsbury sending to Prinsep a native drawing, pur- 
porting to be from one of the sculptures on the gates,^ 
and urging that it would be well worth an amateur's while 
to take copies of the compartments, *' the sculpture of which 
is like nothing you see in India." In this desire Prinsep 
heartily joined, and was so far gratified in 1837 by 
Captain £dw. Smith, who copied and sent him twenty-five 
of the epigraphs, while Captain W. Murray supplied him 
with a number of drawings, of which he was only able to 
reproduce that of the large stupa from the east, a portion of 
the lower architrave of the south gateway, and some details.' 

Fergusson's Picturesque Illustrations of Ancient Architecture 
in Hindostan was published in 1847, in which, while ex- 
pressing his regret that he had not visited Sanchi in his 
tours, he gave a short notice of the stupas (pp. 21, 22) 
drawn from the information then available, and illustrated 
by a drawing of the east gateway, by an unknown artist — 
but really more beautiful than faithful. 

The same year, Captain Joseph D. Cunningham, R.E., 
then Political Agent at Bhopal, submitted to the Bengal 
Asiatic Society a paper on the antiquities of the districts 
within his agency, in which a considerable section was 
devoted to these stupas, with two plates and measurements.' 
And two years later, Lieut. Fred. C. Maisey, who was 
employed under the Oovemment of India in special archaeo- 
logical work in the Upper Betwa districts of Central India,^ 
was called to Sanchi, having been, at the agent's suggestion, 
directed to suspend his other work and proceed to prepare 
an illustrated report on the stupas, their sculptures and 

* Journ, Aa, Soe, Bengal, vol. iii, pp. 411, 481 f., 488, and pi. xxyii. This 
drawing, at first sight, might suffgest such a scnlpikiire as that on the middle 
architrave of the south gateway, hut a comparison at once shows that in every 
detail the representation is imaffiniury. 

' JoHTH, A$, Soe. Bengal^ VM. vi, pp. 451 f. 

' J^wm, Ai. 8oe, Bengal, vol. xvi, pp. 739-763. 

^ In 1847 lient. Maisey had submitted an iUnstrated r^ort on the antiqmties 
of Kalinjtr, which was sn^seqnentiy printed, with eighteen plated, in the J<mm. 
A». Soe. Bengal, vol. xvii, pp. 171-201 ; and see Maisey'S' Sanchi and its 

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inscriptions. He spent the cold seasons of 1849-60 and 
1860-61 at Sancbi, measuring and preparing a series of 
careful drawings of the sculptures on the gateways. Passing 
through Owaliar on his return to the work, in October, 
1860, he met Major (afterwards General Sir) Alexander 
Cunningham, who, being anxious to examine the stOpas, 
arranged to visit Sanchi while on his official tour as 
executive engineer in the neighbouring districts of the 
Owaliar state. He accordingly reached Captain Maisey's 
camp on 23rd January, 1861, and remained for seven weeks. 

Together, they at once began excavations on the remains 
of the third stupa which had been wrecked in 1822, and of 
which the torana or gateway on its south side is still left. 
Here they found two stone boxes inscribed respectively with 
the names of Sdriputasa and Makdnwga/dnaaa, and containing 
steatite relic-caskets.^ On sinking a shaft into the second 
stupa an inscribed stone box was also found, containing four 
small steatite caskets inscribed with the names of Bauddha 
teachers — Majhima, Kodtniputa, etc. 

Into the centre of the great stupa a shaft was also sunk 
to the ground level, but no relic was found. 

It was then arranged that Captain Maisey should prepare 
a supplementary report on these finds and the inscriptions. 
In October, 1861, he sent in his account of the structures 
and their sculptures; and in March following he was sent 
to Burma on active service for over two years, so that it was 
not till October, 1864, that he was able to complete the last 
of his drawings. Meanwhile Major Cunningham had written 
and published his volume on The Bhiha Topes, which super- 
seded the supplementary report that Captain Maisey was to 
have prepared.^ This work deals chiefly with the trouvailles 
and inscriptions, and contains a few other plates representing 
some of the sculptures — one by Major (afterwards Sir Henry) 

' BhiUa Topes, p. 297. Sariputm and Mauc^alyayana are known as the 
right- and left-hand athamrw of Gautama Baddha. They died before their 
master, and in Ceylon and Siam are usually represented standing by his side. — 
Buddhist Art in India (Engl, yers.), pp. 182, 211. 

- Maisey : Sanehi and its Remains, p. 1. 

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Durand, who had made careful drawings of various sculptures 
in 1850-1853, and others copied from Maisey's, etc. The 
descriptive matter is preceded by a history of Buddhism in 
India, which occupies half the volume and is now out of 
date; and most of the inscriptions, with subsequent additions, 
have been since re-translated by Professor Biihler. General 
Cunningham's only further contribution on this subject was 
a collection of transcriptions of short donative inscriptions 
made in 1875 and 1877, chiefly from the small rail that had 
surrounded the terrace on the dome, together with some 
architectural details.^ 

The expense of reproducing Colonel Maisey's excellent 
drawings caused the Court of Directors to hesitate as to the 
publication of his work, and the appearance of Colonel 
Cunningham's volume was perhaps thought to render its 
non-appearance of less importance. 

For the next dozen years the drawings lay unnoticed, until 
towards the close of 1866, when the late Mr. Jas. Fergusson 
was asked to assist the India Office in the illustration of 
Indian Architecture for the Paris Exposition. Colonel 
Maisey's drawings were in the Library, and together with 
Colonel (now Major-Qeneral) J. Waterhouse's photographs 
of the stOpa, taken in 1862, they were committed to him, 
along with materials relating to the Amaravati Stupa, and 
the whole were utilized in his work entitled Tree and Serpent 
Worship^ first issued in 1868. This important volume 
illustrative of Bauddha art and mythology helped greatly to 
create an interest in ancient Indian art, and was issued in 
a second and revised edition in 1873, which was also soon 
disposed of. The first half of the volume was mainly devoted 
to Sanchi, and was the first serious attempt to explain the 
sculptures, and to call attention to their character, merits, 
and interest. The attempted explanations may not have 
been always satisfactory, but they indicated the lines in 
which such might be found, and so stimulated the research 
and examination that lead to discovery. It is to be borne in 

' Rep. Arch, Star. India, vol. x, pp. .)5-65, and pis. xx xxii. 

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mind also, that Mr. Fergusson had only the drawings of 
those sculptures which Colonel Maisey had copied ; they did 
not represent the consecutive series of sculptures even on one 
gateway, and it has since been noticed that different scenes 
of the same legend are depicted on adjoining panels. To 
read the scenes aright we need the whole before us, so as to 
note which belong to the same or connected myths ; and the 
photographs then available were on too small a scale for 
detailed study. Brcpresentations of the whole series of reliefs 
on an adequate scale were still a desideratum.^ 

Early in 1868 H.H. the Begum of Bhopal was requested 
to present one of these ancient Saiichi gateways to the 
Emperor Napoleon III, to be set up in Paris, and she 
asked whether the British Government might not prefer 
to have it for the British Museum. The Foreign Secretary 
to the Government of India, in his reply, wisely requested 
that no removal of any portion of the Saiichi monuments 
might be permitted — ^adding that casts would be made of 
the more interesting portions and presented to the French 
Government.^ At this juncture also an important scheme was 
arranged for promoting reproductions of works of art for 
the benefit of the museums of all countries.^ In consequence 
of this convention. Major H. H. Cole was sent to Sauchi in 
1869 to prepare casts of the north gateway, as being the 
finest and most entire ; he preferred, however, to take the 
casts from the eastern one. The reproductions thus obtained 
are now to be seen in the national museums at South 
Kensington, Edinburgh, Dublin, Berlin, Paris, etc. 

In Bousselet's L^Inde des Rajahs, published in 1875, some 
account of Sanchi is given (pp. 605-526), with several 
excellent illustrations, but the information was drawn entirely 

^ In the second edition reduced lithographs of six drawing of the faces of the 
gateways, made by Major Cole, were introduced. The originals must have been 
on a larger scale, andf might hare proved valuable, but they cannot now be 
traced. The account of Sanchi in Mr. Fergusson's History of Indian and Eastern 
Arehiiecture (1876), pp. 60-66. 92-99, 106, was based on the preceding work. 

' Major H. H. Uoie\ Third Report on ComervatioHj app., p. xciv. 

' BssoUttum Oovt. India^ Home Dept., No. 14/931 of 24th February, 1868; 
and see Act€9 dn Sieme Congrh Internat, des Orientalistes (Stockholm, 1889), 
sec. ii, p. 34. 

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from Cunningham's early volume, and added nothing to our 

Between 1870 and 1880 the spread of vegetation about 
the stOpa had increased greatly, and had begun to do 
considerable damage to the rails ; the opening made by the 
excavations in 1822 and 1861 was quite overgrown by 
creepers, and their roots were forcing out the masonry of the 
dome. The railing on the south side had completely fallen, 
and natives had been mutilating the sculptures on the east 
gateway, and had cut up one of the fallen monoliths^ close to 
it, for grindstones! This vandalism Major H. H. Oole 
proposed to stop by the appointment of '^a trustworthy 
watchman to be always on the spot in order to prevent 
such wilful damage," remarking that "it is worth the 
wages of three or four native custodians to ensure that 
damage goes no further."^ This sensible recommendation 
was formally attended to and a chaprdsi appointed; but 
Professor E. Washbourn Hopkins, on two visits to Sanchi 
in 1897-98, found the boys of the neighbourhood amusing 
themselves by throwing stones at particular figures, and no 
one appeared to forbid them. The chaprasi lives in the 
village below and seems ineffective : loose sculptures disappear 
without his interference or report. 

The overgrowth of vegetation was destroyed in 1881, and 
the breach in the great dome filled in, whilst in 1882-83 the 
fallen gateways on the west and south were set up and stayed 
to the dome by iron rods ; ^ the fallen portion of the railing 
was also set up, and the small gateway that had belonged to 
the third stupa was restored by the replacement of its second 
and third architraves. This most important service for the 
preservation of the monuments was carried out by the 
Government of India at an expenditure of 17,400 rupees. 
It is to be regretted that some attempt to preserve the 
second stupa also was not made at the same time. 

When the repairs were finished a series of photographs of 

» Major Cole's Repi»'tfor 1881-82, app., p. clxi. 

' These appear in the photographs published by Major Oole and Sir Deipel 
Griffin, bnt seem to hare l^n removed since 1889. 

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the gateways was taken and printed in heliogravure in one 
of the fasciculi of Major Cole's Presercation of Natiotml 
MonumenU in India,^ Another series of twenty-seven plates, 
taken about the same time, was printed in Sir Lepel Griffin's 
Famous Monuments of Central Indian 1886. Major Cole's 
letterpress is of the most meagre sort, and Sir Lepel Griffin's 
text is intended only for the general reader, and drawn from 
previous accounts. Both series of photographs are excellent 
and reproduced in the best style, but while well suited to 
give a clear idea of the richness of the sculpture, they are 
necessarily on too small a scale for detailed study.^ 

In a hurried visit to Sailchi early in 1889, the writer 
collected impressions of a considerable number of the inscrip- 
tions, and next year, and again in March, 1893, Dr. Fiihrer 
copied a still larger number ; these were submitted to the 
late Professor G. Biihler, who discussed and translated the 
whole collection in the JSpigraphia Indica (vol. ii, pp. 87-116 
and 366-408). They number 456, besides fragments, or 
about 200 more than were published by General Cunningham. 
They are almost exclusively donative — containing only the 
names of the donors, with that of their town and occasionally 
of their parents, brothers, etc. — so that we can only judge 
of their age by the style of alphabet. One on the south gate- 
way, however, bears the name of Raiio Siri Satakani, in whose 
reign the upper architrave was presented by Ananda the 
son of Vasishtha. This Sri oatakar^i was one of the Andhra 
kings, and as the alphabet of this and other epigraphs on 
the gateway differs but slightly from the type of the 
characters in the A^ka inscriptions, this king must be 
one of the earlier members of his dynasty, whose date 
would fall about the middle of the second century B.C. or 
soon after.' This gives us the approximate date of one 

1 Great Buddhint Tope at Sanehi (1885), 11 plates; eight of the plates are 
reproduced in India : Photographs and DrauHnffs of ffistorieal Buildings 
(Griggs, 1896), plates 41-48, and six in Jneimt Monumettts, etc,, of India, pt. i 
(18^, among mates xxxt to liii, lllnstratiTe of Safichi. 

' In the Inma Office there are 75 negatives of photogranhs from Sfiilchi, 
They form part of a collection of over 3,000, representing Indian antiqaitiefl, 
of which prints can he procured. 

' Buddhist Art in India, p. 25 ; Epigraphia Indiea, vol. ii, p. 88. 

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^teway, and if tbey were erected suocessively, this one, 
leading to the steps by which the berm is ascended, would 
naturally be the oldest; the north gateway would follow 
next, and lastly those on the east and west. Thai on 
the west, with its peculiar dwarf capitals, would seem 
the latest, and might be followed by the tcrana to the 
third stupa.^ 

The inscriptions give the old name of the place as 
Kakanada (Pali, Eaka^ava^) ; and Sanchi does not appear 
in any form, and must be a modem designation. We learn 
:also from literary records that this place or a town in the 
immediate neighbourhood was known as Ghetiyagiri: and 
if this were the same as Vessanagara, the modem Besnagar, 
then it was about six miles to the north-east of Eaka^ada. 
It was there that Adoka is said to have married the daughter 
of a local aetthi and had by her two sons, Ujjeniya and 
Mahinda, and a daughter, Sanghamitta. If Ghetiyagiri 
were the name for the hill in use before A^ka's time, and 
not merely at the later date when the chronicler wrote, in 
the fifth century a.d., then we might infer that the Stupa 
or Chaitya was already in existence before the accession 
of A^ka ; but for this we have no proof .^ But on the 
north and south there stood two Idts with lion capitals; 
and on a fragment of the south one is part of an inscription 
— apparently of an edict of Asoka* — from which it may 
reasonably be inferred that the great stupa belongs to 
about his time or 250 B.C. The erection of the rail would 
follow very soon after, and the gateways or toranas would 
come next. 

Among the new inscriptions found in 1893, was an 
Indo - Skythian one on the base of a statue of Buddha, 
recording its dedication during the reign of the king 

^ FergQsson: Tree and Serpent Worthipy p. 101. 

' 3p%ifr, Ind., Yol. ii, p. 366 ; Fleet, Corp. Inacr. hid.^ vol. iii, p. 31. In 
• Cnimingham, BhiUa Tope*, pp. 241, 288, 347, Kakaiiuva has been mistaken 
for a personal name. 

' Buddhaghosa {eir, 420 a.d.) calls the place Wessanagara, and the MahSumnso 
(«r. 470 A.D.) has Ghetivafipri: Tumour, Makawamoy p. 76. Y. Smith, in 
his Aaoka, p. 163, gives Vedisagirf instead of Chetiyagiri. 

* Epigr, Ind,, vol. ii, p. 367. 

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Shahi Vasushka in the year 78 [a.d. 156?]. On twa 
other statues were found the Buddhist creed in letters of 
the eighth or ninth century a.d. and fragments of verse 
in rather later characters.^ Two Gupta inscriptions of 411 
and 450 a.d. have been translated by Dr. J. F. Fleet,* 
and the larger temple close by must belong also to the fifth, 
century a.d., proving that the place was one of religious 
note probably as long as the Buddhist religion held any 
influence in Central India — certainly till the tenth century 
or later. 

The next publication on Sanchi was that of General Maisejr 
in 1892, who issued his drawings anew, in forty quarto plates- 
with letterpress, the aim of which was to prove that 
Buddhism did not originate till about the Christian era, and 
that the Piyadiisi of the inscriptions was not A^oka nor 
a follower of Buddhism. This theory is quite out of date,, 
and most of the drawings had been produced in a better 
style in Tree and Serpent Worship, 

Published as a handbook to the Indian collection of 
antiquities in the Berlin Royal Museum, in 1893, Professor 
riinwedel's BuMhisiische Kunst in Indien ^ is of some 
ce here. The second chapter (transl., pp. 24-74) 
efly with the cast of the eastern gateway at Sanchi 
1869. By showing the relative positions of the 
this cast made it easier to render satisfactory 
ons of a number of the subjects represented on that 
; and Professor Griinwedel's observations on these 
lelpful in guiding further attempts to unravel the 
1 the others, when the whole of the sculptures in 
itive positions are before the student, 
is purpose it was suggested to the Government of 
It the whole of the Sanchi reliefs might be photo- 
to a fixed scale suitable for their satisfactory study; 
were done to one scale, it would be possible to build 

hid., vol. ii, pp. 369, 370. 

Cwp. Imcr. Ind., vol. iii, pp. 29 f., 260 f. Cf. J.E.A.S., vol. vL 
46 £. 

Hon, Berlin, 1900 ; Buddhist Art in hidin, English translation, 
enlarged, London (B. Quaritch), 1901. 

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up the entire elevations from the photographs and mount them 
on sheets. The suggestion was at once generously approved 
and sanctioned, and Mr. Henry Oousens, of the Bombay 
Arohadological Survey, was instructed to carry it into effect. 
By an ingenious contrivance for moving the camera to 
various heights, on a framework formed by two vertical 
graduated poles, the whole of which could be readily moved 
horizontally across the front of the gateways, he succeeded 
in taking a series of negatives to a scale of one-eighth of the 

MethcMl ot phot4»<;Riphin^ the GnU'wayn U* sc-ah*. 

originals, or as nearly so as is readily practicable for such 
structures. The arrangement devised for this photographic 
work is represented in the accompanying illustration. The 
famine of last year hampered his operations from want of 
water, etc., and limited his time, but 200 negatives were 

The whole five ioranas or gateways are in this series 
represented on about 150 plates, of which, besides the 

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.general views, a considerable proportion are on plates of 
12 by 10 inches, and the rest on smaller ones. There are 
besides nearly fifty negatives of surrounding remains and 
loose sculptures, etc. ; and these last are of much interest ias 
(illustrating the various styles of art prevailing in the later 
ages, while the stiipas were still objects of religious interest. 
.A comparison of these fragments, as well as of the sculptures 
on the gateways, with the Gandhara, Aroaravati, Nasik, 
Elura, and other remains, will be of interest in illustrating 
the history of art and Buddhist iconography in India. 

Returning to the photographs : it may be mentioned that 
when those of the north gateway are pieced together in 
their proper positions, they form a representation or picture 
measuring 48^ inches high by 'JO inches across. And so 
arranged they would be useful for lectures or museums ; 
but for private study they are perhaps more convenient in 
separate sheets. 

A single illustration from among the smaller photographs 
will show the superiority of these over the best drawings. 
The accompanying plate represents the 5th and 6th sections 
or panels on the right-hand pillar of the east gateway : this 
was not drawn by Col. Maisey, but compared with even his 
excellent work, it will be seen at once how superior the detail 
is, and how much better the human faces are depicted. 
Whether, as conjectured, these terraces represent the heavens 
of the gods or not,^ we observe that the central figure in the 
lower panel holds, in his right hand, a vajra or double-headed 
club, which may indicate Indra. 

To make these photographs available for study, however, 
publication in some form is essential. Illustration is now-a- 
days so very cheap as compared with what it was even 
a decade since, that it is not too much perhaps to expect 
that this most important series of representations of the 
earliest known monument of Indian art that we possess may 
be published in a satisfactory form, as an important con- 
tribution to Indian archaeology. 

' Buddhist Art iu India (tranHl.), p. 38. 

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After Saiichi we should also remember that the Buddhist 
oaves at Kanheri, Elura, Aurangabad, Udayagiriy and 
elsewhere contaiii a wealth of sculpture illustrative of the 
development of their mythology and art, that, if fully 
delineated and published, would supply much insight and 
information on the growth and history of the Buddhist 
mythology and religion. 

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Art. III. — Vrdcada and Stndhh By G. A. Orierson, 
C.I.E., I.C.S. 

The Vracada Apabhram^ form of Prakrit was spoken In 
Sindh.* We know very little about it, except that amongst 
its peculiarities were (1) the optional change of initial ta 
and da to ta and da respectively ; (2) the change of §a and 
sa to ia ; and (3) the prefixing of y to c and j. 

With respect to (1) compare the frequent change of initial 
t to tt in SindhI, as in ttdmb = Sanskrit tdmrakah * copper/ 
and of initial d to dd, sia in ddandu = Sanskrit darufah. 

With respect to (2) compare SindhI viiu * world ' = Skr. 
ei§aya, and Sihu = Skr. sithha. This change is very common 
in Sindhi. 

With respect to (3) I can find no corresponding form in 
SindhI, unless we can quote the special Sindhi sounds which 
are usually represented in transliteration by gg, jj\ dd, and 
ib. These are, as the transliteration shows, originally double 
letters. The Vracada iff may be the origin of the Sindhi 
/y, and the other Sindhi letters may be the result of similar 
combinations not mentioned by the Prakrit grammarians, 
or not preserved in the MSS. which have come down to us. 
I know, however, of nothing in Sindhi which corresponds 
to the Vracada t/c. There is another possible explanation 
which I shall note a little lower down. 

The intimate connection which exists between the modem 
languages of the north-west of India (including Sindhi) and 
those of the east (from Bihar to Assam) is well known. 
The Vracada optional change of dental consonants to cerebrals 
really means that there was no sharp distinction in pro- 
nunciation between these two classes of sounds. Most 

* See Pif»chel*9 Prakrit Grammur, p. 29. 

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48 vrIcada and sindhi. 

probably both were pronounced as semi-cerebrals, as in 
English. This is the case at the present day in Eastern 
India. The dental letter r is continually confounded with 
the cerebral d, and in Assam there is practically no distinction 
between dentals and cerebrals. All are semi-cerebrals. In 
Assam this is almost certainly due to the influence of Indo- 
Chinese languages. Can we assume that the same was the 
case with Vracada ? 

The Vracada change of s and « to i is, as is well known, 
also typical of the MagadhI Prakrit of Eastern India, just 
as at the present day it is typical of Sindhi and Bengali. 

In MagadhI Prakrit every j'a takes a sound which most 
native grammarians denote by ya, and one or two by ^'a. 
As Hoernle has long ago pointed out, it was really an obscure 
sound, intermediate between i/a and ja^ and doing duty for 
both. This obscure sound has survived in words like mq/h, 
*a buflTalo-cow,* in the Lahnda of the Western Panjab, 
which is closely connected with Sindhi. The pronunciation 
of mq^'h is described by Beames as " something very odd. 
It might be represented by meyh, a very palatal y aspirated^ 
perhaps in German by fnoch, or rather, if it may be so 
expressed, with a medial sound corresponding to the tenuis 
cA." Hoernle compares the sound to that given to ^ in the 
word iebendig in the Rhenish Provinces. 

In MagadhI, as in Vracada, one native grammarian says- 
that ca becomes yva, so that, here again, the correspondence 
between east and west is clear. What sound was intended 
to be represented by j/ca is not very evident, though we can 
gain some idea as to what was meant from the above remarks 
about j/a and ^'a. Under any circumstances, a consideration 
of those remarks will suggest an alternative explanation of 
the Vracada sounds. Possibly both explanations are correct,, 
and the sound which Prakrit grammarians represented by 
f(/a has developed in MagadhI and Lahnda into a semi- 
consonantal yOf and in Sindhi into j[/a. 


Oct. 10, 1901. 

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Art. IV. — Description of Persia and Mesopotamia in the 
year 1340 a,d. from the Nuzhat-al-KuHib of Hamd- Allah 
Mustawfi, mth a summan/ of the contents of that tvork. 
By G. Le Strange. 

It is very generally a matter of complaint that the 
lithographed editions of Persian and Arabic works published 
in the East are, for the most part, unprovided with any 
index or full table of contents ; and, further, that when the 
book treats of geography or history, the proper names of 
both persons and places are too often given in a manner 
that at first sight defies identification. Half a loaf, however, 
is proverbially better than no bread, and, until from some 
quarter funds are forthcoming to defray the cost of printing 
Persian texts in Europe, scholars would often be able to make 
use of the editions lithographed in India or elsewhere, if the 
true reading of the proper names were fixed by a collation 
of the best manuscripts, and if a full table of contents were 
available for purposes of reference. In many cases also 
a Persian work will only contain one part, or a series of 
chapters, that pre-eminently is of interest to Western scholars: 
and the remark, of course, applies more especially to the 
Cosmographies where the geographical chapters alone are 
of first-rate importance, as also to those numerous Universal 
Histories where only the concluding sections, dealing with 
the author's own time, can in any way be considered as of 
primary authority. An instance in point is, I consider, the 
cosmographical work of Hamd- Allah Mustawfi, which forms 
the subject of the present article, and of which a lithographed 
edition appeared in Bombay in 1894 (a.h. 1311) under the 
editorship of Mfrza Mahdi ShirazI, being published by Mirza 
Muhammad Shirazi, sumamed Malik-al-Kuttab, or the Chief 
of the Scriveners. 

J.R.A.8. 1902. 4 

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Hamd-Allah Mustawfi and his two principal works — ^the 
history called the Tdrikh-i-Ouzidah, and the Nuzhat-al-KulUh^ 
which last is now under discussion — were fully noticed by 
Mr. E. G. Browne in this Journal in a paper on ''The 
Sources of Dawlatshah " (J.R.A.S. for January, 1899), and 
more recently (October, 1900) he has given us a translation 
of the section on the '* Biographies of the Persian Poets " 
from the Ouzldah, with a detailed account of the contents 
of that historical work, of which he hopes later on to publish 
an edition' of the Persian text. As a complement and 
commentary to the Ouzidah, the geographical part of the 
Nuzhat-al-Kulub is of considerable importance. Further, 
and from the point of view of historical geography, it is of 
special interest, since it gives us a detailed description of 
Persia in the age immediately succeeding that of the travels 
of Marco Polo. The first half of the fourteenth century a.d. 
may indeed be regarded as a turning-point in the history 
of Western Asia, being a period of comparative calm coming 
between the epoch-marking conquests of the Mongols under 
Changhiz Ehan and the no less revolutionary period of 
conquest by Timur. From a geographical point of view 
it was a time of transition. Before this we have the lands 
of Islam under the Abbasid Caliphs, as described by the 
Arab geographers Istakhrl, Ibn Hawkal, and MukaddasI; 
after this there is Western Asia, as shown on our present 
maps, which last may be held to date from the changes 
effected by the conquests of Timur and the subsequent 
partition of his empire among his descendants and successors. 

Nearly forty years ago Monsieur Barbier de Meynard (now 
director of the Mcole des Languea Orimtales Vivantes in Paris) 
gave us the translation of the greater part of the geographical 
section of the Nuzhat-al-Kulub in the notes to his well- 
known Dictionnaire de la Perse ^^ which is based on the 
geographical encyclopaedia of Yakut. To the information 
contained in this book I must express my great indebtedness, 
and I may take the occasion of bearing witness to the 

* Small 4to. Paris, Imprimerie Imp^riale, 1861. 

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admirable accuracy of Monsieur B. de Meynard's work, 
which, it should be remembered, had to be entirely based 
on manuscript material, being translated directly from the 
Paris MSS. of the Mu^jam-al-Bulddn. Since 1861 the whole 
text of Yakut has been edited by Professor Wiistenfeld ; 
also, in his Bibliotheca Oeographorum Arabicorum, Professor 
de Goeje has now given us admirable editions of nearly 
all the earlier Arab geographers : it is therefore very easy 
to verify, by a reference to the texts, the translations given 
by Monsieur B. de Meynard ; and it will be remembered 
that the Dictionnaire de la Perse is still the only portion of 
Yakut's great Encyclopaadia of which a complete translation 
exists in any European language. Seeing, therefore, that 
we have here a translation of all the longer articles in the 
Niithat which treat of the towns described by Hamd- Allah, 
I shall only attempt in this paper to complete his lists of 
names, referring my readers to the pages of the Dictionnaire 
de la Perse for all further information in detail. My 
arrangement of the materials will, however, be somewhat 
different, for the Dictionnaire de la Perse being set in 
alphabetical order, no account is taken of the enumeration 
of the places as grouped by Hamd- Allah under the various 
provinces, and this arrangement, for the elucidation of the 
historical geography of the period, is, I deem, of much 
importance. Then, again. Monsieur B. de Meynard, as he 
acknowledges in his preface,^ has made no attempt to 
identify the sites of places mentioned by Hamd-Allah, as, 
indeed, this was inevitable forty years ago, for our maps 
of Persia were then in many parts a blank. Since that 
time, however, a host of travellers and explorers have filled 
in the names, and at the present day most part of the great 
plateau of Iran has been explored. I need only mention 
the numerous excellent maps published by General Houtum 

^ Op. cit, Preface, p. xx : ** Les questioiiB si d^licates de topograpbie ancieime 
ne pevTent §tre abordees avec sAreiS qo*iqpffds T^tnde pr^alable des doomneiiti 
indign^nes. J'espte qn'il me sera donne on jour de traTalller & la solution de oe 
difBdle probl^me, an moins, en ce qui tonche la Pene : aujoord'hai je I'ai 6cart6 
de propoe d^lib^r^." 

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Schindlcr in the Berlin Zeitachrift ikr Gemlhclmft fur 
Erdkunde, and the maps given by Monsieur J. de Morgan 
in his Mission Scientifiqiie en Perse — which last is still in 
course of publication — as instances of completed surveys 
of the individual provinces under investigation ; while in 
the numerous papers devoted to Persia contained in recent 
volumes of the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society 
I have found much to aid me in the identification of ancient 
with modem sites. My mainstay, however, has been the 
great Map of Persia, in six sheets, on the scale of sixteen 
miles to the inch, published by the War Office Intelligence 
Department in 1886. 

For the true spelling of the place-names ^ I have had re- 
course to the systematic Itineraries given by Ibn Khurdadbih 
and Kudamah, supplemented by the detail of routes found 
in the works of Ya*kubl, Ibn Rustah, Istakhrl, Ibn Hawkal, 
and MukaddasI, all of which date from the middle of the 
third to the last quarter of the fourth century a.h. (ninth 
and tenth centuries a.d.). These mediaeval Arab Road- 
books have enabled me to correct, and hence profit by, the 
very full Itinerary which Hamd- Allah himself gives at the 
close of his description of Iran. This Persian Itinerarj' is 
now published for the first time, and it has made the location 
of a number of mediaeval towns and districts possible, all 
traces of which have long since disappeared from the 
modern map. As an instance I may mention the Mint-city 
of Saburkhwast in Luristan, which Hamd-AUah shows to 
be not the modern Ehurramabad, as has often been supposed; 
then some important details are given about Sirjan, the 
capital of Eirman, and about Old Hurmuz ; and we are now 
enabled to fix approximately by these Persian Itineraries the 
iviftitions of many lost towns such as Talikan and Faryab of 
h-eastem Ehurasan ; also Eaghaz-Eunan and Bajarvan, 

The speiling of Persian place-names is t'ur t'rum being cousititeut. The 
in for * vilSige/ now written and pronounced Dih (vowel short), is generaUy 
B M8S. written DtA, with the vowel long. Other common variations are 
ftn or Isfahan, Hurmixz or Hurmuz, Tihran or Tihran, Kuhintan or 

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onoe important cities on the great northern high road from 
Adharbayjan towards the Caucasus frontier, besides many 
villages and post-stations. 

On the vexed question of the lower course of the Oxus 
during the middle ages, and its outflow into the Caspian, 
Hamd- Allah has important information to give. The 
detailed account of the provinces into which Persia in his 
day was divided shows, by a comparison with the provincial 
frontiers as given by the Arab geographers of Abbasid 
times, the changes effected by the Mongol conquest, and the 
later administration of the Il-Khans, who built Sultanlyah 
in Persian 'Irak to be their capital, and to take the place of 
Baghdad as the Metropolis of Western Asia — Mesopotamia 
being henceforth counted as merely a province of Persia. 
The most notable change in the political map of Iran is the 
formation of the new province of Kurdistan, which was 
taken from the western half of the Arab province of Jibal 
(Media), the remaining, or eastern, portion of the older Jibal 
province now coming to be more generally known as Persian 
*Irak. Then, again, all the Yazd district, which had formerly 
been counted as of Fars, was now given to Persian 'Irak, 
thus, in compensation for Kurdistan, which had been taken 
away, enlarging the older frontier of the Jibal to the east- 
ward, and so rounding off what was now the central 
province of Iran under the administration of the Il-Khans. 
Lastly, on the Persian Gulf region, Hamd-Allah divides 
off Shabankarah from the south-eastern part of Fars, 
making of Shabankarah a separate province, of which the 
ancient Darabjird and Lar (a town unknown to the earlier 
geographers) were the chief centres of population. 

Harod- Allah personally was well fitted thus to describe 
Iran, for there is evidence that he had himself travelled 
over the greater part of the country. In the matter of 
frontiers and capital cities he was trained in office -work 
connected with the taxation of the provinces, being one 
who held by inheritance the post of Mustawfi or Accountant- 
general, this post having been in his family since the days 
of his great-grandfather, who was superintendent of the 

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finances of 'Irak in Abbasid times, before the first Mongol 
invasion. Hamd-AUah himself had served under Rashid- 
ad-Dln (the author of the Tdnkh-i-Itaahidif published in part 
by E. Quatremdre), the celebrated minister of Ghazan Ehan, 
and the present description of Persia and Mesopotamia, 
though completed in 740 (1340 a.d.)) may be taken to 
represent the country as it existed under the government 
of that Il-Ehan and his successors Uljaytii and Abu-Sa'id 
(brother and nephew of Ghazan) in whose service Hamd- 
AUah held the office of Mustawfi. 

At the head of most of the chapters describing each 
province of the Ilkhanid empire in Persia and Mesopotamia 
Hamd- Allah has given the sum of the provincial revenue 
paid in his own time. These figures may be best summarized 
in a note,^ and they are of interest as showing the financial 
condition of Persia under the Il-Ehans. It must, however, 
be observed that Mustawfi very frequently also gives, 
under the separate articles, the state - revenues derived 
from the towns ; hence the sums given in our footnote 
probably should not be held to represent the sum-total of 
the provincial taxes, for, while it is nowhere clearly stated 
whether or not these individual sums formed part of the 
aggregate, the revenues of all the chief towns are not 
given. From the point of view of Numismatics an interest 
lies in the statement repeated many times by Mustawfi 
(L. 133e/, ITO;", etc.) that in his day the currency-dinar 
(Dindr-ulidij), which was used in all accounts, a gold coin 
that possibly was only nominal (or but seldom coined), was 
reckoned to be worth six (silver) dirhams of the Abbasids ; 

1 Beckoued in currency-dinars (four of these being about oquivaleut to the 
pound sterling), and in the year 35 of the Ilkhani Era (a.d. 1335), Arabian <Iri^ 
paid 3,000,000 dinars ; Mm (Asia Minor), 3,300,000 ; Armenia, 390,000 ; 
Upper Mesopotamia, Ij million dinars ; Kurdistan, 201,500 ; Khuzistan, 
826,000; Pars, 2,S7l,200 ; Shabankarah, 266,100; and Kirman, 676,500 
dinars. The list of provinces, it -mil be obsened, is not complete. Mustawfi 
further, in many cases, records the revenues of former periods, uotjibly fur Salj^ 
times daring the later centuries of the Abbasid Caliphate, but these seem hardly 
worth tabulating, for the sums mentioned are not liki ly to be verj- reliable. 

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henoe, as already said in our footnote, four of these currency- 
dinars were about equal in value to one pound sterling. 

The present paper, it will be seen, only attempts the 
summary of Part II in the Third Book of the Nuzhat^ and 
of this all that is now here given is the corrected list of 
the names of places, with the reference to the pages of the 
lithographed edition, and to the authority responsible for the 
true reading of the name. An attempt also has been made 
in every case to identify the site, or the fact is stated when 
the position is unknown. 

The text as found in the Bombay Lithograph has been 
edited with almost incredible carelessness. The plaoe-name& 
heading each article are written indifferently with or without 
diacritical points, hence very often these names are perfectly 
illegible. Towns of a somewhat similar name in the written 
character, but quite well known, and, in point of fact, 
occupying different provinces — such, for example, as Ardabil 
in Adharbayjan and Irbil in Upper Mesopotamia — are as 
a rule here systematically confounded one with the other, and 
a place like Tawwaj, the celebrated commercial emporium of 
Fars in the earlier middle ages, appears in the Bombay text 
as Nuh, that is to say, Noah. Similarly absurd mistakes 
recur again and again, as, for instance, where our author, 
speaking of the rivers of Persia (which for the most part do 
not find their exit to the sea), describes each in turn as 
" flowing out or becoming lost in the Desert (Mqfdzah),'' for 
which the Bombay edition invariably has the statement that 
the river becomes ** lost in a cave (Maghdrahy the excuse 
for which nonsense being that in the Arabic character there 
is a similarity between Magharah and Ma/dzaU by a change 
of diacritical points. 

For obtaining a correct text, I have collated (more or less 
completely) eight of the best MSS. found in the British 
Museum, also the six MSS. of the Bodleian at Oxford, and 
two MSS. belonging to the University Library at Cambridge. 
For Chapter 12, describing the province of Fars, I have 
been able to get the true readings for a number of place- 
names, not given by Istakhri or the other Arab geographers, 

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by collating the MS. of the Fdrs Ndtnah recently acquired 
by the British Museum. This is a Persian work on history 
and geography written in the first years of the sixth 
century a.h. (the twelfth a.d.) by a certain Ibn-al-6alkhi 
who flourished at the court of the Sal j Ok Sultan Muhammad, 
sumamed Ghiyath-ad-Din, son of Malik Shah ; the exact 
date of the writing of the Fdrs Ndmah does not appear 
to be mentioned in the MS., but the writer's patron (whom 
he mentions as still reigning) succeeded in 498 (1104 a.d.) 
and ruled till 511 (a.d. 1117), which fixes the period within 
narrow limits. 

I have also made use of another unique MS. which the 
British Museum possesses, namely, the unnamed geography 
which is attributed to Hafiz Abru, the Secretary of Timur. 
This work, which was written in 820 a.h, (1417 a.d.), copies 
a good deal from the Nuzhat^ but adds at times geographical 
details not given by Hamd- Allah. For instance, there are 
in this work some important passages which throw light 
on the vexed question of the course taken by the Oxus 
during the middle ages (these will be given in the notes 
to Chapter 17 on Khurasan) ; and it is worthy of remark 
that Hafiz Abru himself appears to have travelled far and 
wide through the broad empire of Timur, so that much of 
his information is that of an eye-witness, and comes to us 
at first-hand.^ 

^ The British Museum MS. ot the Fdr» Ndmah is that numbered Or. 5,983 ; 
the work by Hafiz Abru is that numbered Or. 1,577 : and this last is described 
in vol. i, p. 421, of the Catalogue of the Persian Manmcripts in the British 
Museum, by Dr. Rieu. The British Museum MSS. of the Nuzhat that I have 
used are those numbered Add. 7,708, 7,709, 7,710, 16,735, 16,736, 16,737, 
23,543, and 23,544 (cf. op. cit., p. 418). The Oxford MSS. are those 
numbered 406, 407, 408, 409, 410, and 411 in the Catalogue of Persian 
Manuscripts edited by Messrs. Eth6 and Sachau. The two Cambridge MSS. 
are those given under the numbers Add. 2,624 and 3,146; these are described 

201, 202 of the Cdmbridge Persian Catalogue written by Mr. E. G. 

le. The two Cambridge MSS. I had the very great convenience of 
n^ at my London lodgings in June and July, 1900, for, with exceptional 
>sity, the authorities of ttiat University consented to grant these MSS. 
on loan, Mr. E. 6. Browne giving security for their safe return. I must 
;his occasion of rendering him my thanks for this friendly action in my 
'; to the Vice-Chancellor, and to Mr. Jenkinson, the Librarian of the 
rsity Library, also I feel very deeply indebted for the loan. For the 
Ndmah MS. I must express my thanks to Mr. A. G. Elli^, of the British 
im, who drew my attention to this new acquisition. 

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The Zqfar Ndmah, describing the campaigns of Timur, 
written by 'All of Yazd (and translated at the beginning 
of the last century into French by Petis de la Croix),* has 
been of use in identifying some of the place-names given 
in the Nuzhat, and often the position of places is roughly 
indicated by a reference to the marches of Timur, and this 
enables us to identify the sites of lost towns. A work 
which also seemed to promise much help is the well-known 
geography called the Jihdn Numd, compiled by the great 
bibliographer Haji Ehalfah in Turkish at the beginning 
of the seventeenth century a.d. Hajl Ehalfah repeatedly 
quotes the Nuzhat, and, as he evidently had excellent MSS. 
to work from, his readings of the place-names are valuable. 
Unfortunately, however, like all Oriental writers he is 
entirely uncritical. In the eastern regions, which lie beyond 
his personal ken, he inserts descriptions of Sirjan (in 
Eirman), Zaranj (in Slstan), and Arrajan (in Fars), as 
though all these cities still existed in his day, when we 
know from history that, as a fact, the two former towns 
were destroyed by Timur, while Arrajan even before the 
time of Timur had been replaced by Bihbahan, which is the 
present existing town, of which place, however, Haji Ehalfah 
makes absolutely no mention. Then, again, with no mark 
of the borrowing, Haji Ehalfah frequently makes mention 
of towns, giving the sums of revenue due from each (e.g. 
Salam and 'Ayn in Armenia) ; but in most cases these 
appear to be simply paragraphs taken over bodily from the 
Nuzhat, and the suras for the taxes are those already given 
by Mustawfi, writing under the Ilkhanid administration 
three centuries before the time when the Jihdn Numd was 

* In quoting the spelling of names, the references are to the edition of the 
Persian text of the Zafar Ndtnah published in the series of the Bibliotheca 
Indica (Calcutta, 1887). The French translation, called Hitttoire de Ttmur-Bee, 
was printed in four volumes 12mo, Paris, 1722. 

^ The Turkish text of the Jihan Numd (to which my quotations refer) was 
printed in Constantinople a.h. 1145 (1732) by Ibrahim Efendi, and a Latin 
translation of this work was made by M. Nor berg, and published in 1818 at 
Londini Gothomm (Lundj, in two volumes ; but the place-names in this 
translation are not, as a rule, spelt correctly. 

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In conclusion of these preliminary notes, I may remark 
that for the true reading of the place-names I have relied 
far more on the authority of Yakut, supplemented by the 
older Arab geographers (the texts, namely, in the eight 
volumes of the Bibliotheca Oeographorum Arabicorum of De 
Goeje) and our present maps, than on the readings in the 
diverse MSS. of the Nuzhat, which last are often incredibly 
incorrect, from the carelessness of the scribes. Where the 
modem map and the Arab geographers together fail us 
(e.g. in some sections of the Itineraries), the spelling of 
the place-names becomes quite uncertain, and the diverse 
readings often equal in number that of the manuscripts 
consulted, each scribe having added diacritical points and 
letters according to fancy. The Persians are, indeed, far 
behind the Arab scribes in matter of accuracy in copying 
their texts ; and, curiously enough, where a criterion has 
existed for settling the true reading, I have often found 
that the older MSS. of the Nuzhat were quite as incorrectly 
written as the more modern copies of the work. 

I have been unable to include in the following pages the 
names of all the villages given by Mustawfi in his lists; 
* "* ^, as a general rule, those names only are inserted 
h either occur in the works of the Arab geographers, 
e found still to exist on our modern maps, or, finally, 
nserted in the Itinerary. An exhaustive collating of 
he MSS. would be required for fixing the readings of 
outstanding names in Mustawfi's lists of sub-districts 
villages; and even then accuracy would probably be 
bain able, until the topography of Persia becomes more 
rately and completely known. In the following pages, 
)ver, all the separate articles, whether of towns or 
icts, given by Mustawfi have been inserted, and the 
apt is in every case made to identify the places men- 
jd ; or, when the present maps and the Arab geog^phers 
t are at fault, and no clear indication of the site is 
nable, some indication is given of the region in which 
Jace or its ruins should be sought for. 
sfore proceeding to a detailed examination of that section 

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of the Nuzhat which especially deals with the Ilkhanid 
kingdom of Iran (Persia with Mesopotamia) , it will be 
convenient to give first the general Table of Contents of 
the book, premising that the Nuzhat-al-Kulub is a cosmo- 
graphical work, of which a part only treats of geography, 
and that it is divided into five sections, namely, an 
Introduction, Three Books, and a Conclusion, these sections 
being in many cases further subdivided into Chapters and 
various Appendixes or sub-sections.^ 

INTRODUCTION (caUed Fatihah or Mukaddamah) : treating of 
the Spheres, the Heavenly Bodies, and the Elements, followed 
by a description of the iohabited Quarters of the Earth, with 
an explaDation of Latitude and Longitude, and the division 
into Climates, L. 8A. 

FIliST BOOK {Ifakalah • i • Awwal) : describing the Mineral, 
Vegetable, and Animal Kingdoms, L. inset 21s. 

SECOND BOOK : Man, his nature, faculties, and qualities, L. 49a. 

THIRD BOOK, divided into four Parts {ICism). 

Pabt I : Mecca, Medina, and the Mosque of Jerusalem, L. 11 6o. 

Part II : The Lands of Iran, divided into twenty Chapters 
{Bab) ' and five Appendices {Makhlas or Fasl). 

Ch. 1, *Iruk *Arab, U2p.^ Ch. 2, *Irak *Ajam, 141m?.* 
Ch, 3, Adharbayjan, 153;w.* Ch. 4, Mughfiu and Arran, 
159?^* Ch, 5, Shlrvan, 160ar* Ch. 6, Gurjistan, 

* The references (for distiDction. where anv ambiguity may occur, more 
especially marked L.) are to the lithographed edition, already indicated, of the 
Ntahat. ThiB contains in all 372 pageti of text, which, for some unexplained 
reason, are not numbered consecutively. The pagination runs from pp. 1 to 48, 
this being followed by an imtet of pp. 1 to 112, after which comes p. 49, thence 
running on continuously to the clone of the work, which is numbered p. 260. 
Each page contains t went}'- five lines of text, which for convenience I refer to 
under the letters of the alphabet: thus 132^ and 133a indicate the last line 
and the first line of the text on these two pages respectively. 

' The Persian text of the chapters marked * has been printed by C. Schefer 
in his SuppUment au HioBset Nameht Paris, 1897, pp. 141-230. Of those 
marked f the text is given by h. Dom in vol. iv of his Muhammednnisehe 
QlMUm, St. Petersburg, 1858, pp. 81-87. 

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161// * Ch. 7, Rum, 161y. Ch. 8, Armenia, 164o* 
Ch, 9, Jazlrah. 165». Ch. 10, Kurdistan, 167«. Ch. 11, 
Khuzistun, 168/w. Ch. 12, Fars, 170*. Ch. 13, 
Shabankarah, IBly. CA. 14, Kirman, I8I2. Ch. 15, 
The Desert, \^2w. Ch. 16, Nlmruz and Kuhistan, 183^. 
Ch. 17, Khurasan, 185^. Ch. 18, Mazandaran, IQO/.f 
CA. 19, Kumis, 191i.t Ch. 20, Gllan, 191«.t 

Appendix /, the Itineraries, divided into the following sections: 
— Route i, Sultaniyah to Hamadan and Kanguvar, 192ip. 
Route ii, Kanguvar to Hulwan, 192z. Route iii, Hulwan 
to Baghdad and Najaf, 193<?. After which, 193X*, come 
the pilgrim routes across the Arabian Desert to Mecca, 
Medina, and back to Najaf. Route iv, Baghdad to 
Basrah and to the Island of Kays, 195^. Route v, 
Baghdad to Rahbah, 195r. Route vi, Baghdad to 
Mosul, 195:r. Route vii, Kanguvar to Isfahan, 196y. 
Route viii, Sultaniyah to Sumghan, 196</. Route ix, 
Sumghan to Bustam, 196(f. Route x, Bustam to 
Nishapur, 196«. Route xi, Nishapur to Sarakhs and 
Marv-ar-Rud, 196w. Route xii, Marv-ar-Rud to Balkh 
and the Oxus, 197a. Route xiii, Bustam to Faravah, 
197/. Route xiv, Faravah to Urganj, 197/. Route rv, 
Nishapur to Herat, 197r. Route xvi, Nishapur to 
Turshiz, 197a:. Route xvii, Herat to Zaranj, MS. only. 
Route xviii, Herat to Marv-ar-Rud and on to Great 
Marv, 198fl. Route xix, Great Marv to Urganj, 198*. 
Route XX, Sultaniyah to Bajarvan, 198«. Route xxi, 
Bajarvan to Mahmudabfid, 198«. Route xxii, Bajarvan 
to Tiflis, I98w. Route xxiii, Bajarvan to Tabriz, 199*. 
Route xxiv, Sultaniyah to Tabriz, 199A. Route xxv, 
Tabriz to Sivas, 199w. Route xxvi, Sumghan to Isfahan, 
199t?. Route XX vii, Isfahan to Shiraz, 200<?. Route 
xxviii, Shiraz to Kays Island, and thence by sea to 
India, 200/. Route xxix, Shiraz to Kazirun, 200a?. 
Route XXX, Shiraz to Hurmuz, 2OO2. Route xxxi, 
Shiraz to Kirman, 201/ Route xxxii, Shiraz to Yazd, 
20U-. Route xxxiii, Shiraz to Arrajan and Bustanak, 

Appendix 11^ Mountains: — Alvand, 202j:;; Askanbaran, 202u; 
Bisutun, 203/; Barchin, 203« ; Darak, 203y ; Dama- 
vand, 2032 ; Darabjird mountains, 204/; Rastak, 204y ; 

Digitized by 



Husmand, 204X* ; Bakhid, 204n ; Kuh-Zar and Zardah- 
kuh, 204q ; Sablan, 204u; ; Saraband, 205c ; Sahand, 
205h; Siyah-kuh, 205^*; Sipan, 205/; Sha^ak, 205m; 
SQr, 205/?; Taruk, 205r; Tabarak, 205^; Kaiin, 205ar; 
Kabalah, 20ed ; Kafs, 206^; Kargas, 206«; Eirman 
mountains, 206A ; Gulistan, 206^* ; Qulshan, 206/ ; 
Gunabad and Zibad, 206» ; Kushad, 206o ; Klluyah, 
206jr ; Mast-kuh, 206r ; Murjan, 206^ ; NTsht, 206t; ; 
Salt mountain of Avah, 206a: ; Hajam, 207n ; Harin, 207h. 

Appeiidix III : Mines and Minerals, 201 d. 

Appendix IV, Rivers: — Saylian and Jayl^un (the Sams and 
Pyramus of Asia Minor), 211^ ; Erat (Euphrates), 211«; 
Nn (the NUe), 212y; ItU (the Volga), 212i'; Atrak, 
212s; Aras, 2Uh\ Hak, 213<?; Buy, 213/; Bardal, 213;*; 
Jayhun (Oxus), 213/; Jurjan, 2l3w; Dijlah (Tigris), 
213^; Dujayl (Karun), 214^; Dizful river, 214A; Upper 
and Lower Zab, 214;*; Mm-ghab, 214w ; Zandah-rud, 
214/*; Zakau, 214s; 8afid-rud,* 215c; Sayhun or Shash 
(Jaxartes), 215A; Shahrud, 215»; *As (Orontes), 215^; 
Khitay river, 215« ; Farah-rud, 215^ ; Kaw^ah^ (or 
Kar'ah), 215w; Karkhah, 215m?; Kur of Georgia, 215y; 
Kur of Pars, 216a; Gang (Ganges), 216/; Mihran, 
(Indus), 216i^ ; Nahrawan, 216/; Hari-rud, 216^^ 
Hirmand (Helmund), 216«; Jayij-rud, 216t;; Garm-rud 
or Kuh-rud, 216a;; Kum river, 216s; Guvmasa, 217a;. 
Zanjan river, 217c; Abhar river, 217y; Xazvin rivers, 
217;', q, and /; Xarum river, 217X-; Kashan river, 217m; 
Muzdakau, 217w ; Kardan, 217r ; Kharrakan rivers, 
217« and t? ; Andarab, 217m?; Ahar liver, 217y; Awjan 
river, 218a; Jaghtu, 218i; Sarav, 218r; Sard-rud, 218^; 
Sanjid and Kadpu, 218/; Safi, 218^ ; Shal, 218A; Garm- 
rud, 218/*; Mihran-rud, 218;*; Maraud river, 218/; 
Miyanij river, 218«; Taghtu, 218^; Hasht-rud, 2\%q] 
Pulvar, 218r; Tab, 218«; Masin, 218m; Shirin, 218t;; 
Sitedkan, 218m? ; Jarrah river, 218ar ; Darkhuvayd, 
218y; Khwandan, 2I82; Batln, 219a; Jarshi^, 2\U'r 
Ikhshin, 219(/; Sam-rud, 219(/; Div-rud,219c; Nishavar 
river, 219/; Bai^rah, 219y; Balikh, 219;'; Khabur, 

^ Here, and in many other instances, the form of the name given ii* 
Ab-i-8afid-Rad, literally ' Water (or River) of the White-river,' the word for 
river being repeated twice. 

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2l9k; Hirmas, 219m; Tharthar, 219o; Sur, 2l9p; 
Shurab, 219^; Dizbad, 219r; Sahr, 219«; Kharu, 2l9t; 
TushkaD, 219u; Pusht-farush, 219r ; Ehajank, 219a;; 
Farajah, 219i?; Dahar, 219|^; Baklran, 219s; Charsaf- 
nid, 220a ; 'Atsbabad river, 2203 ; Yakhsb&b, 220J ; 
Jagbau, 220^; Bay at river, 220^; Dakuk river, 220;; 
Baraz-ar-Ruz river, 220^. 

Appendix V, Seas and Lakes : — The seven Seas, 220« ; Sea of 
China, 220w \ the Indian Sea, 22U; the Persian Gulf, 
222^ ; the Red Sea, 223« ; the Sea of the Franks, 22dr ; 
the Western Sea, 224<? ; the Sea of Rum, 224in ; the Sea 
of Darkness, 224y ; the Eastern Sea, 2253 ; the Caspian, 
226d ; Lake Bakhtigan, 225y ; Lake of Dasht Arzin, 
226a ; the Jirrah Lake, 2263 ; Mahaluyah Lake, 226<? ; 
Lake of Darkhuvayd, 226rf; the Lakes of Mashuyah and 
of Murghzar Isfandan, 226^; Urmlyah Lake, 226/*; 
Arjish Lake (Van), 226/; Gukchah Lake, 226it; Chashmah 
Sabz, 226/ ; the Zarah Lake, 226;; ; the Khwarizm Lake 
(Aral Sea), 226^ ; the Lake of Tinnis (Egypt), 226tt. 

Pabt III : The Border Lands of Iran, that at times have been 
subject thereof. 

This part gives a number of short articles on the following 
countries and towns : — Alexander and the Wall against Gk>g 
and Magog, 227<;; Bab-al-Abwab, 227X* ; Samarkand, 228^ 
Siyavush-gird, 228w ; Farghanah, 228;r; Alexandria, 2293 
Damascus, 23Ui ; Rahbah, 230z ; Cairo and Egypt, 231^ 
Southern Regions, 232/; Northern Regions, beyond Bab- 
al-Abwab with the Gog and Magog Wall, 232j». 

Pabt IV : Foreign Lands that never have been subject to Iran. 
This part briefly notices the following cities and lands with 
others i—Balasaghun, 233^; Thibet, 233r; China, 233e; 
Khitay, 234<?; Khoten, 234/; Khwarizm, 234y; the Desert 
of Kipchak, 234/; Lands of Gog and Magog, 234^; Bulghir, 
234^; various Indian cities, 234^; Saghaniyan, 234i0; 
Karakorum, 2^be\ Kandahar, 235/; Kabul, 235A; Kashmir, 
235;; Machin (China), 235m; Transoxiana, 235r; Makran» 
235m;; India, 235a; Dehli, 236i ; Yaman, 236/; Aden, 
236/;; Oman, 236m; Yamamah, 236n; Ha^ramawt, 236^; 
Little Armenia, 236v; Ifrikiyah, 236y; Andalua, 2dld\ 
the Arabian Desert, 238^; Hijaz, 238m; Syria, 2d8f ; 

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Tarsus, the Cave of the Seven Sleepers, 239^; Tangiers, 
239A; the Lands of the Franks, Constantinople^ 239r; 
PalestiDe, 2399; Kayruwan, 240h; Xulzum, 240/; Mi^r 
(Egypt), 240m; Maghrib and Western Lands, 240r; 
Greece, 243a. 

CONCLUSION {Khatimah). Description of Marvels in various 
parts of Iran : — In Khurasan, Kumis, Mazaudaiuo, and 
Kuhistan, 243/i ; in 'Iral^ 'Ajam, Kurdistan, Luristao, and 
Qilan, 243«; in Fars, Kirman, and Shabankarah, 246^; in 
'Irak 'Arab and Khuzistan, 246r ; in Bum, Gurjistan, 
Adharbayjan, Mughan, Arran, and Shirvan, 247;'; marvels in 
diverse other quarters of the habitable world, 24 8^*. FinU of 
the Nuzhat-al-Kuluhy setting forth the author's apology, 264(/; 
followed by a list of the chief Arabic and Persian historians, 
with the names of their works, 257a-2592. Colophon, 260. 

Reverting now to Part II of the Third Book, On the Lands 
of Irdn — the subject of the present paper — the detailed 
contents of the twenty chapters into which this is divided 
are succinctly discussed in the following pages. And here, 
for the sake of convenience, I have added to each chapter, 
when treating of the various provinces and towns, those 
articles which go to form Appendices II, IV, and V, in 
which Mustawfi describes the Mountains, Rivera, and Lakes 
of Persia and Mesopotamia, giving of course also a reference 
to the Nuzhat where the text of the Appendix will be found. 
Appendix I, on the Itineraries, will be treated in detail at 
the close of Chapter 20; but in regard to Appendix III, 
on Mines, being totally unacquainted with mineralogy, and 
since this section treats only of the places where diverse 
minerals and metals are to be found, I have thought it wiser 
to omit this part altogether from my paper. 

The list of names is a long one, and perhaps a few 
remarks on the nomenclature will not be out of place before 
proceeding to the description of the various provinces. 

In glancing over the place-names which Mustawfi records 
it is clear that the Arab element, found in the earlier 
geographers, had in the fourteenth century a.d. given place 

Digitized by 



almost entirely to Persian forms. The Arabs very usually 
added the article al to place-names which in their language 
had a meaning, e.g., Al-Anbar * the Granary/ Al-Hadithah 
*the New Town,' and Al-Mawsil 'the Junction' (Mosul); 
but in addition it will be found that they frequently wrote 
their article before purely Persian place-names, e.g. As- 
Sirjan and Al-Istahbanan, where there was no very obvious 
reason for so doing. It is impossible to say why Rhages 
should always have been written with the article Ar-Raf/^ 
while Jai/y the old name for Isfahan, should have as 
invariably been written without it. In Mustawfi's lists, 
ho\^ever, the Arabic article has everywhere disappeared, 
and we have Ray, Mawsil, etc. ; while names such as Ar- 
Ran and Ar-Ras [npelt A/- Ran, AZ-Ras in the Arabic 
writing), which in the older geographers had thus the 
false appearance of Arab names, in the pages of Mustawfi 
appear in plain Persian as Arran and Aras. 

Glancing over the map it will thus be found that 

nearly everywhere the older nomenclature has disappeared : 

Naysabur is become Nishapur (in modern Persian the 

diphthongs ay and mc are as a rule replaced by long 

I and u)^ Kirmlsln is replaced by Kirmanshahan, Nashava by 

Nakhchivan ; and Arabic names are given in their Persian 

equivalent, Kasr-ar-Rih * Wind Palace* becoming Dih Bad, 

Kariyat-al-Asad *Lion Village' and Kasr-al-Jawz *Nut 

Palace' reappearing as Dih Shir and Dih Jawz, the 

meanings standing unchanged. More especially in the 

province of Fars it will be found that Kal'ah, signifying 

a castle in Arabic, is still very generally retained ; at times, 

however, it is replaced by the Persian equivalent Diz, 

e.g. Kal*ah Isfandiyar, otherwise called Diz-i-Safid * White 

Castle,' and in one case the Arabic Kal'ah or Kal'at 

Eirs under the purely Persian form of Eilat, which 

lace-name became common in later times throughout 

rn Asia. In short, Persia proper in the time of 

vfi had already got quit of Arabic place-names ; one 

few mentioned by him (and the name is still retained) 

Bayda (Arabic al-Bayduy * the White Town ') in the 

Digitized by 



Msrvdasht plain to the north of Shiraz. Of purely Arabic 
names Wasitah, ' the Middle place/ a poet- stage between 
Eashan and Isfahan, is another example, but the reading 
of the MSS. is not sure, and in another instance Haddadah, 
* the Frontier or Barrier,' a stage on the great eastern road 
between Damghan and Bustam, the Arab name is given 
with its Persian alias of Mihman-dust, and this last is the 
one still in use. One other instance of an Arabic name in 
Persia, as given by Mustawfi, occurs in Ras-al-Kalb, 'the 
Dog's Head,' a stage between Ray and Samnan. No trace 
of this name exists at the present time, and apparently its* 
place is occupied by Lasjird, the name of the curious 
fortress - town (wanting in the lists of the medieeval 
geographers) which crowns a bluff overlooking the desert 
plain (see illustration in H. W. Bellew, From the Indm to 
the TigrxH, p. 404). 

Chaptei' 1. 'Irak 'Arab, 

Contents: Kufah, L. 133«; Mashhad *AIi, ld4y; Mashhad Husayn, 
134«; Baghdad, I35a; Anbar, ld6tr ; Babil, ld6s; Baras- 
ar-Ruz, 137/; Basrah, 137/; 'Abbadan, 137fr; Bandanljln 
and labf, 137x; Bayat, 138a; Takrlt, 138rf; Tall 'AVarkQf, 
138/; Hadlthah, 138y; Harba. 138A; Hillah, 138;*; Hulwan, 
138^; Firah, 138«; KhaUf, 138t;; Ehani^ln, 138u^; Dujayl, 
13&r; Dakuk, \Z9a\ Dayr 'Akul, 139^; Bumiyah, 139<^; 
Radhan and Bayn Nahrayn, 139(^ ; Zangiabad, 139^ ; 
Samarrah, 139/; ^adrayn, 139r; Tarlk, or tbe Road of, 
Khura^n and Ba'^uba, 139«; Shahraban^ 139tr; *Anah, 
139^; 'Askarab, 1392; Easr Shlrln, 139s; Kadisiyah, 140^; 
Kuian, 140^; Muhawwal, 140/; Madain, 140/; Nahr *Isa, 
141^; Nuhr Malik, 141^; Nahrawan, 141w; Nu'manlyah, 
141o; Nil, 141fi; Hit and Jubbab, 141;?; Wasit, 141^. 

The dividing-line between the two provinces of *Irak and 
Jazirah (Lower and Upper Mesopotamia) has varied at 
different epochs. In Abbasid times it is generally given 
as running up from Anbar on the Euphrates to Takrit 

J.K.A.S. 1902. » 

Digitized by 



the Tigris,^ both towns being as a rule included in the lower 
province. In the time of Hamd-Allah, however, 'Irak 
included as well many towns lying on the Euphrates to the 
north of Anbar, up to or beyond *Anah, and the frontier 
line at that period went from a short distance below 
Karklsiya, where the river KhabGr joins the Euphrates, 
across Mesopotamia to a point on the Tigris immediately 
below the junction of the Lesser Zab. Hamd- Allah in 
Appendix IV describes both the Euphrates and the Tigris 
at some length (L. 211m and 213a;), but adds nothing to 
what has been already given in the notes to my translation 
of Ibn Serapion. The Tigris in his time still flowed down 
by the Shatt-al-Hay past Wasit into the Great Swamps, 
which in their western portion swallowed up the waters also 
of the Euphrates below Kufah ; in short, the state of the 
country described by Ibn Serapion at the close of the ninth 
century a.d. still existed in 1340, and for that matter 
continued unaltered until after the time of Hafiz Abru in 
1420, the change to the present state of the Euphrates and 
Tigris having taken place in the century before 1652 a.d., 
when Tavernier visited the country.^ 

Among the cities of 'Irak, Hamd-Allah being an ardent 
gives precedence to Kufah (I.S. 53), near the burial- 
of the Imams, which he calls the Dar-al-Mulk, 'the 
) of Power,' though Baghdad is, he admits, * the 
)T of Cities ' and the metropolis. His description of 
ilebrated shrines near Kufah is given in the following 

Map of Mesopotamia as described by Ibn Serapion. In order to save 
repetition the letters I.S. will mark a reference to the volume of this 
for 1895 where, in the notes to my paper on Ibn Serapion, details of 
: the towns here mentioned will be found. 

Baghdad during the Caliphate ^ p. 8, note 1. Since writing this I have 
a Purchas* Pilgrims (folio, 16!2d, vol. v, p. 1411) that in 1581 John 
ie apparently Iravelled down from Baghdaa to Basrah by the present, 
course of the Tigris. The change, therefore, from the Wasit channel 
at present followed mu»t have already taken place, in all probability, 
;he middle of the sixteenth century a.d. Nothing certain is to be learnt 
le Narratives of Csesar Frederic in 1563 {Purchase v, p. 1702), John 
in 1583 (Hakluyt Travels^ 4to edit., ii, p. 404), or the anonymous 
lese traveller, cired 1555, whose MS. is in the possession of Major M. 
[see Athenaum for 25tb March, 1901, p. 373). 

Digitized by 



paragraph, which is a slightly condensed translation of the 
Persian text: — 

" Two leagues to the northward of EQfah is Mashhad 'Alt, 
where the Caliph is buried ; for, on receiving his death 
wound in the Eufah Mosque, 'All had ordered that his body 
should be put on a camel, which was then to be turned loose, 
and wherever the camel knelt there his body was to be 
buried. All this was therefore dpne, but during the time 
of the Omayyads no tomb was erected at Mashhad 'All, for 
the place was kept hidden for security. In the year 175 
(791 A.D.) the holy site was discovered by the Abbasid 
Caliph Hiirun-ar-HashId, for when hunting one day near 
KOfah he had chased his quarry into a thicket, but on 
attempting to follow it he found that no force could prevail 
on his horse to enter the place. Then awe fell on Harun, 
and on enquiring of the peasants they told him this was 
indeed the burial-place of 'Ali, as such being an inviolate 
sanctuary. Orders were given to dig, and the body of *Ali 
was found, to guard which a shrine (or Mashhad) was then 
built, which became a place of visitation. At a later date in 
the year 366 (977 a.d.) 'Adud-ad-Dawlah the Buyid erected 
the Mausoleum which still exists, and the place became 
a little town 2,500 paces in circuit. Ghazan Ehan the 
Il-Ehan in recent times erected here the house for Sayyids 
called the Dar - as - Siyadah, also a Khankah or Darvish 
monastery. To the north-west of Kufah, eight farsakhs 
away in the desert, is Earbala, the place of martyrdom of' 
Husayn. The building now seen here waci erected by 
'Adud-ad-Dawlah aforesaid, and a small town has grown 
up round this shrine also, being some 2,400 paces in circuit. 
Outside Mashhad Husayn are seen the tombs of those who 
fell fighting at his side in the battle that resulted in his 

The early history of these two celebrated shrines is 
obscure; the foregoing is the usual Shi'ah account, but 
though it is true that Harun-ar-Bashid at jpne period pf 
hi3 reign favoured the Alids, the Arab chronicles do nqt 

Digitized by 




relate that he 'invented' the Tomb of *AlI. The earliest 
notice in detail of Mashhad 'All appears to be of the 
middle of the fourth century a.h. (tenth a.d.), written by 
Ibn Hawkal. He says (p. 163) that the Hamdanid prince 
Abu-1-Hayja, who was governor of Mosul in 292 (a.d. 904) 
and died in 317 (a.d. 929), had built a dome on four columns 
over the tomb at Mashhad 'All, which shrine he ornamented 
with rich carpets and hangings ; further, he surrounded the 
town there with a wall. Elsewhere Ibn Hawkal, however, 
adds that in his day the burial-place of 'All was also shown 
in the comer of the great Mosque at Kufah, and this attribu- 
tion was credited by many persons. In the pages of the 
Chronicle of Ibn-al-Athlr (ix, 13, 42, 169, 394 ; x, 103) it 
is recorded that the Buyid prince 'A(j[ud-ad-Dawlah was 
buried at Mashhad 'All, also his sons Sharaf and Baha-ad- 
Dawlah; and diverse other notable persons are under various 
dates stated to have been buried here. 

In the year 443 (1051 a.d.) the shrine was burnt to the 
ground by the Baghdad populace, who, being orthodox, had 
taken to persecuting the Shi'ahs ; it must, however, have 
been rebuilt shortly afterwards^ for Malik Shah and his 
Yazir, the Nizam-al-Mulk, made their visitation to the tomb 
in 479 (1086 a.d.). Yakut, who mentions Mashhad 'All in 
his articles on Eufah and Najaf, unfortunately gives us no 
details of the shrine. 

In regard to Earbala and the shrine of Husayn, it i» 
nowhere stated by whom it was first built, but in the year 
236 (850 A.D.) the Caliph Mutawakkil earned the lasting 
hatred of all good Shi'ahs by ordering the buildings here 
to be destroyed by flooding the place with water; also he 
forbade the visitation of the sacred spot under heavy 
penalties. How long the tomb of Husayn remained in ruin 
is not stated, but 'Adud- ad -Dawlah the Buyid in 36& 
(979 a.d.) built a magnificent shrine here, and this is noticed 
by the contemporary geographers Istakhrl (p. 85) and Ibn 
Hawkal (p. 166). In 407 (1016 a.d.) the dome at Mashhad 
Husayn was burnt down, but doubtless was restored before 
the place was visited by Malik Shah in 479 (1086 a.d.) 

Digitized by 



when he went hunting in these districts. Yakut un- 
fortunately gives us no description of Mashhad Tlusayn 
to supplement the above, which is derived from Ibn-al-Atbir 
{Chronicle, vii, 36; viii, 518; ix, 209; x, 103). 

The description of Baghdad, that follows the description 
of Eufah in the Nuzhat, has already been summarized in 
a recent number of this Journal (J.B.A.S. for 1899, p. 885), 
and most of the other towns are mentioned in the notes 
to my translation of Ibn Serapion and need only a reference 
here. A plan of the ruins of Anbar is given by Mr. J. P. 
Peters in his recent work on Nippur (i, 177) ; he visited the 
site, and this lies at some distance from Sifayra (see also 
I.S. 52). Babil is at the ruins of ancient Babylon (I.S. 
:359). According to Ibn Ehurdadbih (p. 6), Baraz-ar-Ruz 
and Bandanljm were the chief towns of two neighbouring 
Sub-districts {TaasUj) of the great District (Astdn) of Shadh 
Kubadh, which was the third Astan of the twelve Districts 
into which 'Irak was divided in the times of the Abbasids. 
From the mention of neighbouring places it is almost certain 
that Baraz-ar-Ruz is identical with the modem Bilad Ruz, 
lying about twenty-five miles east of Ba'kuba ; and Hamd- 
Allah (L. 220/) also speaks of its river, which rising in the 
Kurdistan mountains flowed out into the plain and became 
lost before reaching the Tigris bank. Bandanijin, generally 
called Bandanlgan in the Lihf District, has left no trace on 
the map. It was an important town when Yakut (i, 745 ; 
iv, 353) wrote, lying near the foot-hills (or Lihf) of the 
Khuzistan frontier, and its ruins should be sought for some 
fifty miles to the eastward, bearing south, of Bilad Ruz. 

Basrah and 'Abbadan have been noticed before (I.S. 302, 
304). The little town of Bayat still exists, and Hamd- Allah 
(L. 220^) refers to its river, which rising in the Kurdistan 
mountains became lost in the plain below the town after 
watering many districts. Bayat, a name which does not 
oocur in the Arab geographers, is identical with, or rather 
lies close to, the ruins of Tib, a town mentioned by Yakut 
(iii, 566) as of some importance during Abbasid days, the 
site of which has been visited and described by Sir H. Layard 

Digitized by 



{Early Adventures^ ii, 229). Takrit was the frontier' town 
6n the Tigris between Lower and Upper Mesopotamia (I.S. 
36). The great mound of Tall 'Akarkuf still exists; its 
village was, according to Yakut (i, 867), of the 'Isa Canal 
District, and probably stood at no great distance from the 
town of Muhawwal, of which apparently all traces have 
vanished. Hadlthah, *the New Town' of the Euphrates, 
lying some thirty-five miles below 'Anah, is called Hadithah- 
an-NSrah by Yakut (ii, 223) to distinguish it from the other 
Hadithah on the Tigris, at the junction of the Upper ^b. 
Harba still exists on the Dujayl Canal (I.S. 39), and Hillah 
is on the Euphrates (I.S. 259). The ruins of Hulwan exist 
at the site called Sar-i-pul, and have been recently visited 
by M. de Morgan. The remains of Hirah lie near Eufah 
(I.S. 53), and the Ehalis is a canal of East Baghdad 
(I.S. 225). Ehanikin, Dakiik, Zangiabad, and Easr Shirin 
all figure on the map and need no comment. The first and 
last are in the Itinerary (Route iii), and Hamd- Allah 
describes (L. 22Q;) the Dakuk river as flowing from the 
Kurdistan mountains by the Darband-i-Ehalifah, past Dakiik, 
and out into the plain, where its waters were usually lost in 
the sand, though in the spring freshets they flow down to 
join the Tigris. 

The Dujayl Canal is of West Baghdad (I.S. 70), and 
Dayr-al-'Akul is on the Tigris, so too Rumiyah, opposite 
Madain (I.S. 40, 41). Radhan and Bayn-an-Nahrayn — 
'Between two Canals' — were two neighbouring regions of 
the Nahrawan. Both names have now disappeared from 
the map, but, according to Ibn Ehurdadbih (p. 6), there 
were, in Abbasid times, two Sub-districts called the Tassiij 
of Upper and of Lower Radhan which formed part of the 
Shad Hurmuz Astan or District, and this last was on the 
left bank of the Tigris in the neighbourhood of Madain. 
It is to be remarked that the name of Bayn-an-Nahrajm 
does not Apparently occur in any other author. The 
Khurasan Road is the name for the district to the eastward 
of BaghdSd. Samarrah and Ba%uba exist, and are noticed 
by Ibn Serapion (I.S. 36, 268). The region of Sadrayn 

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was watered by the Euphrates, but I have failed to discover 
its position, though the name occurs in the Jihdn Numd 
(p. 466), and all the MSS. agree in this spelling. As given 
in the Itinerary (Route iii), and lying to the north-east of 
Baghdad, Shahraban still exists ; and 'Anah is on the 
Euphrates (I.S. 52). Neither in the Jihdn Numd nor 
elsewhere, apparently, is any account found of the towns 
named 'Askarah (or 'Askarlyah) ^ and Kuran, which are not 
either of them marked on our maps. Eadisiyah may be 
either the town of that name on the Tigris (I.S. 37), or 
the place on the desert border near Eufah, where the great 
battle was fought when the Arab armies first invaded 

As already said, Muhawwal was the town on the great 
canal called the Nahr 'Isa (I.S. 71) to the west of Baghdad, 
and the ruins of Madain are still to be seen on the Tigris 
below Baghdad (1.8. 40). The canal called the Nahr Malik 
is the one below the Nahr 'Isa flowing from the Euphrates 
to the Tigris (I.S. 74), and Nu'maniyah (I.S. 43) stands on 
the Tigris a little above where the Nil Canal— on which is 
the town called Nil— flows in (I.S. 261). The city of 
Nahrawan is the place now called Sifwah (I.S. 269) on the 
Nahrawan, the great loop canal of the left bank of the 
Tigris which, starting from Dur below Takrit, rejoined 
the Tigris again below Madharaya after a course of about 
200 miles (I.S. 267). In its entirety this canal no longer 
exists, but its course can be traced, and from what Hamd- 
AUah reports it had gone out of use even in his day, for 
he gives the name of Nahrawan to what is now known as 
the Diyala river. In Appendix IV (L. 216/) he writes that 
the Nahrawan river had two head streams, both of which 
rose in the mountains of Kurdistan. One of them was 
called the Shlrwan river from the district of that name on 
its upper course, and lower down reaching the Taymarrah 
District it took this latter name. Below this the Nahrawan, 
or Taymarrah, was joined by the other branch, which rose 

* This place inaj be ^Askar-al-Mu'ta^im, or the Camp Quarter, at Samarri, 
where the Alid shnnes stood : see Yal^at, iii, 675 ; Mushtarik, 309 ; Maraaid, ii, 6. 

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^ the ^ "***"' ''**«* ritx- 

bewV^f ^ w^ "^'^ ;^^- Be/It :j^ ^ 

♦L *««t/v to-- '^ *ie IT. , "g" of ti '-f-S. 50, 
'«ne of r- ^W »*, * ''^'^««- oT **^« ieil * «« 

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The names of the stages on the post-roads will be found 
in Appendix I on the Itineraries. 

*Irak *Ajam. — 1, Firuzan; 2, Farifan; 3, Varamin; 4, Tihran 
and Shrine of Shah 'Abd-al-'Azim ; 5, Farisjin ; 6, Sumghan ; 
7, Sags&bad; 8, Abhar; 9, Avah; 10, Savah ; 11, Sunkurabad; 
12, 8aj&8 and Suhravard; 13, Saturik; 14, Sarjahan; 15, Sain 
Kal'ah; 16, Eaghadh Eunan or Ehunaj ; 17, Muzda^an; 18, 
'Sam&n; 19, Ardistan; 20, Dalijan; 21, Gulpaygan; 22, Zav&rah; 
23, Dih Saruk; 24, Natanz; 25, Idhaj or Mai Amir; 26, 'ArQj 
or Susan ; 27, Lurdagan ; 28, Saburkhwast ; 29, Ehurramabad ; 
30, Burujird; 31, Saymarah ; 32, Asadabad; 33, Abah of 
Eharra^an; 34, DarguzTn; 35, Rudarud, Tuvi, and Sarkan; 
36, Maybud ; 37, Nayin. 

AnHAaBATJAK. — 1, Awjan ; 2, Taruj or Tasuj ; 3, Ehalkh&l^ 
4, Shal and Eulur ; 5, Ahar ; 6, Ehoi ; 7, Salmas ; 8, Urmiyah ; 
9, TJshnuyah; 10, Sarav ; 11, Miyani j ; 12, Pasava; 13, Dih 
Ehwarkan; 14, Lay Ian ; 15, Marand; 16, Zangiyan and Bridge 
of Ehuda Afarin; 17, Earkar and Bridge of Diya-al-Mulk ; 
18, Nakhchivan; 19, TJrdubad. 

MvGHAN and Arran. — 1, Barzand; 2, PTlvar; 3, Mahraudabad; 
4, Barda'ah. 

Eubdistan. — 1, Alishtar; 2, Bahar; 3, Sultanabad Jamjamal; 
4, Shahraziir ; 5, Eirind and Eushan ; 6, Harsin ; 7, Vastam or 

EhGzistan. — 1, Junday Shapur; 2, Hawizah ; ;$, Ramhurmuz ; 
4, Sus ; 5, 'Askar Mukram ; 6, Masrukan town. 

Fabs. — 1, Tawwaz ; 2, Ehabr; 3, Ehunayfghan; 4, ^imkan; 
A EavSr; 6, Earzln, Eir, and Abzar; 7, Eariyan; 8, Laghir; 
9, Euian; 10, Mimand; 11, Istakhr; 12, Abarkuh; 13, Iklid ; 
14, Surmak; 15, Bay 4a; 16, Eharramah; 17, May in; 18, Band-i- 
Amlr; 19, Harat; 20, Eutruh ; 21, Eamin ; 22, Eallar and 

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Eurad; 23, Yazdikhwa^t ; 24, Dih Girdu ; 25, Abadah ; 26, 
Jahram ; 27, Jayaym of Abu Ahmad ; 28, Shapur ; 29, NawbaDJan ; 
30, Tir Murdan; 31, Jirrah; 32, Gunbad Mallagban ; 33, Khisht; 
34, Kumarij ; 35, Juyaym and Ebollar ; 36, Rtsbahr ; 37, 
Bustanak ; 38, Mahraban ; 39, Siniz ; 40, Jannaba. 

ShabIkkIkah. — 1, Darkan or Zarkan ; 2, I^tahbanan ; 3, Niris ; 
4, Khayrab ; 5, Tarum ; 6, Eurm and Rubanz. 

EuHiSTAK. — 1, Bajistan ; 2, Junabad ; 3, Dasbt-i-Biya^ and 
P^ria; 4, Birjand; 5, Ebosf; 6, Isfad; 7, Istind ; 8, Sharakhs; 
9, Tabas EflakT; 10, Tabas Maslnan; 11, Darah Castle. 

Ehtjbasan. — 1, Isfarayin ; 2, Baybak or Sabzivar; 3, Biyar; 
4, Ehud&sbab of Juvayn ; 5, Masbhad-i-Imam Bi^a ; 6, Fushan} ; 
7, Eusuy ; 8, Ebargird ; 9, Malan of Bakbarz ; 10, Gunabad of 
Badghiz ; 1 1 , Jam, and Buzjan or Puchkan ; 1 2, Ehwaf ; 1 3, Salam ; 
14, Sanjan ; 15, Zuzan ; 16, Abivard ; 17, Ehavaran. 

EfMis. — 1, Ebuvar or Mahallab Bagh ; 2, Samnan ; 3, Abuyan; 
4, Girdkuh ; 5, Firuzkub. 

GiLAN. — 1, Tulim; 2, Shaft; 3, Fumin; 4, Eawtam; 5, Lahijan. 

{To be eontiftHed,) 

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Art. Y.—The RisdlaMl-Ohufrdn : by Abu'l-^Ala al-Ma*arri. 
Part II, including Table of Contents with Text and 
Translation of the Section on Zandaka and of other 
passages. By Reynold A. Nicholson. 

[It was my desire that the translation of the passages here selected 
should be accompanied by the Arabic text, and in writing the notes 
I assumed that the reader would have the Arabic before him. It has 
been found necessary, however, to divide the article into three parts, 
two of which will contain the translation and notes, while the original 
text will be printed separately in the third.] 

In the last sentence of my paper on Part I of the Ghvfrdn 
(J.R.A.8., October, 1900) I described the Second Part as 
''more difficult, but also more characteristic and interesting.'' 
Further study has led me somewhat to modify this view. 
It is more difficult to read, because the scribe, hastening to 
the goal, drove bis pen furiously. On the first reading 
a good deal of it seemed to me almost hopeless, but a closer 
acquaintance has removed not a few of these stumbling- 
blocks, and I am convinced that only patience and 
determination are needed to remove all, or nearly all, that 
are left. If indeed Abul-'Ala had always written as he 
writes in the section to which this article is mainly devoted, 
his readers would have no cause for complaint : it comprises 
many anecdotes and comparatively little rhetoric ; hence 
it is, beyond doubt, less difficult than any other section of 
the JRisdla. Unfortunately, these twenty or thirty pages 
are but an oasis in the surrounding desert. Elsew^bere 
Abul-'Ala seldom escapes from his artificial prose with 
its forced metaphors and tyrannous rhymes. The passages 
of which I have attempted a translation, on pp. 127-129 
and 161-163, may serve to illustrate his typical manner. 

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But on the whole, when account is made of the large 
number of scattered anecdotes, the Second Part is scarcely 
equal in difficulty to the First. That it is more characteristic 
will be admitted, in the sense that it is more personal. The 
author says that he now begins to answer his correspondent's 
letter, and though each point taken up is merely a peg on 
which to hang elaborate rhetoric or discursive erudition, 
we do get occasional glimpses of the man behind the artist. 
The relative interest and value of the two parts must be 
a question of taste. Considered purely as literature, Part I 
cannot fail to be preferred by good judges. It is a delightful 
creation of the fancy, a trifle pedantic, but witty, audacious, 
and original. According to tradition, the Ghu/rdn is tainted 
with heresy. For this criticism not the author's treatment 
tof zandaka, which is by no means sympathetic, but his 
violation of orthodox susceptibilities must be held responsible. 
He has made Paradise the scene of a frivolous camerie. 
I am not aware that this feature of his work has any 
parallel in Muhamraadan literature. It recalls faintly the 
8ixth Book of the Aeneid, the Divine Comedy, and the 
Vision of Arda Ylraf, but all these are distinguished by 
«a calm sincerity and lofty seriousness which at once degrade 
the Ohufrdn to the level of an impudent parody. To find 
a really significant parallel let us turn to Luoian, an author 
with whom Abu'l-'Ala has much in common. Lucian, in 
the Verae Historiae,^ describes his visit to the Happy Isles, 
where, after seeing many ancient worthies, he has a talk 
with Homer, who enlightens him touching some details of 
the Homeric problem, and affirms the genuineness of the 
verses rejected by the Alexandrian grammarians, Aristarchus 
and Zenodotus. This is quite in Abu'l-'Ala's spirit; so is 
the description of the islands and of the pleasures enjoyed by 
the Blest A passing allusion to the IVogs of Aristophanes 
will suffice : here the diflerences are very great, and Abu'l- 
'Ala, with all his cleverness and learning, shows poorly 

* Book ii, § 11 w^q. (ed. Dindorf). On leaving the Happy Isles Lucian, like the 
Shaikh in the Ohn/rdn, Wsited the infernal regions. Cf . alBO his Neeyomanteia. 

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beside the splendid genius of the Greek. Both writers, 
however, agree in the burlesque handling of the Afterworld ;. 
an<ythe literary duel between ^schylus and Euripides may- 
be compared with that between A'sha Kais and Nabi^ia 
al-Ja'di in the Ohufrdn, 

The miscellaneous character of Part II, though destructive 
to its artistic merit, renders it perhaps more generally 
interesting. About a third consists of anecdotes, verses, 
and reflections concerning zandaka. These present a lively 
picture of ignorance and knavery possessing or assuming 
a religious virtue. Abu'l-'Ala does not try to go beneath 
the surface; his observations on the origin of zandaka are 
trivial ; he offers no theory such as that put forward by 
Chwolson,^ for which a strong case might be made, that 
many of these sects were the offspring of a widespread 
oonapiracy, directed by Persians, to honeycomb Muham- 
madanism with Persian ideas and finally to re-establish the 
old faith upon the ruins of its oppressor. But after all, how 
should a mere man of letters, even though he was a poet and 
thinker as well, attain to the philosophical conception of 
history which so rarely is found in the professed historians 
of Islam ? He has given us notes on the margin of history ; 
and a note is often more piquant than the text His attitude 
towards the zindikx, if not absolutely irreproachable in the 
eyes of an orthodox Moslem, affords no ground for the 
imputation that he sympathized with them. He prays God 
to reward the Shaikh, who had expressed his abhorrence 
of their doctrines, and to bles8 Muhammad for havings 
preached the gospel of the sword against heresy. He 
contrasts unfavourably the wilder spirits among them with 
the pagan Arabs, " who inclined to the opinion of the, 
philosophers and the wisdom of the ancient books." ^ He 
castigates Ibnu'l-Rawandl for his presumption in attempting 
to supersede the Kor'au by a work of his own composition, 
la hct, he has nothing to say on their behalf, though he 
sometimes utters the hope that they are not so black as they 

> Die SsmM^ tmd d^r SBahUmm, \, 28K. 
^ I.e. they acknowledgnl no proph«»t. 

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paint themselves and that they profess what they do not 
actually believe. A bigot might accuse him of undue 
tolerance when, e.g., he will not affirm that Bashshar b. Burd 
has gone to Hell, but leaves him in the hands of God, of 
whose mercy only infidels need despair. And the inquisitor 
may chance upon an unguarded expression like '' God does 
not care whether His servants keep the fast through fear 
or whether they break it." But on the whole he cannot 
fairly be charged even with lukewarmness, and certainly 
not with impiety. The ill repute of the Ghufrdn appears 
to rest on two circumstances. It cannot be denied that 
Abu 'l-*Ala depicted the Paradise of the faithful as a glorified 
salon haunted by immortal but immoral Bohemians. In 
the second place, a man is known by the company he 
keeps. Sale translated the Eor'an : he was therefore 
* a Turk.* Abul - *Ala published stories about the zindiks 
and blasphemous quotations from their poetry : who could 
doubt that he was a rascally fellow P Abu'l - 'Ala indeed 
hints that his accusers were right. " It is said that I am 
religious, but if the veil were lifted my critics would not 
be content with abusing me : they would wish to make 
me drink poison." He humbly turns the smitten cheek 
to his assailants ; he reserves his wrath for those who damn 
him with injudicious praise. How far this was sincere and 
how far it was politic self-depreciation, I cannot now under- 
take to determine.^ 

The identity of his correspondent still remains un- 
discovered. I think, however, there is some plausibility 
in the conjecture that he is Abd Mansiir al-Dailam!, better 
known as AbU'l- Hasan 'All Ibn Mansur, who was the son 
of a soldier in the service of Saifu'l-Daula Ibn Hamdan 
and was a good but licentious poet.^ The Shaikh of the 

* I confess to baying grave doubts of tbe aatbor^s bonesty. Hypocrisy, he 
repeatedly observes, is the way of the world, and one fears that he himself 
practised it as a fine art. Of. what he says about Ibnu'l-Rawandi's Ddmi^kt 
ahd note ad toe. 

^ Ibn Khallikan, Tran$laiion, ii, 191, where he is casually mentioned in the 
life of Ibn Jinni. I shall be grateful for further references. The very brief 
notice in Bajcharzi gives no information. 

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THB risIlatu'l-ghufran. 79 

R%9dla is often spoken of as 'All b. Mansur, and the kunya^ 
Abu'l-Hasan, is also mentioned. As Saifu'l-Daula died 
in 355 A.M., it is probable enough that this 'All b. Mansur 
was 60 years old in 424 a.h. The only objection that 
occurs to me is the silence of Abu'l-'Ala regarding his 

The translation aims at being exact rather than elegant, 
but I have not scrupled occasionally to vary the construction 
in order to make the sense clearer. Errors will, of course, 
be found, as is inevitable in a paper dealing with a difficult 
text, which I have had to decipher and interpret without 
help and in a definite time. The labour spent on this article 
was small, however, compared with the preliminary stage 
of correcting and, as far as I could, elucidating the whole 
Arabic text of Part II. Therefore I would claim indulgence 
for errors that are due, not to carelessness or ignorance, but 
to the necessity of making an end. The notes, though very 
brief and inadequate, are the fruit of much tedious hunting. 
Abu'l-'Ala rarely gives the full name. He writes "al- 
^iitrabbuli," **al-*Alavi al-Basri," etc., and since his 
biographical particulars are usually of the scantiest, it is 
no simple matter to decide what person is meant, or even, 
perhaps, to find anyone who might be meant. The list of 
variants is approximately complete, but I have not thought it 
worth while to mention every instance in which the diacritical 
points are misplaced, omitted, or wrongly inserted. Words 
enclosed within square brackets are omitted in the MS. 

Before coming to the Table of Contents I must refer tq 
another — possibly the only other — MS. of this work. 
Writing in the Deutsche Literaturzeitung (Feb. 25, 1899), 
Dr. Ooldziher announced that a manuscript of the Ohnfrdn 
is in the * Privatbesitz ' of an Egjrptian scholar, *Abdu*l- 
Itahlm Ahmad, '^ von welcher er vor nun 2 Jahren eine 
Ausgabe in Aussicht gestellt hat.'' ^ Apparently this prospect 
has not yet ripened into a reality, but there is no reason 
to conclude that it has fallen to the ground, and I look 

For this reference I am indebted to the courtesy of Profe^so^ Margoliouth. 

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forward to being enabled, by the publication of 'Abdu'l* 
Bahlm's MS., to improve and in sundry places to restore 
the text of mine, which I hope eventually to edit with 
translation, commentary, and indices. Hence I refrain from 
recording here some valuable corrections sent to me by 
Sir Charles Lyall,^ who had a short loan of the MS. These 
and any others that I may receive will be gratefully acknow- 
ledged at the proper time. 


(Text and translation of the passages marked with an asterisk will be 

found below.) 


* ** All is vanity." A story of Khusrau and Shiiln 

illustrates the falseness of outward appearances . . 123 

Examples of deceit in animals . . . . . . • • 124 

Discussion of the phrase t^^\ *\^i - . . . . . . 126 

Sounds of grief uttered by the she-camel and the dove . . 126 

•Abu'l-* Ala's apology and complaint . . . . . . 127-9 

Aleppo rejoices at the arrival of the Shaikh . . . . 129 

A philosopher condemns suicide ^ . . .. .. 130 

Concerning some inhabitants of Aleppo: Abu'l-JKatran 

al-AsadI, A^mad b. Yahya, Abil*l-Hasan al-A^ram 131 

The Shaikh's experiences in Egypt and 'Irak , . . . 182 

e may be moiitioned. Sir Charles Lyall proposes to connect ^JlJl 

[l.A.S. for 1900, pp. 686-7) with Syriac JSit^y^ef/^atus, mapensuSr 
ed.' This gives exactly the meaning required. 

cites a verse of rajaz that occurs under ^jj in Ibn Wallad's KitdbuU- 
' wa'l'Mamdwi^ ed. Bronnle, p. 95, last line, and a verse by N&bi|j|^ 
>ourg, i, 42). 
e author says in intnKiudng the ht-ory ; 

^\ j^ ^j^' ^iSl\ \^j>_ jj\ [MS. t_^li] tl>bL4 Ai 
;b ^ ^i Jj 'j\l4\ Jj^ ^)J w^^.l Uiflj * ^\ 

mtlv I shall join the dead, without regret or repentance. Yet I fear to 
>h the Omnipotent before I have duly seen to the grafting of my palm- 
Dwn in order that I may reap)." 

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Abu'l-*Ala oooimends AbQ'l-Aswad and Abu'l-Khattab to 

the Shaikh ' .. 133 

He consoles the Shaikh for the friends whom he has lost 

bj changing his residence . . . . 1-13 

The Arabs call the grave a 'house' (c:^ly). Verses by 

a r^^ in proof of this ' . . . . 134 

Abu'l-*Ala protests against the exaggerated terms in 

which an anonymoas person has spoken of him' 134 

Concerning Abii'l-Faraj al-Zahraji . . • . . . 134 

On the generic ase of proper names ^ . . . . 135 

Abu'l-'Alft expresses sympathy with the Shaikh. The 
hard lot of scholars. Anecdotes of Maslama b. 'Abdu'l> 
Malik, Abu 'Ubaidu and al-Asmal, STbawaihi and 

Kiaa*!, Habib b. Aus .. .. 136-7 

Mntanabbrs fondness for diminutiveR ' 188 

On the usage of ^^ 189 

*Al-KutrabbulT and Ibn AbFl-Azhar. Account of the 

former 189 

^The religion of Di*bil b. *Ali and Abu Nuwas . . • . 140 

•The origin of heresy 141 

•The chiefs of the Koraish were charged with tumdaka . . 141 

* They begiu : 

iLLij ^SJ ^y;4J ^34^^ 

" • ^ ^ ** 

* ^^' *»!/ rfTn...;.!! ^^jj< uXJu ajT iiji^ ',p\ j\, 

** God IB my witnesi that I detest the rain oreteiiaioiie made od my behalf m the 
Mswisii detested those who would hare it that he was the Lord of glory. But 
he left no loophole for misehief, as is shown by his words^" etc. (^or'in, t, 1 16). 

' Rg. in iMorerbH. Th<* author qnotes amon^ other examples : 

This may be addressed to aoyuu«, whatever his name. Instances follow in which 
the feniBine does dnty for the masculine, and vim mtm. 

* Abft*l«'Ali says : ** He is not to be blamed on this aooount ; from beioi^ 
s habit it has becone second nature '* (...^^ .^ . .L» i jVc ^ UjI). 

J.K.A.S. 1902. 6 

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*Elegy on those of the Koraish who fell at Badr 

Three aoecdntes of Mutaniibbi 

On literary collaboration . . 

Al-Kutrabbuli and Ibn Abi'l-Azhar 


Abu Sa'Id b. al-Sirafi and his son ^ 

Abu *A1I al-FarisI and Abu Bakr b. al-Sarraj ^ 
^Concerning abuse of Time (^jj\ Ij) 
♦Abu'l 'Ala's definition of Time .. 
"* Apparent deification of Time by Arab poeti 
♦Verses by Shatimu'1-Dahr 
♦Concerning tandaka 
♦Bashshar b. Burd 
♦Story of a zindlk 
♦Story of another zindlk 
♦On a verse of Abu Nuwas 
♦Salih b. *Abdu'l.Kiiddus . . 
♦Verses by *Abdu'l-Kuddus 
♦Verses by a son of Salih . . 
♦Al-Kassar . . 

♦Story of a zindik who was murdered by his servant 
♦Rabi'a b. TJmayya b. Ehalaf al-Jumahi 
♦Verses by him 
♦Verses by a Jew of Ehaibar 
"^Zindlk/t in Yemen. The Carmathians at al-Ahsa 
♦story of a Carmathiun chief 
♦Walld b. Yazid. Verses by him . . 
♦Abu 'Isa b. al-Rashid 
♦Anecdote of Diku'1-Jinn . . 
♦Al-Jannabi . . 

♦The *AJid of Basra. Verses by him 
♦Story of some verses forged in the name of 'A^udu' 

Anecdotes concerning tashtf 

/^_ j.i-_ impossibility of predicting future events 
b. Mansur al-Hallaj 







3lmaim, i. 146. 

ifi'R Mukni* or Iknd\ which he left unfinished, was completed bv 

• 'Ala says that Ibna*l-Sarraj completed the first half of hin Muj'iz 
a rou^b draft of the second half, which then received its final shape 
'All aUFarisT. 

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♦The doctrine of incarnation . . . . , , 

♦Anecdotes and verses on this subject 


♦AbQ*l-'Ala's discourse on the nature of religious belief 

and the wickedness of some who pretend to it 
♦'Abdu'llah b. Mairaun al-Kaddal^. Yernes by him 
•Metempsychosis. Two anecdotes in illustration 

IbnuM-Rawandl. A rhetorical description of his KildhuH- 



♦Eulogy of the Kor'an 

♦V< rues by Ibnu'l-Rawandl 

♦Abu Jauf . , 

♦A Shrite legend of *AlT b. Abi TaUb 

Remarks on old age 

Story of Abu 'Amr b. al-*Ala 

Abu'l-'Ala says how pleased he is to 
Shaikh is thinking of marriage 

Concerning a book callc>d al-Ka4ih ' 

Oonceruing a book called al-Farid^ 

hear that the 








1 By IbnuU-Rawaad! and Abu Zaid al-Khasraji (^aji K^ifa, t, 137). 
The full title i,.^^ibjj\ >_ ^..^ o\ \ t-^Li^ ii giTen in the Fihrist {Vieftm 
Oriental Journal, iv, 224) : 

Ulx <twi;J jJl£>- l3^ f^^ j^ 

AbaM-*Ala'8 description is purely rhetorieal, abounding in plays upon the 
different meanings of ka4ib, 

^ I do not find this work of Ibnu'l-Rawandi mentioned elsewhere, bat in the 
Fikriift (ibid., 224) we read : 

,^ ^^^\ ^^ ^^^\ d JJyil\ t-^\a^ 

It would not be safe to conclude positiyely that Ju J]1 is • false reading : the 
two works may be distinct. Considering, however, the very untrustworthy 
character of the Leiden MS., from which this fragment is published, I think it 
likely that jj ^\ is a corruption. The frequent word-plays leave no doubt that 
jj J]^ is the genuine reading in the 1t\$iUi. The title in either ease may mean 
*' Book of the Sword." 

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84 THE risIlatu'l-ghuprXn. 


Genealogy of the ^ayyu^Ufarid ^ 171 

Oonoerning a book called aUMarjan ^ 172 

Ibnu'l-Rumi» 172 

His fondness for angiiry . . . . . . . . 178 

Anecdote illustrating the luck attached to names . . 173-4 

^Examples of superstitious beliefs .. •. .. .. 174-6 

Abu Tammam 176-8 

Mazyar^ 178 

Afshin* 179 

Babak 179 

Abu Muslim . . . . 179 

Observations on the folly of mankind . . 179-80 

The 'Alids 180 

TheKaisanls^ 180 

Anecdote of Abu Ja'fieur-al-Mansur 180 

Shabash' 181 

Anecdote of Abu Hatim Sahl b. Muhammad [al-Sijistanl] 

and al-Asmal . . • • . . . . 131 

Verses on the flight of youth and on marriage . . . . 181 

Anecdote of the Prophet and Umm Salama . . . . 182 

It is better not to keep boy-slaves . . . . . . 183 

* The Banu'l-^arith b. 'Adi. They were so called because they would not 
ally themflelves with otEer tribes, but preferred '* a splendid isolation. " 

* Also by Ibnu'l-Rawandi : 

(F%hri9t, ibid.). 
' Brockelmanny i, 79. 

* See Ibnu'l-Athfr, vi, 361-369. As this and the following passages are 
almost entirely rhetorical, 1 have not translated them. 

|hin see Weil's Gewhichte der Chalifefi under the reign of al-Mu'tagim 
sqq.). The Ka^i Abmad Ibn Abi Da'M (Houtsma, Zum Kitab al- 
Vienna Oriental Journal, ir, 222) took a prominent part in his tnal. 

i MS. has JCjLwiJly but as they are mentioned in connection with 

mad Ibnu'l-Panafiyya, this must be an error of the scribe. 

iontemporary of the author, liTing at Basra. Some people pretended 
was an incarnation of the Deity, and the revenues from the property-tax 
uided over to him. Abii'l-'Ala adds, however, that *^he couTeyed 
portion of them to the Sultan.'' 

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ConcerniDg the author's fellow-citizens at Ma'ana^ 
RepeotaDce. Anecdotes in illustration : Fu^ail b. 'I724 * ; 

Abu Hudhaifa ^ and Hammad 'Ajrad ^ ; 'Umar b. 

al-^attab; the Prophet and Zaid b. J§riya^ and 

Zaid b. 'Amr b. Nu&dl'; the Prophet and Tamim 

b. Aus al-Dari ' 

Different opinions as to what sorts of wine may be drunk 
Verses and stories concerning wine 
An imaginary picture of the Shaikh's repentance 
Verses on the excessive use of wine in old age . . 
Stories of Ibrahim b. al-Mahdi and of a native of Ma'arra 
Men cannot be turned from worldly vanities 

Anecdote of Abu Tal^a • and a Jew 

Anecdote of Abu Hudhail al-'AUaf * 

Concerning the author's first acquaintance with the 


Eulogy of the Shaikh 

Praise of a person called Abu'l-Qasan 
The Shaikh's five pilgrimages 
Concerning the different kinds of talbiifoa 
Grammatical discussion of verses quoted by al-Mufajja* *^ 

in his (^Lcll\ ;|^ and of other verses 
Verses on the fawdf and on the dispersion of the pilgrims 












' J)\2j^\ ji [MS. \2^\'] £^\ Ji \ jLi aj\ ^^ ^jL U\^ 

]^j\ ^ ajjjji ^xij ^^^J2ju J jjo^ h ' '^sJi\ ^ ^j:^^ 

Najir corresponds to Safar. The month of the horse seems to be Nati^, which 
also means * a restive bozse * and corresponds to Ramajiin, 

^ The famous Siifi, who was at first a hifhiniyman. 

' Wa|{il b. *AJ^, after whom the sect of Sie Wasiliyya was called. 

« Ibn Khallikan (WiUtenfeld). 205. 

^ Sprenj^r's Muhammad, iii, 33, note. 

* Ibid., i 82 sqq*. ; ^^ftditt, iii« 15-17 ; Nawawi, 264. 
' Nawawi, 178 ; Wiistenfeld, Eeguter^ 441. 

* The name is written 'Talha' on its first occurrence; afterwards 'Ab& 

* Ihn ^lallikan (Wiistenfeld), 617. 

^^ Fliigel, QrwnmoHtehm Sehulen det- Arabtr, 228. 

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Verses by X"^^ al-Ghanavl ^ and TJmayya b. Abfl-Salt 

al-Tha^:afI« .. .. 200 

The author wonders whether the Shaikh found a female 

oompanioQ at Mecca . . • • . . . . 201 

The derivation of J[;;^LL^\ and the measure of ^ ^Vrf^ . . 201 

Various sorts of improvisation 202 

Ahu'Abdu'Uahb.Kbaiawaih' 20S 

Ahu'l-Tayyib, the lezicofz:rapher* . . • . . . 203-4 

Praise of the Shaikh. Hin stay in Egypt . . . . 205 

Tirade against wine. Verses on this subject . • . • 205-7 
Verses in which the word dlndr or its plural dandnJr 

ocours, and other verses of the same description . . 207-12 

Verses in which the words ihamdnan and thamdnin occur 213-5 

Anecdote of Hutai'a and Sa<id b. al^'As 214 

Panegyric on gold ' . . . . . . ..21 5-6 

Praise of the Shaikh's niece . . . . . . . . 216 

Verses by a man called Tauha, whose brother had been 

killed by his uncle's people 216 

Story of Zuhair b. Abl SulmS and Ba§hama b. al-'AdhIr* 217 
Two anecdotes showing that women are sometimes better 

judges of poetry than men are . . . . . . 217-^ 

Abu Bakr al-^ibir 218 

Abu'l-'AIft apologizes for his delay in answering the 

Shaikh's letter 219 

Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 219^ 

' The IIS. rtads AbfiU-gftH, but see Ibn Hisham, p. 40, where the verges 
' Fliigel, 230. 

• His name was 'Abdu'l-Wahid b. 'AH. Ibn Khalawaih nicknamed Mm 
Kurmfitata'l-Kabarthal on account of his short stature. AbQ*l-*Ala also 
mentions seTerml of his works, adding that mauT have perished, because he and 
bis father were alain by the Greeks who took HaJab (351 a.h.) 

• Gf. I^ariri (ed. De Sacy), p. 34 ; Freytag. Aralmm Froverbia, u, 780. 

• ^jftM, ix, 167. 

7 Weil known as a gaf! (Ibn KhaUikan, 228; Jami, Nmfakatm'l-Un*, 201). 

J-^iJU» J^\ ^ s^\ ^^j li dJl *^^ J^'/^ yi\ uv 
jsJiJ\^ l^^\ uH^Xt ^ lilL ^/i J ^j\^ (MS. J^^) 

\Comtyrmtd 9m next pn^.^ m^ ,v.*.r^^ ^ 

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Risalatu'l-Ghufran. Part II. 

This section has run to great length, but now I will set p, m^^ 
about answering the letter. I perceive that you use the 
words '' May God make me your ransom ! ** with that 
sincerity and honesty which are natural to t/ou, but remote 
from the mass of mankind ; for everyone cheats his 
neighbour and has become inventive in lying. If Queen 
Shirin had said to Khusrau, " May God make me your 
ransom when you stay at home or go abroad ! " she would 
have cozened him therein and played the hypocrite with 
him, even though she enraptured him by her unadorned 
beauty and yielded to his desire. Yet he had taken her 
from a low condition and raised her to the height of luxury. 
His friends rebuked him, and stories and tales passed among P. 184. 
them concerning it. We are told (but God alone knows 
who is blessed or banned) that he was asked : *^ Why does 

i\U4^ y-^^ (1^-M^ £M 

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your Majesty take delight in this shameless creature^ who 
will enter Hell-fire 'P" The king gave them a parable 
by means of the cup — for when a lady is wooed she may 
dispense with beads: he put the hair and blood into the 
vessel, and with the purpose of correctiug that individual, 
said to him as he stood by unrepentant, " Are you willing 
to drink P" "Nay/' said he, "'tis polluted." Then the 
king poured out and threw away the contents, and having 
cleansed and washed the vessel he filled it with wine and 
offered it to the boon-companions ; and they all were eager 
to drink, for who turns in disgust from wine that is old and 
mellow P " Shlrin," said he, ** is like this, so do not in 
your folly point the finger [of scorn]." 

As for what you say touching my state ^ (may you be 
protected from calamity's evil eye and endowed with 
abundance of wealth ! Hiyar = hathlr ; the rd)i% says : 

P. 117. our Lord, if ant/one rejoices in being rieh^ hesUm on him 
plenteous herds, Lord /), 

long did the idol give good luck [to its worshippers], until 
the ignorant thought that the coming thereof was a sure 

' ^MMb^A.^, tnimaj actress (Wellhanseu in Z.D.M.G., lii, 611). tut^y 
here seems to have the same sense. 

^ imjm^ ^ ^^^ ^ ^^^ dictionaries, and I am doubtful as to its meaning. 
If it is not s * fire in which sinners are plunged,' it may perhaps have the sense 
nf 'tavern' (<Luj). Cf. the lines of Tazid b. Mu*awiya {Xdmil, 218, 6 sqq.) 
following passage from the Bitdla, p. 13 : 

.JlL* [MS. J---mj] J— ^ ^\j aJI cj3^«^ k^j^ jJj 

i whole of this passage should be compared with another in the LetUrt 
rgoliouth), p. 1% 1. |A sqq. 

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abu'l-*ala's apology and complaint. 89 

promise. If I enjoy a vain reputation, I am notorious for 
having trouble dealt to me in full measure. Verily the 
patient are rewarded and commended, and 't is beyond doubt 
that a scanty remnant of water will be the portion of him 
who changes his abode. 

I swear an oath like that of Imru'u'l-Eais, when he 
wished to stay with his beloved and had no fear either of 
maid or of mistress,^ 

And said,^ " By Ood, I mil not stir from my seaty although 
they should cut off my head and my limbs beside thee!** 

*. . . . that I am slandered just as the Arabs 
slander the gAfl/. which pays no heed to their stories, 
and as proverbial sayings malign the lizard, which like 
a passionate lover makes the hard ground^ its bed, and 
speak in the name of the dumb hyena whose tongue is not 
loosed at dawn or eve. It is supposed that I am a savant^ 
whereas I possess neither knowledge nor intelligence. Truly P. 12S. 
this is an affliction that renders it impossible to see things 
as they really are ; yet the sciences demand application 
and the most assiduous study of books. It is said also 
that I am religious, but if the veil were lifted, my critics 
would not be satisfied with abusing me: they would wish 
to make me drink jauzal with vitriol. Yet how can the 
morning neigh of the wild-ass, whose haunt is the Abyssinian 
levels, be such measured verse as the damsel in her chamber 

* Literall)' : ''of the womim spying or of the woman that is the spy s object.** 

* Tk4 DwatUy lii, 22. Aba'l-*Ala has altered sji4a 5 into jUi • 

* In order to saye space, I omit three poeticftl oaths which foUow in the MS. : 
thai of Znhair {The Jjivans, xvi, ISieq.), of Salda (whom I cannot identify) : 


and the famous lines of Farazda^ {KdmU, 69. 9 sqq.). 
* ^•^ it^ v_*^^ or ifjj^ cf. Freytag, Arabum Proveibia^ ii, 608. 

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90 abC'l-'ala's apology and complaint* 

listens toP And does any man of sense and discernment 
imagine that the croaking raven uttered an amatory ode ? 
Or that sparrows which fly with wings are like those of 
al-Mundhir which ate fodder and grunted?^ And how 
should un ordinary bird be thought to coo like the dove, 
when it is dumb as well as ugly in comparison P Far out 
is he who asserts that stones speak and feel pain when 
struck ; and whoever seeks to clothe himself with a &ce- 
covering (Jifdm) ^ will have nothing to console himself withal. 
Were I ignorant of these reports, I should not have had 
the trouble of denying or correcting them. I should have 
been like the idol, which does not care whether it is 
venerated or split, and like a salt land, which heeds not 
whether people say "It is fertile," or, "What a bad crop!"; 
and like the beast slaughtered in its prime, which pays no 
attention to the man eating it, whether he says " It is fat," 
or whether (when the butcher cuts it up), " It sticks to the 
board." God, whose help is invoked against illusion, does 
not disturb the even balance.' Ai-ildki is connected with 
iidk, i.e. lightning that is not followed by rain. How can 
I be deemed happy, when I am belied and have knowledge 
attributed to roe, whereas I am not secure in the end from 
a distant shame P If I joy in this reputation, I am like 
one suspected of being rich : men believe that his rumoured 
wealth comes to him in loads,^ and it pleases him when the 
ignorant say, " He has plenty of money, gold is on his right 
hand and his left." Then the sultan requires him to pay 
over a large sura, and finding raere breath, he beats him 

* The ^eparrowH' of ul-Mundhir were camels (see Lane under .JLac). 
My reading (Asa&c^l ^^\ for <u^^i^ll a:jIU1) does not inTol?e 
a great change from the original, of which I can make nothing. 

' The MS. reads A^\ , * froth issuing from a earners mouth." 
3 Le. **doe3 not make truth prerail over falsehood.'* But the reading it 
uncertain. I take JUb iji\J\ ^ » periphrasis for ^Jj--*J^ . 

* For JUfiw "^ **"» ^"*6 *^ ^^^^ ^°^®' tS^*'^ • '^* ****^* trtnriatian mt 
** that the rumour!» ^of hi» wealth) bring him loads (of solid merchandise).*' 

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ABU'l-^ALA's apology and COMPIiAINT. 91 

to extort a confession, till at last be is punished capitally p. 139. 
and receives no merciful treatment. God knows, I listen 
l^adly to my critics, because their doubts of me are not 
baseless, while I am vexed by fictitious praise that leaves 
me like a trapped animal exposed to the weather. Had 
I been batted by the ' horns ' of the locust, I should have 
been debarred from all volition.^ As for the horn of the 
goat, someone else, in my opinion, has need of it, since to 
me the horn of the gazelle is fatal.^ May Qod pardon those 
who think well of the evildoer and place a pilgrimage in 
the postponed month ! Were it not that I dislike society, 
preferring to die the death of a mountain-goat in its lair, 
and if these visionaries were confronted witU me, it would 
soon be proved that they are in error. May the obscure 
reality become clear to them, and may the seeker grasp the 
leadiug-rope ! 

As regards the story which you mention of al-KutrabbulI ^ 
and Ibn Abl'l-Azhar,^ the like of it may sometimes happen. 
It is dubious whether the former was imprisoned in 'Irak, 
but his imprisonment in Syria is well known. I have been p. 140. 
told that when he was asked about the true meaning of thit^ 

* I.e. the feeblest attack redaces^ie to helplessness. 

2 This appears to mean : ** It is a waste of good powder and shot to criticise 
me, because I am already past praying for." The words ,^ie\ ^^^^ ^Sy 
may perhaps allude to the proverb (Freytag, i, 383;, ^J{^\ .'fS J^ aL«j>. , 
^* he carried him on the buck's horn/* i.e. inflicted a gpreat misfortune upon him. 

' The only person with this nUba whom I can find is Ibn Sa'id al-l{(Lu);rabbuli, 
mentioned in the Fihrist^ p. 124. That he was nearly contemporttnr with Ibn 
Ab!'l-Aihar mav be gathered from the statement of Ibu Khallikan (Translation, 
It, 80), thatTapya ibnu*l-Munajjim, who died 300 a.h., found him a pleasant 
companion, j^utrabbnl is a village between ba|^dad and 'tkraba. 

* likrisi, 147 ; Fliigel, 0ranmati$chm Sehulm der AraUr, 97. He died 
325 A.H. 

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ftabriquet, he said, "It is derived from tmlnoa,** i.e. a hilL^ 
He aspired to what worse men than he have aspired to, but 
a Providence on high directs the coarse of Destiny : its 
prizes fall to the fortunate, and it is not afraid of dis- 
appointing the earnest striver. Various things in his divan 
show that he was devoted to religion and resembled an 
imbecile in his craziness, ag. the verse : 

Recompense is given, but none receives it except through his 
Creator, by divine ordinance,^ 

And again : 

Bow unjust is Ood, if He requites His creatures, yet does not 
allow their assertions to be sincere / 

But when it comes to fundamental principles, the speech 
of the tongue tells nothing of a man's belief, for the world 
is naturally disposed to falsehood and hypocrisy. It is 
possible that one should profess an article of faith, making 
it a specious mask whereby to gain applause or some idle 
transitory ambition, and perhaps in the past there may have 
been people with devout exteriors and impious hearts. 
I feel sure that Di*bil b. 'All had no religion. Although 
he professed to be a Shrite, his motive was altogether 
worldly. How many keep the Sabbath by writing odes to 
their mistresses ! I doubt not that Di'bil held the same 
opinions as al-HakamI' and his fellows, whose zandaka was 
notorious and emanated from their very doors.^ Abu Nuwas 
is a subject of dispute : it is cli^imed for him that he was 
pious and used to perform his daily prayers by night, but 
as a matter of fact he took the way of his contemporaries. 
The Prophet (on him be God's blessing and peace !) found 
the Arabs desiring green fodder but not spirited enough 

' I do not imdentand this deiivatioD. 

^ Possibly SmSyfC Bhoiild be omitted ; the metre will then be ia%tlU, 
^ Ab& Nuwas. 

* I.e. they were inyeterate, radical tifidiks. Of. the German phnae, *Ton 
Hause ans.* ' 

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to pass the outer wall. Some followed him — Qtod best P. 141 
knows their true thoughts. But when Islam became 
established and its empire firmly based, the Arabs mixed 
with other peoples and heard the language of physicians, 
astronomers, and masters of dialectic ; and a great number 
fell away. Heresy has never ceased among men from time 
immemorial : writers of history allege that Adam (God bless 
him !) was sent to his children, and that be warned them 
of the future life and bade them fear punishment, but they 
would not believe him and rejected his tidings. And so it 
has continued to the present day. According to some 
scholars the chiefs of the Koraish were zindiks. And serve 
them right ! Their poet, elegizing one after another those 
who fell at Badr, said with reference to Shaddad b. al-Aswad 
al-Laiti|iT : 

Umm Bakr gave me greeting, Ghreet Umm Bakr and sag, 

" Peace be with thee / '' 
How much glory^ how many a noble man lies at the welt, the 

well o/^adr f ^ 
And at the well, the tcell of Badty how many a wooden bowl 

cf'owfied tcith the cameVs hump ! ^ 
Umm Bakr, never offer me the cup again, now that the 

brother of Hishdm is gone f 
Ah, who will bear my message to the * Compassionate ,' that 

I renounce the month of fasting ? 
And now that his uncle is gone, who was a chief among the 

chiefs, a mighty mnebibber, 

^ This verse is sapplied at the hottom of the page. 

' This yerse is in Shahrastani, p. 433 ; Wright's Reading-book, p. 150. The 
second line is mtsunderstood by Haarhriicker. For the sense, *< what splendid 
hoflpitalitf was shown by the fallen ! '* cf. HamOsaj p. 611 : 

where K jJLiL4 = * crowned with pieces of flesh.* The hump wax considered t<» 
be the ohoioest part of the camel. 

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When ths head is severed ff^m the shoulders, a man has had his 

fill of meat 
Does Ibn Kabsha ^ promise us that we shall live f How can 

there be life for (he * sadd ' and the ' hdma * f 
Dost thou omit to ward me from death, and wilt thou revive me 

when my bonen are rotten ? 

Assertions like these are made only by one who is resolved 
to die after making them ^ and feels no regret when death is 
near at hand. 

l**« Touching the complaints addressed to Time by temporal 
beings, that is a practice borrowed from antiquity. Abuse 
of Time increased to such an extent that it whs prohibited 
in the (ladith " Do mt abwse Time, for Ood is Time,*' What 
this means is well known, and also that its inner sense is 
not that which appear:^ on tlie surface; for one of the 
Prophets (on them be peace !) used to hold that Time is the 
Creator but not the Object of worship, and we read in the 
Kor'an ^ : " Nothing but Time destroys us.*' The statement 

^ Shahrastani (p. 433) gives the line thus : 

which is a manifeet reconstruction. Ihn Kabeha stnnds, by poetical Hoenae, for 
Ibn Ab! Kabsha. This was a nickname derisively applied to Mubammad; it 
could hardly fail, therefore, to be expuuged by the pious rdtoi. According to 
a marginal note : 

^^mL^ ^^-^ ;i.l wSt \jjb Ll\jb\j^\ ^zjj\x:x^\^ aIx^SI ij\^^ (^i^*^ 
^jJl ^\ ,»^j^i ILj j^I^ aJx lyli U^ a5UT ^j uJy 40^3 

Of. Tabari, i, 1565 ; Sprenger's Muhammad, iii, 179. 

^ The desperate man has nothing to gtiin bv holding his tongue. This seems 
better than to translate ** in defence of them." 

3 xIt, 23. 

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of certain people, that Time is the motion of the heavenly 
sphere, is a phrase devoid of reality. In Sibawaihi's Book 
there are indications that^ according to his view. Time is 
the passing of night and day ; and marginal notes on this 
expression have been appended to the text. I have given 
a definition that well deserves to have been anticipated, 
although I never heard it before, viz., "Time is a thing 
whereof the least part is capable of containing something," 
just like the contents of a vessel; for the predicament of 
quantity cannot be separated from Contingent Being. With 
respect to those who say, ** Nothing but Time destroys us" 
et(;., as for instance the verse generally attributed to al- 
Akhtal, but declared by Habib b. Aus to be Sham'ala the 
Taghlibite's : 

The Prince of the Faithful and his deeds are like Time : no 
disgrace attaches to the doings of Time, 

Or as another says : ^ 

Time joined us in concord, and even so Time made a parting 
bettreen us. 

Or as Abu Sakhr * says : 

/ marvelled at the mischief- making, of Time between her and me, 
but when our intercourse ended, Time was still. 

^ According to a marginal note : 

* Possibly Kntiiayyira <Axza, who was a fanatical Sh!*ite {Jj^nl, yiii, 27) ; 
or, an is more likely, Abu gakhr al-Hudhali (Aghdnif xxi, 143 sqq.). 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


It is not alleged that any of these offered sacrifices to the 
celestial spheres or endowed them with reason. No ; this is 
a thing inherited by one age after another. In the tribe 
146. of 'Abdu'l-Kais there was a poet called Shatimu'l-Dahr,^ 
who is the author of the following verses : 

And when I saw that Time's way was hard, and he showed us 

a hairy face with cropped ears, 
And an ape's forehead, thin like the sandaMrap, and a shrunken 

nose,^ and he haughtily averted his beard,^ 
I remembered the noble, the munificent who passed away, and 

I said to *Amr and Husdm, **0h, give me leave to depart /*' 

As to your indignation touching the zindiks and heretics, 
may God reward you for it, even as He rewarded you for 
your thirst on the road to Mecca, and for your exposure to 
the scorching heat at 'Arafa, and for the nights which you 
passed at Muzdalifa ! Doubtless you supplicated God during 
the numbered^ and appointed days^ that He should make 
soft [to your feet] the hills of Islam, and should set up 
a shining sign for those who submit themselves to His will. 

But zandaka is an old sore ; the skin has long been worm- 
eaten by it. Some divines have held that, if a man who has 
shown himself to be a zindik repents in fear of being put to 
death, his repentance is not admitted. There is a difference 
in the case of other infidels : when an apostate recants his 
recantation is accepted. Every religion has its heretics,*^ 

^ I have not been able to find any further mention of tbis poet. 
' Cf . the verse cited by Lane under c Ji^ : 

' This is a variation of the phrase <pA^ i (^P • 

* The three days following the tenth of Bh&*l-Hijja (Kor. ii, 199). 

* The first ten days of DhiiU-Hijja (Kor. xxii, 29). 

^ Opposite this line comes the marginal note: Zi jj ll^ dj JC^ 4^ ^_4^-, 

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who are regarded by their orthodox brethren as ooofbrmisto 
but are recusants in secret. It is necessary that the impostor 
should be brought to shame and the springs of evil lai^ 
bare ; and the kings of Persia used to punish zandaka with 
death. The zindlks are called materialists. They acknow- 
ledge neither prophet nor sacred book. This peculiarity 
was imitated by Bashshar. It is related that among hi^ 
books a paper was found on which was written^ ** I wished 
to satirize so-and-so, the Hashimite, but spared him oi^ 
account of his kinship with the Apostle of God." They 
assert that Bashshar used to take counsel with Sibawailu, 
and that one day when he was present in the literary circle 
of Tunus b. Habib, he said, *' Is any informer here P " On P- i^* 
being assured that there was none, he recited to them : ^ 

sons of Umayya^ wake from your slumber. The Caliph is 

Ya'kub b. Dd'ikd ! 
The Caliph is no more : seek for the Caliph of Chd between the 
flute and the lute. 

Now Sibawaihi was in the company, and some pretend that 
he told tales of him, but it is replied that Sibawaihi was too 
honourable to embark in a meanness of this kind; on the 

^ A^, iii, 70. The lines are cited very inaccurately. Ya<]^b waB the 
watir of al-Mahdi. According to the MS. ^marginal note) : 

^\ IJ ^j^^ c-^ ^ nJ ^ (MS. j-oij) \xi As \j^ C^*X*« CytjtoJ 

LfiyM ^..^^jju JuU^ty 

c;s^' Jl^ *^^ j^. CrV 

i.m.A.a. 1902. 7 

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eontrary, he was a man of lofty ideals. It is related that 
he found fault with Bashsbar for his verse : ^ 

Oreeting from me to al-Ohazald!^ Lotig have I toyed with 
her in the shade of a verdant spot o*ergroum tciih flowers. 

Sibawaihi maintained that the form ^azaid was not used 
by the Arabs, but Bashnhar pointed out that it was analogous 
to bashakd, jatnazd, and the like. Bashshar in his poetry 
employed nindn as the plural of niin, a fish, and Sibawaihi 
is said to have disapproved of it. But these stories have no 
authority. According to the Book of Sibawaihi nun makes 
nindn in the plural, and this fact is enough to demolish the 
anecdote in question. Baahshar's biographers mention that 
he threatened to satirize Sibawaihi, but that Sibawaihi made 
it up with him and cited his poetry. Possibly, however, 
his citation was nothing more than quoting from memory, 
as is customary in salons and in places where people are 
gathered together. Those conversant with Bashsbar attribute 
this couplet to him : 

Not every man of judgment offers yon hin advice ^ and not every 
one that offers his advice is a man of judgment 

The second half of this couplet occurs without the author's 

name in the chapter devoted to id gh dm in Sibawaihi's Book. 

Others declare that the author is Abii'l-Aswad al-Du'all. 

It is said that Ya*kiib b. Da'iid, the wazir of al-Mahdi, 

persecuted Basbshar and finally had him killed. There is 

P. 147. a dispute as to his age, some saying that he was 80 years 

--^^ ''t the time of his death, while others think he was older; 

»nly God knows the truth. I do not decide that he 

Hell, but I mentioned him as I did because I attached 

to the will of God, and verily God is forbearing, 

ficent. The author of the Kitdbu* / - JFaraka ^ has 

2&. iii, 54. Another account makes al-Al^fa^ the critic. 

lis word is not in the lexioa. Probably it means * nimble/ ^ quick in 


ibammad b. Da'iid b. al-Jarrab (Ibn l^iallikan, Tranalatim, i, 25, n. 6). 

Udh^l'Waraka is mentioned ibid., ii, 361. See also Fihriaty p. 128. 

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ST0BIB8 OF ZIin>lK8. 99 

mentioned a number of poets in the table of Abu Nuwas 
and his predecessors, and has described them as zindiks, but 
the hearts of men are inscmtable, and only He who knows 
all mysteries hath knowledge thereof. At that time such 
beliefs were nourished in secret from fear of the sword, 
whereas now people's inmost thoughts are revealed and the 
ostrich's broken egg discloses^ the ugliest chick. In the 
former epoch there was a man who had friends among the 
Shrites and also a zindtk friend. One day when he had 
invited the Shi'ites to his house, the zindik came and knocked 
at the door and said : 

Mp breast is laden with sorrowSy divided with anxieties and cares. 

The master of the house said to him, ** Oonfound you ! what 
means this?" So the zindik left him and went his way. 
Afterwards the person who had given the entertainment 
met him, and said : '' Look here, did you want ' to get me 
into trouble?" for he was afraid that his friends might 
suspect him of being a zindtk. ** Invite them ag^in," said 
he, " and let me know the occasion." So when they were 
gathered in his house, the zindik came and cried : 

My breast is laden with sorrows^ divided with anxieties and cares. 

They said, " O wretched one, why P " He said : 

Because of the sin committed against the father qf Hasan by 
^JJmar and his friend Abu Bakr. 

Thereupon he departed, and the Shrites rejoiced at his 
words. When the master of the house met him, he said, 
'' Thank you heartily, you have freed me from suspicion." 

' Perhaps .^ ^ .^^oi L should be read. Of. Letters H", 1. |V, ^ *Vd[ fl) K 

c-^«^\ ciT* ^^f • '^^'^ manoflcript reading (y^^liuO is to be exf^ned 
by the fact thai ii^p also means ' water left by a torrent.' 

* For the omisnon of \ in eoUoqnial Arabic ef . Van Yloten's preface to the 
KUiMl-BulAim, p. S. 

Digitized by 



P. 14A. j^ number of aoholars used to sit in the tnq^lis of Basr^ 
Among them was a zindik who had two swords, one of which 
he had named J^uiir (Gtood) and the other Fa/ah (Prosperity), 
and wheneyer a Moslem gave him greeting he replied : 

Oood attend thee in the morning and Prosperity in the evening ! 

Then he would turn to his companions who were acquainted 
with the circumstance and say : 

Two eworde Wee the lightning when the lightning flashes. 

As regards the verse of Abu Nuwas : ^ 

The airs of a singer and the elegance of a zindik, 

this idea has been criticized. It is said that he meant one 
of the Band - Harith, well known for his impiety and 
elegant accomplishments, who was a royal favourite. The 
first part of the distich, 

Boon-companion of a prince, gossip of a king, 

resembles the verse of Imru'u'l-i^ais : ' 

To-^y I will drink, not burdening my conscience with sin 
against Ood nor intruding as an uninvited guest. 

It cannot properly be referred to those cases in which the 
h is pausal, e*g. : 

Baidarah, O Baidarah, Baidarah ! 

' This line, of which the metre is mumarH^, oocnn in Freytag, Arabmn 
Ft9vmrh%Ay i, 214. According to the scholiast, Bad^^ir b. Bard used to aay 
rjjjjj^ ^^ u-ijbT, referring to Muti' b. lyas (Brockebnann, i, 73). The 
OUM anthoritj declares that it is wrong to say *' more elegant than a stwifi^,** 
bat the example of the gibi'ans, at Baghdad and elsewhere, and of many Penian 
freefliinken, fally jostifies a geoeral an;»lication of the phrase. MatjE' seems to 
be the pecson intended by the Tagae description *' one of the BanQ*l-Har^'* 
i.e. Hiri^ b. Bakr b. 'Abd Manat (WCUtenfeld, Oeneologisehe TaMlm, N. 11). 

* T%4 Divitu, U, 10. 

Digitized by 



or as another poet says : ^ 

()ften the wolf crouched and gathered hinueff to spring upon 
a gamesome buck, white in theforekg, of middle site. 

When he saw that he could not enjoy ' {the wiehed-for prey) nor 
fill hie belly, he sidled off to an artd-tree in the sandy 
bend and lay dotcn to sleep. 

This is approved because of the h being distinctly pro- 
nounced.* When a phrase is complete the silent h may 
well be added, but muhaddi^uh malHf^ are mu^^taid mudof 
ilaih, and such a license is inadmissible when the two nouns 
are practically one. 

' The fint two lines are cited in the SfaJ^ under ctW tnd the fourth line 
ibid, under ]ffj\. 

> See Wright's Orammar, ii, 369 D, Bern. a. 

{Ik he eonUmmt,) 

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Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Art. VI.— il Li8t of Writers, Book9, and other Authorities 
mentioned by El Maqrlzi in his Khitat. By A. R. Oubst. 

This list is not exhaustive ; it is thought, however, that it 
will be found to contain the names of the principal authorities 
cited by El Maqrlzi in this book, and, in the absence of an 
index to the only printed edition at present available, it is 
hoped that it may be of service to students of Egyptian 

The names of authors and others who appear to be quoted 
with reference to matters of but slight or of no historical 
importance, and also the names of all those who are obviously 
not quoted at first-hand, are printed in italics. The names 
of the principal authorities on which El Khitat is chiefly 
based are distinguished by capital letters ; the rest are shown 
in ordinary type. 

Numbers not preceded by letters refer to the Bulaq 
1270 A.H. edition of El Khitat, 2 vols., which is specially 
denoted where necessary by the abbreviation Maq. = El 

El MawdUz wa 7 iHibdr bi Dikr El Khitat wa 7 AthOr, by 
Taqi ed Din Ahmad, El Maqrlzi, commonly called Khitat 
ei Maqrlzi, whose author died 845 a.h. (1441-2 a.d.), was 
written between the years 820-840 a.h.' It was printed 
at Bulaq 1270 a.h. (1853 a.d.), and this edition is the one 
that is referred to in these notes, in which the following 
abbreviations are used : — 

Ah. = A^^mad. 

H.K. r= l^ajji Khal!fah*H Ka^ ez ZunQn. Constontiiiople, 1310 a.h. 
2 Tols. 

> Maq. i, 286, 188; ii, 463. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


K. = Ibn Khallikan*8 Wafayat el A'yan. Cairo, 1310 a.h. 2 vols. 
M. = Mubammad. 

Maq. B El Maqrizi's £1 Mawa'is (£1 Khifat). Bftlaq, 1270 a.h. 2 toIb. 
8. s: Es Snya^i's Hosii el Mu^yadarah. Cairo, 1299 a.h. 2 vols. 
W. a Wtisteiifeld*8 Geschichtsohroiber der Araber. Odttingen, 1882. 
W.A. s Wiistenfeld's Arabischen Aerzte. Gottingen, 1840. 

In spite of the wide celebrity of El Khifat and the 
familiarity of most readers of Arabic with the book, a brief 
description of its scope and a few remarks on its general 
character may not be out of place. 

The statement that the Bulaq edition reaches a little over 
one thousand pages quarto, with 39 lines to the page, will 
give an idea of its size. 

' The author of El Khitat tells us in his preface the task 
which he set himself in the composition of the book. He 
says : '' Its object is the collection of the scattered history 
of Egjrpt and (accounts of) the condition of its inhabitants 
... so that a person who has mastered it shall know 
the monuments which were existing and vanished at each 
period ..." 

' He also gives its division into seven parts. The first 
one relates to the geography of Egypt, to the Nile, to 
its taxation, and the mountains which bound it (vol. i, 
pp. 5-128). The second part describes many of its towns 
(vol. i, pp. 128-285). The third part contains the history 
of Fustat and its governors (vol. i, pp. 285-347). The 
fourth part gives the history of El Qahirah (Cairo), the city 
fbunded by El Mu'izz (vol. i, pp. 348-496). 

The second volume begins with the fifth part, which 
describes Cairo in the author's own time (vol. ii, pp. 1-200). 
The sixth part is devoted to the citadel (vol. ii, pp. 201-230). 

When, however, we look for the seventh part, announced 
by the author in his preface as ** the causes that gave rise to 
the decay of Egypt," we do not find it in the second volume, 
nor, indeed, is this subject treated at length anywhere in the 
bbok^ and therefore we must suppose that the author altered 
his intention after writing his preface. In its place we have 
a history of the Aiyubite and Mamluke kings (pp. 232-246), 

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followed by an account of the roosques, 8brine8, and tombe of 
Oairo and its vicinity, properly belonging, it would appear, 
to the part 6 of the author's preface (pp. 246-463). In 
this section there is an interlude on the various sects of 
Islam and an account of the different doctrines of that 
religion prevalent in Egypt at divers periods (pp. 331-360) 
which deserves notice. 

The second volume ends with an account of the Jews and 
Christians of the country, with remarks on their creeds and 
places of worship (pp. 464-510), the latter being not much 
more than a list of names. 

El Maqrisd's cosmography and geography has little special 
interest : the ancient history of Egypt in pre-lslamitio times 
which he recites merely serves to show the state of ignorance 
prevalent in his day on the subject. The most interesting 
part of his first volume is that relating to the taxation of the 
country, and to its administration under the Fatimites. He 
gives us many details about the Ehalifs of that dynasty, 
their palaces, treasures, ceremonials, and officers, which 
enable us to form a conception of the conditions of life in 
their day. His early history of the governors of Fnstat 
and the semi-independent Tulunides and Ikhshidides is not 
so detailed as his account of the Fatimites, but still most 
valuable and interesting. His accounts of Aiyubite and 
Mamluke history are much briefer, which need not be 
regretted, as information from other sources on these 
dynasties is abundant. Nevertheless, El Ehitat furnishes 
us with a considerable amount of miscellaneous information 
relating to the Mamlukes, among which an account of the 
principal officers of their state is very useful. 

The great feature of the book which has gained it its 
wide reputation and its place as a standard classic is its 
topography of Oairo and its account of the monuments of 
that town and its earlier neighbour Fustat. All the sites 
in Cairo and its vicinity are treated of with considerable 

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fulness. Most of the quarters, streets, lanes, and basaars of 
the writer's day are noticed, besides the principal buildings, 
such as mosques, houses of consequence, baths, and the like, 
down to shrines and tombs of small importance. 

On the subject of El Maqrizi's topography it may be 
remarked that his description of Misr el Fustat (Old Cairo), 
the traces of which were rapidly disappearing at his epoch, 
is brief and incomplete. And as to his description of what 
was in existence in his own time, indications are not 
wanting of absence of system in its composition. Streets 
and buildings of a certain amount of importance are 
omitted from the special descriptions, though incidental 
reference to them demonstrates their existence and that El 
Maqrizi could have told us something of them. Concerning 
other monuments, certainly in existence when he wrote, his 
silence is absolute. 

A far more serious defect is the vagueness of his terms of 
direction. He is unable to define a direction with precision, 
and rarely gives a distance or a dimension. Also in many 
cases he tells us almost nothing about the places he mentions, 
and when he does give us a little information about edifices 
it often happens that it is impossible to locate them owing to 
the disappearance of landmarks and the ambiguity of the 
terms in which he states their position. 

In spite of the above, the diligence and learning of the 
writer of El Khitat cannot but command admiration. He 
has accumulated and reduced to a certain amount of order 
a large 'quantity of information that would but for him 
have passed into oblivion. He is generally painstaking and 
accurate, dnd always resorts to contemporary evidence if it is 
available. Also he has a pleasant and lucid style, and writes 
without bias and apparently with distinguished impartiality. 

On the other hand, although El Maqrizi's arrangement 
of El Khitat is probably a great improvement on that of 
the works of his predecessors, it still leaves much to be 
desired. The book is a collection of articles rather than 
a continuous whole : history is mixed up with archaeology, 
so that neither do we get a complete history nor a clear 

Digitized by 



topography. £1 Maqrizi was to a great extent wanting 
in the critical faculty, and usually copies without comment. 
He also often lacks a sense of proportion, and will spend 
as long describing an insignificant shrine as in giving an 
account of the Grand Pyramid. Further, his accounts are 
often not worked out : he fails us just where we should like 
to know more, content to give a few facts about a subject 
without trying to give a complete or even intelligible 
description of it 

Therefore El Khitat, valuable as it is, must be regarded 
more as a collection of materials for an Egyptian history and 
a topography of Cairo than as work that can give a clear 
account of them. 

In this relation it is of the greatest importance, because 
its writer had access to practically all the authorities of 
consequence on the subject who preceded him, and more 
than three-quarters of the works of these have been lost. 
Fortunately El Maqrizi is usually careful to quote the 
sources from which he derives his statements, and this 
gives his book an increased value. Hence we are able 
to form an estimate of its reliability, and also to get an 
idea of the scope of many lost works which can be checked 
from other sources. The following rough list is intended 
to show the chief authorities on which El Ehitat is based> 
and also to give some idea of El Maqrizi's library and the 
verbal sources of his information. It has been thought 
better to retain the names of the early traditionists, although 
their sayings were probably in all cases collected by authors 
at a time long subsequent to their deaths ; also the names of 
authors of works other than historical or who are obviously 
quoted at second-hand have still been given a place in the 
list. It will be observed that the principal authorities, 
whose names are printed in capital letters, only amount to 
about twenty, but they appear to include all Arabic works of 
real importance on Egypt, or on Cairene topography and 
history at any rate, except one, that of Ibn Abi'l Barakat^ 
which £1 Maqrizi had probably never seen, as I cannot 
find it referred to except in his preface. 

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• 'fhe list does not pretend to be in any way exhaustive. 
It is quite characteristic of the East that the Bulaq edition 
of El Ehitat is printed without an index, and to make 
a thoroughly exhaustive list of the authors cited in it would 
require more labour than the writer is able to give, or 
j^rhaps than the subject deserves. If El Khitat appears 
in a new edition the least that can be expected is that it 
will be provided with a proper index. 

Meanwhile, it is hoped that the following list may be 
of service in giving a fair idea of the chief authorities 
employed by El Maqrizi, and enabling reference to be made 
to the subjects to which they refer, and be of general 
assistance to readers of the book. 

Ihn tAhha$, 'Abdullah. f^S a.h. I, 23, 161, 244. 

*Abd ... V. under secoud part of compound. 

AhuqiHU. (Hippocrates.) I, 42. 

El Adfuwi. Abu'l Fadl Ja'far ibn Tha'lab ibn Ja*far. I, 189. 
El Kamal, I, 203. f 748 or 749 a.h. W. 413. 

Booh. Et Tali* es Sa*id. I, 189, W. 413-1. Ta'rikh es Sa*id, 

I, 236, appears to be the same as the above. 
I, 189, 203, 236, 237. These passages refer to Upper Egypt. 

Jhn ^Adndn, Qacli el Qudah bi Dimashq, Shihab ed Dm A^mad 
ibn *Ali ibn Ibrahim el Husaini. Ibn Abi'l Jinn. I, 162. 
Verbal to Maq. 

Ahmad ihn Sdlih. 1, 162. f 248 a.h. 8. I, 167. 

I, 162. Traditionist. 
JSlAOfash. t216A.H. K. I, 208. 1,23. 
ElAMital 1,22. 1^2 a.h. A^ani, vii, 169. 
MA'mash I, 23. f 148 a.h. K. I, 213. 
Ibn *Amir. II, 610. 
Ihn 'Amr. ^Abdullah. I, 158. 
Ihn elA'rdhi. I, 22, 148. f^Sl a.h. W. 64. 

Ihn ei 'Arahi. El 'Arif Mubyi 'd Dm, Mubammad et Wi *! 
' Hatimi: 1,372. 1^38 a.h. Maqqaii, I, 667. The great Sufi. 
Book. *' El Mulhamat el Mansubah ilaih.'' 

Digitized by 



Ibn il *Arahlyah. I, 50. 

Kl A^raj. Afe. ibn Yafeya's 8a*di. II, 400. 

Ibn 'AsSkir. El Hafiz Abu'l Qasim «AH. f^Tl a.h. W. 267. 

Book. Ta'rikh Dimashq. W. 267. 1. I, 268. 
AMdb. t204 a.h. S. I, 166. I, 23. 
Ihn Ailam, *Abd er Barman ibn Zaid. I, 23. 

Ihn Ailam. Zaid ibn 'Abd er Rahman ibn Zaid. Circ. 200 a.h. 
I, 108. 
Possibly descendants of Aslam. 8. 1, 143. 

£1 Asw&ni. 'Abdullah ibn A^mad ibn Sallm. I, 190. 

Book. Akhbar en Nubab wa'l Maqrah wa'l 'Ilwah wa'l fiujah 
wa'n Nil. I, 190. 

This author seems to be the same as Mu'arrikh en Nubab, 
and pages I, 190-3 appear to be entirely taken from him. 

Ihn 'Ailyah. Abu M. ibn *Abd el Haqq. I, 23. f 642 a.h. H.K. 
Book. *• Tafslruh." I, 23. 

Ihn 4l 'Att&r, £1 Adib Shihab ed Din A(^. ed Dunaisari. t794 a.h. 
S. I, 330 ; II, 150, 269, 395. A poet. 

Bl Bairuti, misprint for El Biruni. 

El Bakii. Abu 'dbaid. f ^^7 a.h. 

I, 21, 22, 125, 183, 187, 211, 239, 287. Geographical. 

BlBaladuri. f 279 a.h. W. 74. 

El Ball^i. Mul^aramad ibn Al^. ibn M. ibn Yusuf . 
I, 258. (El Khuwarazmi.) 
Book. Mafatl^ el 'XJlum. I, 258. Philological. 

m Balkhi. Abu Zaid Ah. ibn 8ahl. f 322. W. 117. I, 10. 

Ihn Ahi H Barakdt. Abu 'Abdullah Mul^ammad. W. 230. 
f 520 A.H. I, 5. A mere mention of him. 

BatlimiU. (Ptolemy.) I, 42. 

Bl BtrunL Abu r Balkan M. ibn Abi. f 440 a.h. W. 195. 
Book. El A^r el Baqlyah. W. 195-1. I, 275. 
I, 68, 275, 492. 

Ihn B^iham. I, 253. 

Possibly Ibn Naubakht. f 416 a.h. K. I, 358. 

Digitized by 



IbnDil^yah. ElHafiz Abu'lKhattabMajdedDm'Umar. t633A.H. 
W. 319. 

Book. En Nibras. I, 326. I, 22, 326, 489. II, 163. 
Passages at I, 326, 489, II, 163, relate to El Mustansir, 
f 487 A.H., of whom it would appear that Ibn Dil^yah had 
written an antagonistic account. 

Dimaqrdfis. (Democrates.) I, 9. 

Ihn Dinar, Shams' ed Din M. II, 22. 

Ihn Dirifbam. [*• Shaikhuna "] Abu ^Abdullah M. el Maqri. 
I, 278. 

Baud ihn Ritq. I, 42. Verbal. 

Ahu Baud, '* Sahib es Siyar." f 275 a.h. K. I, 268. Tra- 
ditionist. I, 28. II, 270. 

Ihn Buraid. t321 a.h. (H.K.) I, 408. 
Book, El Jamharah. 

EL QADI 'L FADIL. W. 283. f ^96 a.h. 
> Book, Kitab Mutajaddidat el Hawadith. 1,249. 

I, 60, 86, 107, 108, 109, 184, 185, 249, 269, 281, 380, 407, 

II, 5, 24, 143, 164, 198. 

These passages refer to events in years between 567 and 
594 A.H. El Maqrizi says, ^*1 copied from his hand- 
writing." I, 249, 281. The '' Innovations " of El Qaji 
'1 Fadil would appear to have been extremely detailed. 

Ihn Fadl illah. Ah. ibn Ya^ya. f 749 a.h. W. 411. I, 870. 
A verse. 

m Fakihi, \ 272 a.h. W. 69. 

Booh Akhbar Makkah. 1,181. 

Ei Farrd, El Ba^wi. K 1, 145. f 510 a.h. 1. 161, 1. 186, 
V. 11-451. 

JSl FarydM. Abu 'Abdillah M. ibn X^. ibn M. el Hafiz, 1. 161. 
Verbal. A contemporary of Maq. 

JSl Hahaishi, , A^. ibn M. I, 322 verses. 

Ihn Hahth. v. Mawardi. 

El Badrami, El Qadi A bu Yusuf Ya*qub ibn Ibrahl m . f 1 8i a.». 
K. II, 400. II, 122. 

Digitized by 



Ihn AlH Jlqfalah, Shihab ed Din Ah. et Tilimsani. f 776 a.h. 
W. 437. 

I, 122. A verse. 

IBN 'ABD EL HAKAM. Abu '1 Qasim *Abd er Batman ibn 
*Abdillah. I, 1*99. f 267 a.h. W. 63. 
Book, Futuh Mi^r. W. 63-1. I, 199. 

I, 49, 76, 125, 148, 158, 163, 167, 195, 199, 206, 208, 209, 
244, 249, 287, 288, 295. 296. 

II, 136, 141, 259, 282, 363, 443, 502. 

These passages all relate to the early history of Egypt, the 
latest recorded event dating 86 a.h. I, 209. 

£1 Hamdani. Abu M. el Hasan ibn Ah. ibn Ta'qub. f 334 a.h. 
W. 1 10. 

Book, Ellklil. W. 110-1. I. 197, 257. 

Ihn Hani, M. f 362 a.h. K. II, 4. 1. 378. 

Ihn Hauqal, I, 270, 341. Scrib. 367 a.h. Quoted through Ibn 

Maraushiyush. I, 154. 

Abu '1 Hasan 'Ali ibn el Hasan el Katib. I, 275, 276. Details 
on taxation in Egypt in 441 a.h. 

El Hasan ibn M. II, 126. Circ. 658 a.h. ? 

Book. Es Sawanih el Adabiyah fi '1 Mada'ih el Qainlyah. 
V. H.K. 

Ihn Ahi Hashim, Ismd'il. I, 323, 325, verses. 
El JB[diim%. I, 287. On Babylon (Old Cairo). 

Ihn JSdzm. El Faqih '1 Hafiz AbQ M. 'AU ibn Ah. ibn Said. 
1,258. 1 466 A.H. W. 202. 

HUh&m ihn el Hakam, I, 9. 

Hiah&m ihn el Kalhi. f 204 a.h. W. 42. II, 213. 

Ihn Hieh&m. 'Abd el Malik, f 218 a.h. W. 48. I, 287. 

JEl 'ImOd, M. ibn Abi'l Faraj M. ibn Hamid el Katib el Ispahani. 
1 597 A.H. W. 284. 

Book. Sana'l Barq ash Shami. W. 284-1. II, 123. 

minhaJidni. Abu 1 Faraj 'Ali ibn el Husain. f 356 a.h. W; 182. 
Book. El A^ani. II, 1 37. 

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El Isfahani. 'AH ibn Hamzah. f 856 a.h. ? H.K. I, 125. 
Booh, A'yad el Fare. I, 268. 

Ihn Isfahtaldr, A^mad ibn Rustum ed Dailami. 1, 371. 

Aha Isl^. El Adib. II, 177. A verse. 

El Jafr, All. ibn Ishaq. I, 325, venes. 

ElJdhif^. t255 A.H. H.K. I, 25, 194. 

JaM ed Din, Ibn Makram ibn Abi*l Hasan ibn Ah. el Khagraji. 
I, 162. Veree. 

Jaldl ed Din. Abu'l Mu*izz Ibn Abi'l Hasan ibn A^. ibn es Sa'igh. 
Contemporary of MaqrTzi. 
II, 25. A veree. 

Jaldl ed Din. M. ibn Khatib Daraiya ed Dimashqi el Baisani. 
f 810 A.H. II, 429. Verse. 

JAMI' SIRAT EL BAZtJRl. I, 82, 109. 

The subject of the biography was a vizier of El Mustansir^ 
441-450 A.H. The passages refer to the revenue. 

JlMI* SiRAT M. IBN QALA'tTN. Musa ibn Muhammad ibn 
Yabya. (En Na^ir M. ibn Qala'un, f 741 a.h.) 
I, 381. II, 143, 278. 

' ES SIRAT ET T0LUNIYAH. (Ibn Tulun, t271 a.h.) 
171, 230. II, 178, 265, 267, 409, 457. 
This author's name is not indicated. (?Ibn ed Dayah, 
t334 A.H. W. 111.) He would appear to be an early 
one, and his work was probably detailed. 

' ES SiRAT EZ ZAHIRIYAH. Possibly Ibn *Abd es 
ir (q.v.). (Ez Zahir BaibarH, f 676 a.h.) 
433. II, 299, 412. 

• TA'RIKH DIMYAT. I, 177, 184. 
Relates to the period of the conquest, 20 a.h. 
Although no author is mentioned in Maqrizfs account of 

Damietta, I, 215, one may suspect that it is taken either 

from this work or one of a similar kind. 

bflJar'. Abdullah ibn. M. Circ. 380 a.h. 11,6. Yene. 
Uihf misprint for Ehurdadbah. 

Digitized by 



Ibn Jari^. II, 270. Tradition. 

El Jauhari. f 393 a.h. H.K. 

Book, Es Si^ah. I, 22, 285. II, 405, etc. 

BL JAUWANI. Esh Sharif M. ibn As'ad Abu 'Abdillah, I, 288, 
wrote after 570 a.h., II, 202, and was grown up 539 a.h., I, 830. 
Books, (a) En Naqt li Mu'jam, etc. I, 5, 330. 

\h) El Jauhar el Maknun fi pikr el Qaba'il wa '1 

fiutun. II, 458. 
{e) £r Rau^at el Anisah, etc. II, 440. 
I, 5, 288, 296, 330, 332. 

U, 81, 164, 202, 271, 409, 440, 444, 449, 450, 452, 458. 
The quotations are archaeological generally. 
H.K. ascribes {h) to this writer's son (apparently), and gives 
the date of his son's death, 588 a.h. He does not give 
the date of the author of En Naqt. I do not find any 
mention of him either in W. Maq. 2. 14 gives his 
pedigree at length. 

m JauOr. El Adib el Fa^il Abu '1 Husain. f 679 a.h. W. 357. 
I, 106. Verse. 

Ibn Abi'l Jinn, v. Ibn 'Adnan. 

Ihn Jinnh II, 362. f 392. Philological. 

Ihn Jubair. Circ. 548 a.h. v. H.K. 
Book. " Ri^latuh." 1, 239. 

El Kamal, v. El Adfuwi. 

Ahu 7 Khair. f 90 a.h. S. 1, 161 . II, 270. 

IhnKMlawaih. 1,22,211. f 370 a.h. K. I, 158. Philological. 
Book, Kitab Lais, I, 22. K. I, 158. 

Ibn Ehaldun. Shai^una Wali ed Din Abu Zaid 'Abd er Ra^min 
ibn M. t B08 a.h. W. 456. II, 190. 

KhdM Ibn Ahmad, f 175 a.h. H.E. 
Book. El *Ain. I, 408. 

Ibn S^lil^^- ^ Qa4i Shams' ed Din A^. ibn M. W. 358. 
1 681 A.H. II, 87, 366. 

Ibn Khurd&dbah. A^mad, I, 168. 
Poeaibly an error ? 
i.ft.A.t. 1902. • 

Digitized by 



Urn Kbnidadbah. 'Ubaid'uUah ibn 'Abdillah. I, 184. 

Wrote 232-272 a.h. See Goeje, preface to Ibn Khurdadbi^. 
Bib. Geo. Arab. 
Book, (a) El Masalik. I, 184, 227. 

ih) 'Aja'iV el Binyan. I, 120. ? 
JSl ^uwdrazmi, M. ibn A^. I, 9. 

SL KINDI. Abu* 'Umar M. ibn Yusuf. II, 163, 186. 
(Frequently called Abu *Amr in error.) f ^60 a.h. W. 124. 
Books, (a) £1 Jund el <Arabi. II, 143. 
(*) El Khunduq. II, 163. 
le) Masjid Ahl' er Rayah. II, 246. 
Id) El Hawaii. II, 137, 250. 
(e) El Umara. I, 288 ; II, 436 ; or 
Umara Misr. II, 261, 455. 
Possibly these books are merely divisions of W. 124 — 1, 2, 3. 

I, 162, 163, 180, 288, 298. 

II, 143, 168, 178. 185, 202, 246, 261, 282, 332, 334, 368, 
436, 447, 454, 455. 

The latest date in these passages refers to 263 a.h. They 
relate to the Muslim conquest, early sites and history. 
Ibn el Kindi. 'XJmar ibn Abi 'XJmar. I, 124. 
Evidently the son of the precediog. 
Book. Fada'il Mi^r. I, 124, 158, etc. 
, 124. 158, 211. 249. 
V. Boyal Khedivial Library Cat., t-101, which confuses 
him with his father, and gives the date of his dealk 
350 A..H., an unlikely one. The Copenhagen MS. names 
its author *Umar ibn M. el-Kindi. 

Aihi'ah. t 164 a.h. S. I, 164. 

[, 79, 168. 

uth ibn Sa'd. f 175 a.h. S. I, 164. 

[, 79, II, 177, 253. 

'el Latif el Ba^daili. f 629 a.h. W. 314. II, 367. 

\Hn ibn Mihran. I, 284. 

ibl Mallkah. A contemporary of ^Abd el 'Asiz ibn Marwan 

6 A.H. I, 210. 

a'mar. Ibrahim. El Adib. f 749 a.h. 11,151,186. Verses. 

{a' man. The Khalif. f 218 a.h. A verse by him throagh 

1 Khurdadbah. I, 184. 

Digitized by 



IBN EL MA'MfTN El Ba^a^ihi. £1 Amir Jamal 'ed Din. AYm 
'Ali Musa ibn el Ma'mon Abi Abdillah M. ihn F&tik ibn 
Mukhtar. I, 390. 

Probably shared in the downfall of his father, vizier of 
El Amir, 519 a.h. 
Book. "Ta'rlkhuh." I, 268, 390, and Mukhtasar Ta'ilkhih, 
II, 144. 

I, 212, 266, 268, 279, 390, 401, 414, 420, 422, 432, 445, 451, 
458, 468, 469, 470, 480, 481, 492. 

II, 24, 256, 282, 411, 412. 

Nearly all these passages refer to the years 516 and 517 a.h., 
only four to dates previous and none later. Ibn el 
Ma'mun's father was in power 515-519 a.h. His work 
was probably an elaborate chronicle chiefly relating to 
that period. 

Imdm Mankali BugkoL esh Shlrazi Jaidl ed Din, M. I, 371. Verse. 

Marhnn el ITindi. (Sa^iib Banah.) I, 182. 

Jtamuq $» Sadqfi. Abdullah ibn. Circ. 170 a.h. I, 162. 

Ahu Ma'shar, I, 253. f 272 a.h. The astronomer. 

El Masil^i. Misprint for Musabbihi. 

JBlMassah, ?W.A. 75. 1,120. 

EL MAS'tJDI. t 345 or 346 a.h. W. 119. 
Books, (a) Akhbar ez ZamSn. 1,185. 

(h) Muruj ed Dahab. I, 494. 
I, 26, 28, 50, 72, 148, 159, 171, 185, 187, 233, 236, 240, 
247, 265, 494. 

n Mawardi. Abu '1 Hasan <Ali ibn M. ibn Habib. I, 01. 
t 450 a.h. H.K. 
Book. El A^kam es Sultaniyah. I, 97. 
1,91,97. \- 

Mu'arrikh* en Nubah. v. AswSni. I, 192. 

'Vul^ammad ibn Abi Ta'qub el Eatib. I, 326. 
"Haddath," 292 a.h. 

Mufahid. 1,161. ^ 

SI Mnn^iri. El Hafiz 'Abd el ^Azim. I, 217. f 656.- W. M2. 

Muqdtil. 1 150 A.H. K. II, 112. 1, 16L ^ - ^ 

Digitized by 



Mum ihn If. ibn Yahya. II, 278. 

Author of Slrat M. ibn Qala*un (q.v.)- 

EL MUSABBIHI. £1 Amir el Mukhtar 'Izz el Mulk ibn 'Vbaid 
'illah ibn A]^. ibn Isma'll ibn 'Abd el 'Aziz. I, 387. \420 a.h. 
W. 181. 
Book. "Ta'rtkhuh," I, 265. and Ta'rikhuhuM Kablr, I, 387. 
W. 181-1. 

I, 171, 181, 207, 265. 387, 389, 408. 451, 457, 458, 466, 
467, 494. 

II, 4, 5, 14, 20, 28, 143. 145, 195, 280, 282. 

He was in the service of the Ehalifs of Cairo 398-420 a.h. 
The dates of the events for which he is cited lie between 
395 and 415 a.h., only three earlier and none later. 

IBN 'EL MITTAUWAJ. El Qaai 'r Ra'Is Taj 'ed Din M. ibn 

*Abd 'el Wahhab *ez Zubairi. I, 342. f 730 a.h. W. 397. 
Book, Iqaz el Mutaghaffil. I, 5. 

I, 5, 286, 288, 298, 331, 342, 344, 345, 346. 

II, 86, 114, 153, 155, 158, 184, 197, 253, 282, 298, 308» 
409, 429. 

Almost all these passages refer to Misr, i.e. Old Cairo, none 
to El Qahirah. All of them are archaaologioal. 

Ibn Muyassar. t^^- ^^^ ^•^- ^ ^^^ ^ "^^^ author's date 
would appear earlier, y. S. II, 132. 

I, 60, 420, 427, 442, 457, 467. 

II, 163, 415. 

The latest date referred to 543 a.h. 

JAi Nabulusi. El Qagi Abu *Amr *TJthman. 

Book. Qusn es Slrah fi 'ttikhad il Hi^n bi'l Jazlrah. I, 326. 

Aim Nadrah. El QhafFari. I, 22. 

N^fil er Rami. I, 258. Possibly W.A. 74. f 269 a.h. 

Ihn en Naqqdsk. Shams ed Din M. f ^63 a.h. H.K. I, 305. 

Book. El 'Ibar fl man Mada wa Ohabar. II, 279. Refereno# 
dates to 761 a.h. 

Abu n Nimr. El Warraq. I, 91 . 

Ahu Qabban ibn Nu*aim ibn Badr et Tujibi. II, 246. 

OoM ibn Sahmah. Abu Mus'ab. II, 246. Verse. 

Digitized by 



KL QAISAKANI. El Murtada Abu M. «Abd es Salam ibn M. 
ibn el Qasan ibn 'Abd es Salam IBN ET TUWAIB el Mifii 
el Katib. I, 386. 

Book. Nuzhat' el Maqlatain fi Akhbar 'ed Daiilatais. I, 386. 
II, 290. 

I, 49, 386, 409, 413, 420, 422, 425, 440, 443, 444, 456, 461, 
462, 463, 467, 469, 480, 484, 488. 

II, 28, 92, 280, 290. 

It has not been found possible to exactly fix the date of the 
author of this book : he is used chiefly with reference to 
the ceremonies and customs of the Fatiroite Court, of 
which he appears to have given the most detailed account. 
The only dated reference to be found is I, 49, the taking 
of Tyre by the Franks. 

El Qaisi. Abu Abdullah M. ibn 'Abd er Ra^un ibn Sulaiman ibn 
Rabi' el Ghamati. I, 161. f^^^ ^-h- B-^- 
Book. Tuhfat el Albab. I, 161. 
I, 135, 161, 240. 

Bl Qali. Abu *Ali (lsma41 ibn El Qasim). f 365 a.h. H.K. 
Book, El Amali. I, 148, 405. 

Qsttadah, I, 23, possibly W. 17. f 117 a.h. 

Ibn 'el Qifti. f ^46 a.h. W. 331. II, 5. 

SL QUpA'I. El Qadi Abu *Abdillah M. ibn Salamah. j 454 or 
457 A.H. W. 199. 

Book. El Mukhtar, etc. I, 6. W. 199-1. 

I, 5, 122, 125, 206, 207, 230, 247, 287, 298, 330, 331, 348, 
344, 346. 

II, 137, 142. 146, 161, 178, 248, 251, 253, 255, 370. 436, 
445, 455. 

Qudamah ibn Ja'far. f 377 a.h. I, 258. 
Book. Kitab el Kharaj. I, 258. 

KlQurtubi. 1,485. Too vague to identify. Ta'riW^uh, v. II, 181. 

Bl Qushairi. El Ustad Abu'l Qasim 'Abd 'el Kanm ibn Hawazin. 
1 514 A.H. K. 1.300. 11,414. 

Ibn Qutaibah. W. 73. f 270 or 276 a.h. I, 7. 

Ibn er Rafiq. Ibrahim. Circ. 400 a.h. 
Book. Ta'rlkhuh. n, 154. 

Digitized by 



Br lUMf. Ibrahim ibn 'el Qinm. f 456 a.h. t. H.K. 

«*Umdah." 1,870. 
Ibn Ba^waiu Abu '1 Qasan 'Ali t Tablb. f ^^3 a.h. W.A. 188. 
I, 42, 247, 268, 339, 365. 
On hygienic matters. 
Br Rofafi. H, 143. Vene. 

nnsiSd'dii. Bahaed Dm Abu'l Hasan 'AIL f 604 a.h. K. 1,363. 

n, 144. Verse. 
Si flabL Abn'l Hasan Hilal ibn Mohsin. f 448 a.h. K. U, 202. 

t 277. 
Si SaftdL Ehain ibn Aibak. f 764 a.h. W. 423. II, 35, 429. 
Ihn 8M. M. el Af^waL I, 188. 

Eb Said. El Qa4L Thiqat 'el Thiqat Abu'l Hasan 'Ali ibn 
'Uti^in, etc. I, 275. Li^g 580 a.h. H, 460. 
Book, m Minhaj fi 'Dm el Oaraj. I, 247, 275. II, 460. 

IBN SA'ID. 1 685 AH- W. 353. 

Book, (a) El Mug^b, I, 230. {h) El Mnhalla, II, 181. 

I, 211, 230, 287, 288, 341. 

n, 28, 155, 161, 183, 444, 459. 
8m'id ibn Jmbair., f ^^ ^h. K. I, 205. I, 23. 
8mHd ibn el Mmaiyih. f ^^ ^h. K. I, 206. I. 23, 284. 
8a*id ibn el Qdaf. I, 323. Verses. 
Saifibn'Umar. 1,163. 
Ibn 'ef Sairafi. M. ibn Manjab. II, 5, 436. 
Ibn Saiyid en Nas. f 734 a.h. W. 400. II, 414. 
Ibn Salam. Abu 'AbdiUah 'el Qasim. I, 97. 

Book. Eitab el Amwal. I, 97. 

Abn ^t. Umaiyah ibn <Abd 'el 'Aziz, f ^29 a.h. 1, 15. W. 237. 

I, 15, 135, 485. 

II, 154, 155. 

Book. Er Bisalat 'el Misriyah. I, 15. W. 237-1. 

B$h 8ha'bi. f 103 a.h. K. I, 244. U, 270. 

Esh Shabosti. Abu '1 Tasan 'AH ibn M. f 388 a.h. W. 153. 

Book. Kitab ed Diyarat. W. 153. I. II, 502. 

n, 502, 503, 504, 510. 
Shara/ed Din ibn Abi '/ Qoti'm. II, 88. Verbal. 
Skmnf'ed Din Abu '/ 'Abbdt Ahmad. Circ. 650 a.h. II, 26. 

Digitized by 



8lkaw0ihi. tl80A.H. K. I, 385. I, 190. 
iin 8Jdah. II, 2, 1 17, 129, 144, etc. (frequent references). \45%k.K. 
Book. £1 Mo^kam. y. H.K. A dictionary. 

Ikm Slnd. Abu <Ali. f ^^8 a.h. W.A. 128. I, 61. 
Bs Suhrawardi. ^ihab 'ed Din Abu Haff 'Umar ibn M. 11,414, 
427. t ^32 A.H. H.K. 

Book. 'AwarifelMa'arif. 11,427. 

^ gMari. Abu Ja'far M. ibn Jarir. f 310 a.h. W. 94. 
I, 23, 257, 408. 
Book. •• Tafstruh.'' I, 23. =» Jami el Bayan. I, 134. 

Ibn Abi T&hir. Abii'l Jusain 'Abdullah ibn A^mad. I, 273. 
Book. Attbar el Mu'tadid. I, 273. ' 

I, 273, 275. 
? Possibly a son of, W. 78, who died 280 a.h. 

Abu lUir. £1 HaEz es Silafi. f ^76 a.h. W. 268. II, 203. 

AMiTihir. £1 Qadi '1 Makin Isma'U ibn Salamah. Circ. 530a.h. 
II, 448. 

Ibn Abi Taiy. f^SO a.h. W. 316. I, 409, 443, 457. 
M Taiytbi. Shams ed Dm. II, 499. f 717 a.h. 
Ihn Taswaih, M. I, 325. Verses. 
Ib» ThdbU. Abu Bakr el HaBz el Khatib. I, 206. 
Ibn et Tuwair. v. £1 Qaisarani. 
Ibn 'Ufair. \22S a.h. S. I, 168. 1, 79, 118. 
' Umar ibn MaimOn. I, 26. i 

£1 'Umari. Shihab ed Din Al^mad ibn Mu^yi 'd Din Ta^ya ibn 
Fadlillah. Katib es Sirr. 1^48 a.h. W. 411. I, 370. 

Ibn JTahb. f 197 a.h. ? S. I, 165. II, 259. 

Wakb ibn Munabbih, f 110 a.h. W. 16. I, 23. 

" Wdi^ abV 'Amr ibn Zanki, etc. (verbal). I, 236. Contemp. 

JSlWaqidi. f 207 a.h. W. 43. 1,183. 11,362. 

IBN WA9IF SHAH. Ibrahim el Katib. I, 111. £1 Usti^. 
II, 140. Circ. 600 a.h. W. 373, etc. 
Book. Akhbar Mi^r wa 'Ajaibiha, I, 111. 
I, 111, 124, 129, 135, 141, l75, 176, 182, 210, 213, W2, 
237, 239, 240, 241, 268, 346. 

Digitized by 



II, 140, 177,480, 481. 

All on pre-Islamic history of Kgypt, and apparently quite 

JSl YaghmUri, Yusuf ibn Ah. ibn Mal^mud ibn Ah. el Asadi. 
t673A.H. II, 87, 183. 

A contemporary of El Malik es Sali^. 

Ya^ya ibn Bukair, I, 40. 

Ta^ya ibn 'Uthman. I, 211. Circ. 570 a.h. 

Talhugha es Sdlimi. I, 224. Verbal. 

El Yamani. Possibly W. 263. f ^69 a.h. I, 206. II, 161. 

Ya*^ ibn Nu'm&n el Q&4i. QjeAi Bulghar. (Through El Qaisi.) 
I, 161. 

ElYa*qiibi. Circ. 270 a.h. 1,211,247. 

Taqut. 1 626 A.H. W. 310. 

Book. El Mushtarik. II, 23, 28, 130, 504, 509. 

YMd ibn Abi Edblb, f 128 a.h. S. I, 163. I, 210. II, 177. 

IBN YtTNXTS. Abu 8a*Td *Abd er Rahman ibn Ahmad. I, 28. 
t847A.H. W. 121. 

Books, (a) Ta'rikh el Ghuraba. II, 114. W. 121-2. 
(A) Ta'rikh Mi^r. 1,108. W. 121-2. 

I, 23, 108, 332, 489. 

II, 114, 123, 137, 163, 177, 332, 334. 

ZSLfir el Eaddad. f 529 a.h. K. I, 241 . I, 485. The poet. 

IBN *ABD 'EZ ZAHIR. El Qadi 'r Ra'Is Muljyi 'd Dm 'Abdullah 
er Rauhi el Katib. I, 388. f ^92 a.h. W. 366. 
Books, (a) Er Raudat 'el Bahiyah 'ez Zahirah, etc. I, 5. 
W. 366, 1. 
(A) Sirat ez Zahir [Baibars]. II, 275. W. 366, 2. 
(<?) Tama'im el Hama'im. II, 231. 

I, 5, 381, 384, 388, 404, 408, 438, 458, 460, 462, 468, 470, 
480, 481, 487. 

II, 4, 5, 8, 12, 13, 16, 20. 21, 25, 86, 87, 92, 102, 114, 144, 
' 204, 231, 368, 411, 436. 

Nearly all archeeological, on Cairo. 

Zaid ibn Aslatn. I, 26. y. Aslam. 
Abu Zohm. I, 23. 

Digitized by 



Ztthid el * mamd, Abu Said Mansur ibn Isa. II, 405. 

Zain ed Din AH *AhdiUah M. ibn AH Bahr ibn *Abd el Qddir 'el 
Eanafi. II, 26. 
Contemporary of Maq. 

Zahi ed IHn. El Hasain. I, 368. Circ. 762 a.h. 

IBN ZtTLAQ. El Faqlh Abu M. el Hasan ibn Ibrahim. I, 385. 
t387A.H. W. 151. 

Boohe. (a) Sirat el Ikhshid. II, 25. 
\b) Sirat el Mu*izz. I, 385. 
\e) Tatimmat XJmara Misr. II, 25. W. 161-3. 
1, 386, 389, 430, 451, 470, 493. 


El A|^ni. (El Ifbahani.) 

El A^kam es Sultaniyah. (El Mawardi.) 

El 'Ain. (Ehalli ibn Ahmad.) 

Aj&'ib el Binyan. (Ibn Khurdadbah.) 

See II, 1 5 1 . The book with this title may be by another author. 
A^bar Bani el Maghribi (anon. II, 459). 
A^bar Makkah. ( El Fakihi.) 
Akhbar Mifr wa Aja'ibiha. (Ibn Wasif Shah.) 
Akhbar el Mu*tadid. (Ibn Abi Tahir.) 
Akhbar en Nubah. (El Aswani.) 
Akhbar ez Zaman. (El ICas'udi.) 
Alf Lailah wa lailah. I, 485. II, 181. 
El AmaU. (El Qali.) 
El Amwal. (Ibn Salam.) 
El Ithar 'el Baqiyah. (El Biruni.) 
A*y§d el Furs. (El Iffahani.) 

El Bazuri. y. Sirat 'el. 

Ed Dakh&'ir wa 't Tu^iat (Anon. v. S. II, 123. Possibly 
Mujalla ibn Jami*, fl. 549 a.h., is the author.) v. 1, 416, 417. 
Dim>&(. V. Ta'rlkh. 
Bd DiySrftt (Esh Sh&busti.) 

Digitized by 



Fada'U Mifr. (Ibn 'el Kindi.) 
Futul^ Mi^r. (Ibn 'Abd el Qakam.) 

SI Ohoraba. (Ibn Yunns.) 

Hosn ea Sirah fi 'ttikhftd il Hisn bil Jaslrah. (En N&bulvn.) 

£1 'Ibar flman Mada wa Ghabar. (Ibn on Naqqaah.) 

El Ittshld. V. Sirat. 

£1 Iklll. (El Hamdani.) 

Iqaz el Matan^affil. (Ibn el Mntauwaj.) 

ElJamharah. (Ibn Doraid. Philol.) 
Jami' el Bajao. (Et Tabari.) 
£1 Jaubar el Makuun. (El JauwanT.) 
El Jund el 'Arabi. (El Kindi.) 

El Eharaj. (Ibn Qndamab.) 
El Khunduq. (El Kindi.) 

Mafatll^ el 'Ulum. (El Bal^i.) 

Makkah. v. Akhbar. 

El Masalik. (Ibn Khurdadbah.) 

Masjid Abl er Rayah. (El Kindi.) 

El Mawali. (El Kindi.) 

El Vtinbaj fi 'Ilm el Kharaj. ((El Qidi) 'es Bald.) 

El Mui^rib. (Ibn da*!d.) 

El Muhalla. (Ibn Sa<ld.) 

Muhammad ibn Qala'un. v. Sirat. 

£1 Mul^kam. (Ibn Sidah.) 

£1 Mu'izz. V. Sirat. 

£1 Mukbtar. (El Quda'i.) 

Mukhtn^ar Tar'lkb ibn el Ma*mun. 

£1 Mulhamat el Mansubah ila ibn el 'Arabi. 

Miiruj ed Dabab. (El Mas'udi.) 

£1 MuBhtarik. (Yaqut.) 

Mntajaddidat el Hawadith. (£1 (Qddi '1) Fadil.) 

l^Nibras. (Ibn Dil^yab.) 
En Naqt. (El Jauwani.) 
Na^iriyah. v. Es Sirat en. 

Digitized by 



Vfibah. v. Akhbar en. 

Nazhat ol Maqlatain. (£1 Qaisarini) i 

Er Bandat el Bahiyat ez Zahirah. (Ibn 'Abd es Zahir.) 

Bi^lat ibn Jubair. (Ibn Jubair.) 

Risalat el ^adrami. 

Er Eiaalat el Mi^rfyab. (Abu Salt.) 

Sana '1 Barq esb Shami. (El ImSd.) 

Es Sawanil^ el Adabljah. (Aba '1 Hasan b. M.) 

Sirat el Bazuri. (Anon.) 

Sirat el IkbshTd. (Ibn ZQlaq.) 

Sirat M. ibn Qala*Qn. (Mu8a ibn M.) 

Smt el Ma4zz. (Ibn Ziilaq.) 

Es Sirat en Nasiiljah » M. ibn Qala'un. 

Sirat et ^ulunlyah. (Anon.) 

Sirat ez Zabiriyab. (? <Abd ez Zabir.) 

Tafsir. (Ibn 'Atiyab.) 

Tafsir. (Et Tabari.) 

Et Tali' es Sa-Id. (El Adfuwi.) 

Ta'n^. Ibn el Bata*ihi. (Ibn el Ma'mun el Bata'i^i.) 

Ta'n^. Dimashq. (Ibn Asikir.) 

Ta'rikh. Dimyat. (Anon.) 

Ta'rikh. Mifr. (Ibn Yunus.) 

Ta'rl^ 61 Mosabbi^i. 

Ta'itkb el Musabbil^i el Kabir. 

Ta*rikh el Qurtubi. 

Ta'rikh ibn Raftq. 

Ta'Ukh es Sa'ld, (£1 Adfuwi.) 

Tatimmat ITmara Mi^r. (Ibn Zulaq.) 

Tuhfat el Albab. (El Qaisi.) 

£1 Umara. (£1 Kindi.) 

ZabirTyah. t. Es Slrah ez. 

The following is the sequence of £1 Maqrizi's princjpril 
authorities : Ibn 'Abd el 9>*I^Aii^f t ^^7 A.n., El Mas'Odj; 
t346A.u., Ibn Yunus, t347A.H., and El Kindi. t350 A.H.ii 

Digitized by 



Ibn 'Abd el Hakam and Ibn Yunus supply nearly all that 
he tells us of the conquest and early history of £g3rpt. It 
is they who appear to have collected the sayings of the early 
traditionists. EI Mas'udi's information is in great part 
geographical, and that of El Eindi chiefly topographical, 
relating to Fustat. 

Besides these there is the anonymous life of Ibn Tiiliin, 
which may reasonably be assumed to be by a contemporary 
of that prince (f 270 a.h.) : if so, he is one of the earliest 
authorities on Egyptian history. El Maqrizi has taken 
a good deal from it. 

Coming to the Fatimite period, we have Ibn Zulaq, 
t387A.H., El Musabbihi, t420A.H., El Quda'i, t467A.H., 
the anonymous author of Sirat 'el Bazuri, of about the same 
date, Ibn el Ma'mun, who probably wrote about 520 a.h., 
and finally El Jauwani, who was alive in 570 a.h., but who 
speaks of events he witnessed in 539 a.h., thus enabling us 
to fix his period pretty closely. 

Both El Musabbihi and Ibn el Ma'raun, being in high 
offices of state, were exceptionally situated as regards 
information : their works, besides those of Ibn Zulaq, were 
doubtless in great part minutely detailed chronicles of their 
own times, but there is a gap between about 450 a.h. 
and 490 A.H. for which information seems meagre. This 
corroborates the statement of Hajji Ehalifah to this effect : 
there is apparently no complete detailed record of the great 
famine of 460-466 a.h., nor of the vizierate of Badr and 
his son El Afdal, written by a contemporary, or, at any rate, 
El Maqrizi does not seem to have known of one. The works 
of El Quda'i and El Jauwani were archaeological, referring 
to Cairo and Fustat. 

For the observances of the Fatimite Court, their govern- 
ment, and other details of the kind, El Maqrizi appears to 
chiefly use El Qaisarani, besides a book called Ed Pa^a'ir 
wa 't Tuhaf, which may date from the seventh century of the 
Hijrah, so that in general it would seem that his remarks on 
these subjects were taken from authors living a considerable 
time after the Fatimite period. 

Digitized by 



After this comes £1 Qadi '1 Fadil, f 596 a.m., from whom 
much has been taken, nearly all relating to matters of 
which he had personal knowledge ; then Ibn 'Abd ez Zahir, 
t 692 A.U., and Ibn el Mutauwaj, f 730 a.h. The last- 
mentioned relates almost exclusively to Misr, i.e. Old 
Gairo^ and all three are mostly referred to on questions 
of topography. Ibn el Mutauwaj is the last author of 
importance frequently quoted by El Maqrizi, who does not 
really give us very much detailed history of the Aiyubite 
and Mamluke period in El Khitat. The works of nearly 
all the authors mentioned in the foregoing have now been 
lost, either wholly or for the most part, but from the 
frequent quotations that are made from them in El Khitat^ 
it is fair to suppose that its author had access to them all. 

In addition to these the remarks of Ibn Sa'Id, f 685 a.h.^ 
are amusing, besides being interesting, as the impressions 
of a stranger visiting a foreign country. These, too, would 
probably have been lost to us without El Maqrizi's inter- 
vention, and, when we consider the enormous labour that 
he must have spent upon his book, and how much he has 
preserved to us, we can realize the extent of the service 
which he has rendered to the history of Egypt. 

Digitized by 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 


Art. VII. — Note on the Languages spoken between the Assam 
Valley and Tibet. By Stbn Konow, of the University 
of Christiania, Norway. 

The mountainous region between the Assam Valley and 
Tibety from Bhutan in the west to the Brahmaputra in the 
easty is inhabited by a series of tribes which are all of 
Tibeto-Burman stock. 

Beginning from the west, they are the Akas, the Dafias, 
the Abor-Miris, and the various Mishmi tribes, viz., Chuli- 
kata, Digaru, and MijQ Mishmi. 

Our chief sources for the knowledge of the dialects spoken 
by these tribes are as follows : — 

HMselmsyer, C. H. — The HiU Tribes of (he Northertt Frontier of Aaeam. 

Jwtrftai of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. xxxrii, pt. 2, 186S, 

pp. 192 ff. 
Anderson, J. D. — A short Vocabulary of the Aka Language. Shillong, 1896. 
BobinfOB, Wm. — Notes on the Dophlds and the Feeuliarities of their Language, 

Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. xx» 1852, pp. 126 ff. 
Hamilton, B. C. — An Outline Gratnmar of the Dajla Language at spoken by 

the Tribes immediately south of the Apa Tanang Country. Shillong, 1900. 
XoUnaon, William. — Notes on the Languages spoken by the various tribes 

inhabiting the Valley of Asam and its momttain eonjmes. Journal of tiie 

Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. xtiii, pt 1, 1849, pp. 183 ft. 
Beedliam, J. F. — Outline Grammar of the ShaVyung Miri Language as spoken 

by the Miris of that Clan residing in the Neighbourhood of Sadiym, 

Shillong, 1886. 
Boliinion, W. — Notes on the Languages spoken by the Mi-Shmis. Journal of 

the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. xxiv, 1856, pp. 307 ff. 
CuqplMll, George. — Speeimms of Languages of India Calcatta, 

1874, pp. 239 ff. 
BMdluun, J. 'E.—Afew Dtgdrd (T&roanJ, (Mijaj (M'jtt), and Ttbetian words 

eoOeeted during a trip to Eima and back in December ^ 1885^ and January^ 

1886. [ShiDong.] 

The dialects in question may conveniently be clashed 
together as the North Assam Group of .Tibeto-BurmMi 

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languages, and in the remarks which follow I shall try to 
throw some light on their relation to each other and to 
connected forms of speech. 

The dialects spoken by the Dafias and the Abor-Miris 
are closely related to each other, and their vocabulary, to 
some extent, agrees with that of Mishmi. Aka, on the other 
hand, has a different and very peculiar appearance. Strange 
and radical phonetical laws have been at work in that 
dialect, and it is, in most cases, very difficult to compare 
it with other Tibeto-Burman languages. The grammatical 
structure, however, is exactly the same as in the languages 
of the surrounding tribes, and there is also a considerable 
number of words which can be traced in other Tibeto- 
Burman languages. Thus, Aka du, Dafla d-bo, father ; Aka 
d-ni, Dafla an, mother ; Aka dngd-sd, Meithei angang and 
ma-chd, child; Aka ni/u, Kuki-Chin nai and nau, younger 
brother or sister; Aka lu, Tibetan bio, Lushei lung^ mind; 
Aka e-nt/t, Dafla a-ni/i, eye ; Aka nusu, Tibetan sna, nose ; 
Aka khie, Tibetan mgo, Burmese khaung, head ; Aka khe-chu, 
Burmese chham, hair of head; Aka mi, Tibetan me, fire; 
Aka x^» Tibetan chhu, water; Aka ju, Singpho jan, sun; 
Aka cchi, Tibetan Hi, fish ; Aka tsdn, Tibetan za-ba, Burmese 
Ud, eat ; Aka thU, Tibetan q-thung-ba, Dafla tu, drink ; Aka 
,/i, Dafla yi, give; Aka Idu, Meithei Idu, take; and so forth. 

All the dialects in question agree in some points. The 
differences between them, on the other hand, are considerable, 
and they do not form a distinct linguistic group. They 
have been classed together because they are all intermediary 
between Tibetan and the Assam - Burmese languages of 
the Tibeto-Burman family, and because the tribes speaking 
them are found in the same locality. The group, therefore, 
is both a geographical and a linguistic one. 

In order to understand the position of these dialects and 
their relation to other Tibeto-Burman languages it will be 
necessary to go into details. It is, however, difficult to do 
so, because our knowledge of them, and especially of Aka 
and Mishmi, is very limited. The remarks which follow 
are therefore given with every reserve. Their reliability 

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is dependent on the trustworthiness of our materials. They 
do not extend to the whole grammatical structare, because 
a comparison of the various dialects would, in many cases, 
be uncertain. I have confined myself to some remarks on 
the numerals, the personal pronouns, and a few grammatical 

The first five numerals are : — 







One .. 

.1 a 


; &-kA,d-th' 




Two .. 

.[ kshJ 














Four .. 

.! pr^-rl 





Five .. 

. pwi 






One. — ^The forms in Dafla, Chulikata, and Digaru are 
practically identical. Aka d corresponds to Miri d-kd, 
Meithei a-mdy Kachin ai-md, etc. Miju ko^md perhaps 
corresponds to the forms occurring in the other Mishmi 
dialects and Dafla. The final md must be compared with 
md in Meithei a-md, Eachin ai-md, etc. 

Two, — Aka kahi is probably derived from khi; compare 
Aka ehhi, Tibetan ni, fish. The prefix k is identical with 
Mishmi kd, and corresponds to Tibetan g in gnis, two. Dafla 
and Miri use a prefix d like many Central and Eastern 
Naga dialects. 

Three, — Mishmi, and probably also Aka, have a prefix kd 
corresponding to ^ in Tibetan gsumy three. Dafla and Miri 
prefix d. Compare * Two.' 

Four. — All dialects apparently contain a numeral It or n 
with a suffix ^a or jt>, corresponding to 6 in Tibetan bii, four; 
fa in Lepcha ; b and bi in the Bodo languages ; ba and prt 
in many Naga dialects, and pa in Euki-Chin. To this p 

J.R.A.B. 1902. 

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Mishmi prefixes kd or kam. The numeral It or ri also occurs 
in Lepcha and most Assam-Burmese languages, while Tibetan 
has ii. 

Fiw. — ^Miju ka-liin seems to correspond to Tibetan Inga 
with ka prefixed. Aka pom is probably derived from pa-nga. 
The prefix pa has already been mentioned with ' Four.' Md 
in Chulikata and Digaru md-ngd, five, corresponds to the 
prefix ma in the numeral 'five' in Kachin, Meithei, Lhota, 
Miklai, Thukumi, and most Naga-Bodo dialects. 

The higher numerals, twenty, thirty, etc., are formed by 
prefixing *two,' * three,* and so on to the numeral 'ten* in 
Aka and Mishmi, while Dafia and Miri suffix the multiplier 
after the pattern ' tens-two,' ' tens-three,* etc. Tibetan, 
Kachin, Burmese, Mikir, and other dialects agree with Aka 
and Miahmi, while Lepcha, the Euki-Chin, and most Naga 
languages form their higher numerals in the same way as 
Dafia and Miri. 

Generic prefixes are used with numerals in the Bodo 
languages, some Naga dialects such as Mikir and Empeo, 
and the Kuki-Ohin group. They are also used in Dafia and 
Miri. Compare the generic suffixes in Burmese. Mishmi, 
and probably also Aka, agree with Tibetan where the 
numerals are used without such qualifying affixes. 

The preceding remarks will have shown that the numerals 
in Aka and Mishmi are more closely connected with those 
usual in Tibetan than the forms occurring in Dafia and Miri. 
These latter dialects in important points agree with the 
Bodo, Naga, and Kuki-Chin languages. All dialects in 
question agree with the Assam-Burmese languages in the 
form of the numeral * four.' 

I now turn to the personal pronoun /. Aka, Dafia, Miri, 
and Chulikata have forms which are identical with or 
derived from Tibetan and Burmese nga. The Digaru 
pronoun ha, I, is probably derived from the same form. 
Compare Meithei at and Khoirao hat. It is probable that 
the forms beginning with h are due to an aspiration of the 
initial n//, corresponding to the aspirated pronunciation of 
soft consonants in Eastern Tibet. A strong aspiration might 

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well supersede the rest of the oonwnant in the pronunciation. 
A similar interchange between ng and h occurs in dialects 
of Eharoi. MijO ki corresponds to kei in the Euki-Ohin 
languages. It is probably derived from nga, ngha ; compare 
Eachin ngai. This derivation is based on the supposition 
that an aspirated ng might become gh and, farther, k. 
Compare the aspirated soft consonants in Eastern Tibet, 
which can scarcely be distinguished from the corresponding 
hard sounds. In the same way we find Angami ko corre- 
sponding to Ao ngOy fish. 

Thou. — Dafia, Miri, and Mishmi have the forms nd and 
nyd, corresponding to Angami no and similar forms in many 
Assam-Burmese languages. Aka bd seems to correspond 
to bd in Sir George Campbell's Hati Ourya. 

The personal pronouns of the third person differ in most 
dialects. All forms are originally demonstrative pronouns, 
and corresponding ones are found in the neighbouring 
languages. Thus, Miri and Dafla but corresponds to bi, 
bi, and similar forms in Bodo, po in Angami, etc. ; Aka i 
and e, and Digaru e to a, that, in Tibetan and other con- 
nected forms of speech ; Dafla ma to md in the Euki-Cbin 
dialects; Digaru he to hi, this, in Lu^hei and connected 
languages; and Miju we to Oaro t/e, Arung wi, he, etc. 

We shall now proceed to make some remarks on the 
formation and inflection of words. 

A vocalic prefix which occurs in various forms such as 
a, ^, #, 0, and u, is apparently used in all dialects, perhaps 
with the exception of Miju. It is not, like the Burmese 
prefix ft, used to form nouns of action from verbs, but is 
very common before nouns, and also before adjectives, 
apparently without adding anything to the meaning. It 
is probably identical with the prefix a in Naga and Euki- 
Chin languages, in Lepcha, and in Tibetan words such as 
*a^ha, father ; 'a-ma, mother. In Aka it is identical in 
form with the personal pronoun of the third person, and 
it is perhaps originally a pronominal prefix. 

Dafla, Miri, and Mishmi alsf> use a prefix ka befor^ 
adjectives, as do also the Bodo, Naga, and Eachin languages. 

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Gander is distinguished io the same way as in all connected 
languages by using separate words or adding suffixes. Many 
of the suffixes of gender are identical with those occurring 
in neighbouring dialects. Thus, the usual male suffix is 
pa or pOf corresponding to Tibetan pa and po and similar 
forms in most Tibeto-Burman languages. The forms wa 
and ivai in Mishmi correspond to Kachin wd and the pro- 
nunciation of ba as wa after vowels in Tibetan. 

It is of interest to note that Dafla and Miri repeat the 
names of animals, or the last syllable of them, before 
the suffixes of gender. The same principle also prevails in 

The genitive is formed by prefixing the governed to the 
governing noun. Aka often repeats the governed noun by 
means of a possessive pronoun prefixed to the governing 
one. The same principle largely prevails in the Euki-Ohin 
languages. Dafla and Miri possess a genitive suffix ka, 
corresponding to Tibetan kpiy Meithei gi, etc. The same 
dialects form their locative by adding a suffix Id, which is 
identical with the Tibetan dative suffix la. 

The suffix of the comparative in Dafla and Miri is t/d, 
which corresponds to f/d and sd in many Euki-Chin dialects. 

With regard to the inflection of verbs, it is of importance 
to note that all dialects, perhaps with the exception of 
Miju, use the same verb substantive in the formation of 
a periphrastic present. The various forms of this verb all 
correspond to Tibetan a -dug -pa, which is used in the 
same way. 

Miri, and to some extent also Dafla, agree with Mikir in 
the formation of the future, the suffixes ye and pu in Miri 
corresponding to Mikir ji and po. Compare also the suffixes 
of the infinitive of purpose ye in Angami and phii in Burmese, 
etc. Miri, and apparently abo Digaru, often use difierent 
suffixes in the negative future, as is abo the case in Angami. 
The suffix of the negative future in Miri is ge, which is 
used with a simple future sense in Digaru, while Mijii yu 
probably corresponds to Miri ye. This latter siiffix is 
perhaps also connected with nye in Aka. Compare the 

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suffix nhid which forms a future of doubt in Angami, and 
the future suffix nyi in Sema, etc. 

The suffixes of the conjunctive participle are na and la 
or similar forms in Aka, Dafla, and Miri. No instances are 
available for Mishmi. Compare Tibetan na and la and 
similar forms in many other connected languages. Compare 
also the Tibetan case suffixes la and na. 

The formation of causatives is only known in Dafla and 
Miri, wbere the verb 'to do/ ma and mdy respectively, is 
suffixed to the principal verb. Compare the prefixed ma^ 
tnan, etc., in the Old Euki dialects. The causative in Aka 
is probably formed in the same way as in Tibetan. Thus, 
in 8hu, to kill, from dzUy to die, we find the causative formed 
after the pattern intransitive Qy transitive kk. 

The negative particle is md or mdng in all dialects with 
the exception of Digaru, where it is im. This im is, however, 
probably derived from the same original. The negative is 
prefixed to the verb in Aka and Miju, but suffixed in Dafla, 
Miri, and Digaru. There are no instances available in 
Chulikata. Aka and Miju agree with Tibetan, Eachin, 
Burmese, Central Naga, etc., while the suffixed negative 
is found in Kuki-Chin, Western Naga, Naga-Bodo, NSga- 
Euki, and Bodo. The negative particle md is identical 
with Tibetan and Burmese ma. The forms mdng in Miri 
and im in Digaru may perhaps contain this ma prefixed 
to some verb substantive. Compare Tibetan med-pa, for 
mi-yod'pay not-to-be. The suffixed negative is perhaps 
derived from a compound verb of this kind. It is, however, 
also possible that the position of the negative in the Tibeto* 
Burman languages was originally freer than it is now. 

We may note that the usual tense suffixes are often 
dropped in the negative mood, as is also the case in 
Burmese and other connected languages. 

It will be seen from the preceding remarks that all the 
dialects in question have several points of analogy with 
other Tibeto-Burman languages. 

They agree with Tibetan in the use of the same verb 
substantive in-order to form a periphrastic pres^it. 

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A prefix ff, e, i, etc., is used in the same way as the 
oorresponding prefix a in Tibetan and moat of the Tibeto- 
Burman languages of Assam, while the peculiar use of 
the prefix a in Kachin and Burmese seems to be foreign 
to them. 

The oonjunctive participle is formed by means of the same 
suffixes as in Tibetan and (he languages of Assam. 

The numeral 'four' agrees with the forms used in the 
Assam- Burmese languages. 

The prefixes are apparently, to a great extent, full 
syllables, as is the case in the Assam-Burmese languages. 
Our materials are not, however, sufficient for entering into 
tills question. 

All these points seem to show that the North Assam 
dialects are intermediary between Tibetan and Burmese, 
or, more correctly, between Tibetan and the Tibeto-Burman 
languages of Assam. 

Their position would be easier to define if we had sufficient 
information regarding the existence of tones. We know 
that several tones exist in Dafia, Miri, and Mishmi, and 
the same is probably the. case in Aka. This fact seems to 
show that they are more closely connected with Tibetan 
than with Burmese. The same conclusion must be derived 
from the &ot that initial soft consonants occur to a con- 
siderable extent, while they are changed to hard sounds in 

All the dialects in question difier to a great extent in 
vocabulary. This is especially the case with Aka, while 
the Mishmi dialects in many points agree with Miri and 
Dafia, as will be seen from the comparison of a few words : — 


. . Digaru m-pu ; Dafia o-pu. 


, . mjnui; Dafia til. 


. . Digaru nd-pu ; Dafia a-bu. 


. . Digaru kd-no-d ; Dafia kdn. 

die . . 

Digaru si ; Dafia and Miri si. 

dog . , 

Digaru n-ktci; Dafia i-ki; Miri e-ki 

dream , 

Digaru pdtnd ; Dafia yumrtd. 

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eat . . . 


feather . 


flower . . 


hair . . 


horn . . 


mother . 




pig . . . 


slave . . 




tail . . 

. Digaru 

tree . . 




t&m ; Dafla tu ; Miri tiing. 
I dha ; Dafla da ; Miri dd, 
I am ; Dafla am. 

td-^ ; Dafla qppu. 
I dhong ; Dafla dUm. 
L rd ; Dafla a-rd. 
I nd-md ; Dafla d-md. 

a-mung ; Dafla a-min. 
L 6a-/i; Dafla Ulgi. 
L m-po ; Dafla pd, 

tdbd; Dafla tab; Miri tdbui. 
. la-ming ; Dafla d-mh 
[ md'Bdng ; Dafla son. 

md'Chl ; Dafla mAi. 

Such instances might easily be multiplied. They show 
that there are a considerable amount of common words in 
Mishmi and Dafla-MirL These dialects also agree in the 
use of the prefix ka with adjectives, in the personal pronoun 
of the second person, and other points. Digaru also agrees 
with Dafla and Miri in the use of a suffixed negative, while 
Mlju, like Aka, prefixes the negative to the verb. 

The Mishmi dialects cannot, however, be classed as closely 
related to Dafla and Miri. They sometimes also agree with 
Aka as against the central dialects. 

Thus, they use a prefix ka in the numerals 'two' and 
* three,' as is also the case in Aka and Tibetan. They form 
the higher numerals as in Tibetan, Kachin, Burmese, eto., 
after the pattern ' three-tens,' and they do not use generic 
prefixes before numerals. 

The Mishmi dialects also, in some points, agree with 
Eachin. Thus, the numeral ' five ' takes a prefix «rta as in 
Kachin, Meithei, and some Naga dialects, and the usual 
prefixes m and n in Mishmi and Eaohin are probably 
identical. There is also some connection between them in 
vocabulary. Thus, we find Digaru iid-/Hi, Kachin jxte, 
brother; Miju bdng^ Kachin W&d, doth ; MijS and Kachin 
m^mehUf cow; Miju and Kachin sAd, eat; Mlju m!, Kaobin 

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wi, eye; Miju sat, Eachin sat, kill; Miju au-ldp, Eachin 
lapf leaf ; Miju and Eachin kdp, shoot ; Miju laung, Eachin 
Halting, stone ; Miju phdt, Eachin m*phat, vomit ; Miju m^bong, 
Eachin m'bung, wind ; etc. 

The proportion of common words does not, however, appear 
to be great. 

The central dialects, Miri and Dafla, agree with several 
of the neighbouring forms of speech. The reduplication 
of the nouns before the suffixes of gender is also common 
in Eachin. The prefixes before the first numerals are the 
same as those used in some Central and Eastern Naga 
dialects. The formation of the higher numerals is the same 
as in the Euki-Chin and most Naga languages. Generic 
prefixes with numerals are used in the same way as in the 
Bodo, some Naga, and the Euki-Chin languages. Compare 
the generic suffixes in Burmese. The comparatiye suffix 
is the same as that occurring in some Euki-Chin languages. 
Some tense suffixes are common to Miri-Dafla and Mikir, 
and so forth. 

The result of the above may be summed up as follows : — 

The dialects in question occupy an intermediate position 

'"" 'ian and the Tibeto-Burman languages of Assam. 

rith Tibetan in important points, but differ in 

same way as the connected languages of Assam 

ily account for this relationship by the sup- 
the tribes in question were gradually driven 
)sent bomes from a locality where the different 
the Tibeto-Burman family were in mutual 
is points to the country about the headwaters 
Idy and Chindwin rivers as the locality from 
»rth Assam tribes crossed the Brahmaputra and 
(tward to their present habitat. 
ts under consideration cannot be considered as 
(roup, and we must therefore conclude that the 
into the mountains between the Assam valley 
tended over a considerable period, the various 
crossed the Brahmaputra at different times. 

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The mountainous region which is their home may be 
considered as a backwater that was gradually filled up from 
the great Tibeto-Burman current which, in the course of 
time, split up and flowed into Tibet and Further India. 

The Akas are probably the first immigrants, and have 
Uved isolated in their moimtains for a considerable time. 
This would account for the strange appearance of their 
vocabulary, and also for the many points of analogy with 

The Miris and Daflas must have had intercourse with the 
tribes now known as Eachin, Kuki-Ohin, Naga, and Bodo, 
before they reached their present homes. The Mishmis 
have more affinity to Tibetan, but are also akin to the 
Eachins. The Western Mishmis, the Digarus, and Ohuli- 
katas have also been influenced by their western neighbours, 
the Miris and Daflas, and perhaps also by the Tibeto-Burman 
tribes of Assam. 

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Art. VIII. — Kuaindrd, or Eu6inagara, and other Buddhist 
Holy Places. By Vincbnt A. Smith, M.B.A.S., late of 
the Indian Civil Service. 

Forty years ago Sir Alexander Cunningham, adopting a hint 
given by Professor H. H. Wilson, identified the Buddhist 
remains near Kasia in the Gorakhpar District as marking 
the site of Kui§inagara, or Eusinara, the traditional scene of 
the death of Gautama Buddha. 

The discovery in 1875-76 by Mr. Carlleyle among the 
ruins near Kasia of a colossal recumbent statue of Buddha, 
which corresponded closely with Hiuen Tsiang's description 
of a similar statue at Kuiiinagara, seemed to settle the 
question as te the identity of the site.^ Archaeological 
writers, the general public, and Buddhist pilgrims from 
Burma and Ceylon, all agreed in accepting as conclusive 
SSir Alexander Cunningham's announcement that the remains 
near Kasia beyond doubt occupied the site of KuSinagara. 
I shared the general belief, and felt no doubts on the subject 
until I made a special inquiry on the spot, and found the 
existing facts at Kasia to be at variance with Cunningham's 
description and irreconcilable with the accounts of Kusinagara 
given by the Chinese pilgrims. The results of my inquiry 
were published in 189(5,^ and in the same year the true site 
of the Lumbini Garden, the traditional site of the birth of 
Gautama Buddha, was discovered. My local inquiry proved 
by means of topographical details that the remains near 
Elasia could not possibly represent Kusinagara as described 

1 Ommiiighaiii : Archieological Survey Reports, vols, i, xviii, xxii. 

' *' TheBemains near Kasia, iu the GorakhDur District, the Keputed 8ito 
of Ko^anagara or Kn<;iiiara, the Scene of Buadha*B Death," b? Vincent A. 
Smith, I.C.S., Fellow of the Uniyeisity of Allahabad. Allahabad : Printed at 
the >iorth- Western Provinces and Oudh GoTemment Press, 1896. 

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by the Chinese pilgrims.^ The discovery of the true site of 
the Lumbini Garden proved that EuSinagara, which was 
known to lie in a south-easterly direction from the garden, 
could not possibly be represented by the remains near Kasia, 
which lie a little west of south from the garden. 

The irresistible force of the arguments in refutation of 
Cunningham's identification was at once admitted, and, so 
far as I am aware, nobody since 1896 has attempted to 
maintain the correctness of that identification. The purely 
negative result that the remains near Kasia do not represent 
Eu^inagara was thus obtained and accepted, but no progress 
was made in aflBrmatively determining the position of the 
town which was the scene of Buddha's death. The few 
words, unsupported by argument, in which five years ago 
I indicated my belief as to the probable position of Eusinagara 
could not be expected to command assent. Dr. Hoey has 
since endeavoured to locate Eusinagara in the Saran District, 
far to the south, near the Oanges. The etymological 
foundation of his ingenious arguments, which ignore the 
testimony of the Chinese pilgrims, seems to me so insecure 
that I may be excused from the task of detailed criticism.^ 

The question as to the true position of Eusinagara is 
therefore still open, and the problem awaits solution. 
From time to ' time for seven years past I have devoted 
many hours and much labour to the search for a solution, 
and now publish the results of my investigation because 
there is no immediate prospect of the discovery of additional 
materials on which to form a judgment. I venture to think 
that an approximately correct solution of the problem is 
attainable by strict reasoning from the existing materials, 
and that this approximate solution involves the settlement 
of several doubtful points in the itineraries of the Chinese 

1 Kui&magara is the form of the name which corresponds best with the Chinese 
notation, and is used by Mr. Takakusn in his translation of I-tsine. Mr. Beal 
transliterates the Chinese as Kiu-shi-na-k^ie'lo, Mr. Giles writes Cnu-i-na-ehieh. 
In Pali the dental sibilant alone is used, and the name is invariably given in 
the form Eusinara. 

' '* On the Identification of Eusinara, Vaisali, and other places mentioned by 
the Chinese Pilgrims," by W. Hoev, Litt.D., T.C.S. : J.A.S.B., 1900, vol. hrix, 
pt. 1, p. 74. 

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The purpose of my investigation is simply to determine 
the position of the town which was shown in the fifth 
centmry to Fa-hien and in the seventh century to Hiuen 
Tsiang as being Ku^inagara, the reputed scene of Buddha's 
death. Whether Gautama Buddha really died at that town 
or not is a question beyond my province. I desire merely 
to ascertain the identity of the town visited by the two 
pilgrims, while abstaining from discussion of the authenticit}' 
of the holy places shown to them by their monkish guides. 

Both pilgrims apparently visited the same place, and it 
is probable that the town shown to Fa-hien as Kusinagant 
at the beginning of the fifth century is the same as that 
mentioned under the name of Kusinara in the much earlier 
Pall books. Those books certainly preserve a very ancient 
body of tradition, and we may safely believe, on their 
authority, that Gautama Buddha, the Sakya sage, really 
passed away at Eusinanl. The presumption is that the 
tradition of Buddha's death remained attached to one spot, 
and until good reason is shown for supposing that the 
traditional locality was shifted, we may assume the identity 
of the Chinese Kuf^inagara and the Pali Kusinara. 

The itineraries of the Chinese pilgrims give bearings and 
distances from which the position of Ku^inagara can be 
deduced, whereas the geographical indications given by the 
Pall books are not sufficient to determine the position of 
Kusinara. Therefore, in order to ascertain the position 
of the traditional scene of Buddha's death, it is desirable 
to begin with the detailed accounts of the late Chinese 
pilgrims rather than with the indeterminate indications of 
the early Pall writers, and thus to proceed from the known 
to the unknown. 

Professor Rhys Davids, on the other hand, Would ap- 
parently prefer to take the ancient Pali books as the 
starting-point for the investigation, and to treat the Chinese 
records as of secondary importance.^ 

^ [I mmt be allowed to enter a mild protest against this reading of my view.^v 
They are ezpresEKsd, perhaps not clearly, in the words immediateljr quoted. £n 
diieaming historically the archaeological remains at any ascertained spot the 

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'<It is a pity," he observes, ''that Indian archffiologists ignore 
the details given in the most ancient records concerning the places 
they attempt to identify. Before writing about Eusinara, it would 
seem almost a matter of course that not only the descriptions of 
a traveller in the seventh century a.d., but also all that can be 
gathered from the words — at least a thousand years older— of the 
Pali Pitakas, should be in the writer's mind. We there learn from 
Mahavai?ga. vi, 34-38/ that the Buddha journeyed along the 
following; route: Vesali, Bhaddiya-nagara, Apana, Kusinara, Atuma, 
Savatthi. The contrary route from Savatthi to Vesali is given at 
Sutta Nipata. p. 185. The name of the grove of Sala-trees under 
which the Buddha died is the Upavattuna, * on the further side of 
the river Hiranyavati' ('Buddhist Suttas,' S.B.E., xi, p. 85); and 
the route by which it was reached was Vesali, Bhandtagama, 
Amba-gama, Jambu-guma, Bhoga-nagara, Pava (these two last also 
mentioned in the same order in the Sutta Nipata, p. 185), and 
across the river Kakuttha to Kusinara (* Buddhist Suttas,' pp. 64- 
74, 82). There is no reference in the oldest texts to its being 
a walled town ; it is called a ' wattle and daub town, a village in 
the midst of the jungle * (ibid., pp. 100, 248). Other references 
are Anguttara, 2. 274 ; Udana, p. 37." ^ 

This criticism would be unanswerable if it were possible, 
independently of the Chinese pilgrims, to identify the rivers 
Eukuttba and Hiranyavati and the various villages named. 
But, unfortunately, the efforts which I have repeatedly made 
to effect these identifications have failed, and at present no 
helpful guidance is to be found in the Pali books. The 
enquirer is therefore forced to rely upon the itineraries of 
the Chinese pilgrims in order to ascertain the position of the 
town Eudinagara visited by them, which was probably 
identical with the Eusinara of the Pali writers. The 

writer should conBider all the evidence, and not ignore that pre6er\'od in the books. 
I have not said, and assuredly do not think, that the evidence afforded by the 
Chinese pilgrims, or any other evidence, is of secondary importance. 

In the attempt to fix upon a doubtful site, that of the Chinese is of especial 
value, as it is the Chinese who give bearing and distances. If a book put 
together many centuries before the Chinese writers visited the spot should happen 
al^o (which such books, alas ! very seldom do) to give bearings or distances, then 
these also should be considered and due weight attached to them, and Mr. Vincent 
Smith does this.— Rh. D.] 

» " Sacred Books of the East," vol. xiii, pp. 121-143. 
« J.R.A.S.^ Oct., 1897, p. 920. 

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kusinIrS or kusinagara. 148 

iBsignifioant village which seems to have existed in the 
time of Oautama Buddha may easily have become a walled 
town in the long interval of about twelve hundred years 
between the death of Buddha and the visit of Hiuen Tsiang, 
who found the town almost deserted and the walls in ruins. 

The Chinese pilgrims give three distinct bearings, with 
distances, for Eutinagara. These bearings are (1) in an 
easterly direction from the Lumbini Garden ; (2) in a 
north-westerly direction from Vaisali ; and (3) in a north- 
easterly direction from Benares, or the kingdom of Benares. 

The positions of the Lumbini Garden, Vai>*ali, and Benares 
being now all known with certainty, it would seem at first 
sight that no problem exists, and that the position of 
Eutinagara could be readily determined by drawing three 
lines on a map and noting their point of intersection. 
But, as a matter of fact, the problem exists, and is one of 
considerable complexity. 

The Lumbini Garden is now represented by the mound of 
ruins at Rummindei, which is situated in the Nepalese Tarai, 
about five or six miles nearly due north of Dulha House in 
the Bastl District of the North- Western Provinces, and 
approximately in E. long. 83^ 20', N. lat. 27° 29'. The spot, 
although not marked on the map, may be easily noted on the 
edge of Sheet 102 of the Indian Atlas, at a distance of about 
four miles north of the frontier and half a mile west of the 
Tilar river, which is marked on the map. 

In a subsequent paper I hope to discuss the remains at and 
near Basar in the Muzaffarpur District of Bihar, which 
occupy the site of Yaisali. These remains lie approximately 
in E. long. 85'' 11' and N. lat. 25'' 58*. I cannot stop now to 
prove the identity of Basar with Yaisali, and must ask my 
readers to accept the assurance that the identification is 

The position of Benares is defined as being in E. long, 
83** y 4" and N. lat. 25^* 18' 31". Eufiinagara, therefore, 
should be sought in an easterly direction from the Lumbini 
Garden, E. long. 83** 20', N. lat. 27° 29' ; north-westerly 
direction from Vaisali (Basar), E. long. 85^^ 11', N. lat. 

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25° 58' ; north - easterly direction from Benares, E. long. 
83^ 3' 4", N. lat. 25° 18' 31". 

A glance at the map will show that the Kuiinagara of 
the Cadnese pilgrims most consequently lie between 84^ and 
85^ E. long, and 27"" and 28'' V. lat The resulting rectangle 
lies to the extent of about three quarters in the hills of 
Nepal, and to the extent of about one quarter in the Camparan 
District of Bihftr. The portion of the rectangle which fislls 
within the limits of the Oorakhpur District is inconsiderable. 
The ruins of Lauriya-Vandangarh (Navandgarh) stand on the 
southern boundary (parallel 27^) of the rectangle, which includes 
the ruins at Canld Oarh and the towns of Bamnagar and 
Soharia in the Camp&ran District. The site of Kuiinagara 
is therefore either in Nepal, beyond the Someivar Bange, or 
in the Camparan District at a distance of a few miles from the 
foot of the hills. 

The distances and bearings given by the pilgrims from 
each of the three fixed points, the Lumbini Garden, Yaisali, 
and Benares, will now be examined in order to fix with 
greater precision the site sought. 

The position of Ku^nagara relative to the fixed point 
of the Lumbini Garden is defined as follows by Fa-hien, 
in chapters xxiii and xxiv : — 

'' East from Buddha's birthplace, and at a distance of five 
ffoj'atuu, there is a kingdom called Rama." After describing 
a monastery at the capital the pilgrim continues : ** East from 
here four [%. three] yqfanas, there is the place where the heir- 
apparent sent back Chan^aka, with his white horse; and there 
also a tope was erected. Four yajanas to the east from this, 
(the travellers) came to the Charcoal tope, where there is also 
a monastery. GK>ing on twelve yqjanas, still to the east, they came 
to the city of Ku^nagara." ^ 

^ Legge's versioii. Giles makes the distance from Rama (Lan-mo) to the 
place of Ca^^aka's return to be three, not four, y<^aHM, His other distamm 
agree with Legge's, but he renders the last clause quoted as '*jprooeeding 
furttier twelve yuyen, thev arrived at the city of Chii-i-na-chieh.'* &tl agrees 
with Giles in making tne distance between Ramagrama and Lan-mo to be 
three ymanaa. He vanslates the last chiuse, ''again going twelve y^VwMM 
eastward, we arrive at the town of Ku^inagara.'* He gives the name of 
** Ashes -tower" to the monument named "Charcoal tope" by Legge and 

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In tabular form Fa-hien*8 itinerary may be thus ex- 
preeaed : — 

JF^om Ih Direeiim JHttanee 

Ltimbini Garden Ramagrama Easterly 5 yojanaB 

Ramagrama Candaka's return ^^ 3 „ 

Ca^daka's return Ashes stupa ,, 4 ,, 

Total 12 „ 
Ashes Btupa Eudiniagara ,, 12 „ 

Orand total, from Lumbini Garden to Eu^inagara, 24 yojanna 

Taking the yojana as equal to about 7^ miles, the distance 
from the Lumbini Garden to Ku^inagara by road was about 
180 English miles. The easterly direction must, of course, 
in accordance with Fa-hien's usual practice, be interpreted 
in a very wide sense, as meaning any direction east of a north 
and south meridian. 

Hiuen Tsiang followed the same route as his predecessor, 
and notes the same stages :^^ ' 

From To Directum Distance 

Lumbini Garden Bamagrama East 200 It or so.^ 

Ramagrama Ga^daka'a return „ About 100/t.^ 

Ca^daka'a return Ashea st&pa South-east 180 or 190 /i.^ 

Total 480 or 490//. 
Ashea stUpa Eudinag&ra North-east. Not stated 

(" A dangerous and difficult road *').* 

'* Asbes pagoda " by Giles. R^masat (Laidlay) calls tbe same monument 
"Tower of the Charcoal/' and agrees with Giles and Beal in giving three 
fojamu as the distance between Kama and the place of Ca^t^aka's return. The 
preponderance of authority is, therefore, in favour of the shorter distance, witich 
IS also supported by Hiuen Tsiang* s estimate of the distance as 100 li, equivalent 
to 2 J yojanat, 

1 ''Environ deux cents li" (Julien). The <'300 li or so'* of Beai is 
evidently an error. Hiuen Tsiang .reckoned 40 /i to the yojana. His distance 
and direction, therefore, agree with those of Fa-hien. 

* 100 li = 2J yofonas^ roughly equivalent to Fa-hien's ** 3 yojanat,^^ Hiuen 
Tsiang says ** about loO /i." 

* 1»0 or 190 li = about 4} yqfanat, Fa-hien gives the round number 4. Note 
tbe precision of Hiuen Tsiang in direction as compared with his predecessor. 
The deviation to the south-east adds gieaUy to the distance by road. 

* Here Hiuen Tsiang gives the correct bearing, and Fa-hien gives the 
estimated distance. In the time of Hiuea Tsiang the difficulties of the journey, 
over the hills and through the forests infested by wild beasts, were so great that 

J.K.A.8. 1902. 10 

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We have thus by a certain and indisputable process 
obtained the result that the two Chinese pilgrims agree in 
placing Kusinara, or Eudinagara» in an easterly direction 
from the Lurobini Garden at an estimated marching distance 
of about 180 English miles, more or less. The later stages lay 
in exceptionally difficult country, and were therefore liable to 
be overestimated. In the hills, moreover, experience proves 
that about one-thi]:d must be added to the map measurement 
to obtain the distance by road. The actual marching distance 
from the Lumbini Garden to Eu^inagara was, therefore, 
probably not more than, say, 160 or 170 miles, and the 
distance measured on the map would be considerably less, 
or, say, 140 to 150 miles. 

I now proceed to consider the bearings of Eusina^^ara in 
relation to Yaisali. The evidence presents certain difficulties. 
Fa-hien (Beal, chap, xxiv and xxv) says : — 

** Going south-east twelve yofmiKu from this place [Ku^nagara]/ 
we arrive at the spot where the Lichchhavis, desiring to follow 
Buddha to the scene of his Nirv&na, were forbidden to do so. On 
account of their affection for Buddha they were unwilling to go 
back, on which Buddha caused to appear between them and him 
a great and deeply-scarped river, which they could not cross. He 
then left with them his alms-bowl as a memorial, and exhorted 
them to return to their houses. On this they went back and 
erected a stone pillar, on which this account is engraved. 

"From this, going five yojanat eastward, we arrive at the 
country of Vaisdli." * 

he did not attempt to estimate the distance. But his distance of 480 or 490 U 
•from the Lnnibini Garden to the $tupa of Can^aka's return agrees with Pa-hien's 
estimate of 12 yojanat. The earlier pi]grim*s estimate of the distance from 
the Ashes »tupa to Kudinagara may, therefore, be accepted as correct. 

^ The distance stated, 12 yojanas, is much too short. R^mnsat and his 
colleagues state it as 20 yojana» (Laidlay*s translation], which figure, according 
to Beal, is due to a mistranslation. But is it not possible thai the text used by 
R^musat correctly read *'20 yof'anas**? Inasmuch as the distance from the 
Ashes 8tupa to Ku^inagara is reckoned as 12 yojantu^ and the site of the Ashes 
$iupa (I^uriya-Nandangarh) is distant about bh or 56 miles, or 7 to 8 yafanas, 
from Kesariya, which was, accordinj^ to Fa-hien, the scene of the leaye-takinff, 
the figure 20 is approximately correct. The road from Kui&inagara to VaisSi 
passes Lau|iya-Nandangarh. 

' Legge gives ** ten yojawu^** an absolutely impossible distance. The error is 
cTidently in the text used by him. Giles and R^musat agree with Beal in 
stating the distance as ''five yoJmnm$y Giles points out that there is no 
4iuthority in the original for the .words ** went back " in BeaPs version. 

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This account places the scene of the Licchavi farewell' si 
a distance of about 37 miles north-west from Yaij^ah', tinU. 
states tbat the spot was marked by an inscribed stone pillar. 

Hiuen TsiaDg's account is in some respects very differei&'t. 
He says (Beal, ii, 73) :— 

** Going north-west of the chief city [Vaia&U] 50 or 60 h\ we 
come to a great stdpa. This is where the Lichhavas (Li-ch'e p^o) 
took leave of Buddha. Tathagata having left the city of Yaisali 
on his way to Ku^inagara, all the Licchavas, heating that BuddhiA 
was about to die, accompanied him wailing and lamenting. The 
Lord of the World having observed their fond affection, and [tt<7 j 
as words were useless to calm them, immediately by his spiritu^ 
power caused to appear a great river with steep sides and deep, 
the waves of which flowed on impetuously. Then the Lichhavf\s 
were abruptly stopped on their way, moved with grief as they 
were. Then Tathagata left them his pdtra [alms-bowlj as a token 
of remembrance. 

** Two hundred U to the north-west of the city of Yais&ll; or 
a little less, is an old and long deserted ■ city, with but few 
inhabitants. In it is a stUpa, This is the place where Buddha 
dwelt when, in old days, . • • • he was a Chakravar^Hh 
monarch and called Mahade va.' ' . , • ^ 

Both pilgrims relate the one legend, but they assign it to 
different localities. Five yofanas of Fa-hien correspond with 
the "200 li, or a little less/' of Hiuen Tsiang, and may 
fairly be interpreted as 4^ i/qfanas, or about 30 miles. 
Fa-hien places the leave-taking at this spot, which, he 
asserts was marked by an inscribed pillar. Hiuen Tsiang 
places at the same spot the aiupa of the ancient Cakravartiu 
Kaja. A ntQpa^ which is to this day ascribed to a Gukra; 
vartin Raja named Ben, is in existence at Eesariyii/ about 
30 miles north-west of the site of Yaisali, but no inscribed 
pillar at this place has yet been discovered. The leave- 
taking is assigned by Hiuen Tsiang to a spot distant 50 or 
60 //, equivalent to about 9 miles, north-west from Yaisali, 

1 The sngffestioD has been made that the name Eecariya may be equivalent to 
CsBsarea, and may be an echo of the Roman Csesar (D*Alviella, " Ce qne Tlnde 
doit & la Oi^ce,*' p. 17, note). This conjecture, which cannot be either proved 
or diaprored, is not very probable. 

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mark^ by a great sfUpa^ which also has Dot been discovered, 
mueri »Teiang was clearly right in locating the traditional 
leave-taking at a spot distant only a few miles fVom Yaisalin 
Fa-hien niay not have traversed the whole road between 
Kutinagara and Yaisali, and probably either misunderstood 
informjation supplied to him or made a slip in writing up his 
notes. Hiuen Tsiang may have made an excursion from 
Yaisuli ^s fjEir as E^sariya, but be does not seem to havei 
traveljiedi tlie road between Kesariya and Eudina<rara. He 
went t,a Kudinagara vid the Lumbini Garden, Ramagrama^ 
and the Ashes sfCpa, and returned' through the Qorakhpuf 
and AzaMgarh Districts to Benares. 

Wh'ether Fa-bien personally traversed the Eu^inagara- 
Yaisali Vjoad or not, his text certainly contains an error, an^ 
confoiinds the scene of the leave-taking with the site of the 
Cakravartin Baja's atupa. The error may be due to the 
local guide? and not to the pilgrim himself. 

With reference to my theory that: Fa-hien and Hiuen 
Tsiang when describing Eapilavastu were describing different 
places,'^ this case of the • Lkohavis^ fare well deserves to bd 
noted. It is a clear example of a single legend being 
assigned by the two pilgrims to two distinct localities, 
separated from one another by a distance of about 20 miles. 

Cunningham's attempt to explain the discrepancy by 
making but the Oakravartin Raja's stupa, distant 30 miles 
from Yaisali, to have been a memorial monument erected to 
mark the sdene of the farewell, which was also commemorated 
by an inscribed pillar: " erected near the home of the 
Licchavis, that is, at Yaisali," does violence to the texts, 
arid cannot be accepted as satisfactory. I have no doubt 
that Hiiien Tsiang's description is, as usual, accurate, and 
that oiie stdpa, about 9 miles from Yaisali, commemorated 
the leave-taking, while another, some 20 miles further on the 
same read, commemorated the Cakravartin Raja. Fa-hieA 
may 6r may not have been correctly informed about the 

i 1 I' . ■ 

^ The «(ipontioii of this theory will be foand in my Prefatory Note to BabQ 
P.<J. Mukherji's *' Report on Explorutiona in the Nepalese Tarii." 

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existence of a stone pillar. But I suspect that his ndte on 
the subject is due to erroneous information codce^nitig the 
A^ka pillars along the Yaisali and Eudinagara road. Such 
pillars are. known to exist at four places, namely, Bakhira 
(Vaisali), 2 miles north-west of Basar village;' Laiiriyii- 
Araraj, about 20 miles north-west of Eesariya ; Lauriyu- 
Nandangarh (Navandgafh), about 15 miles north^ndrth-west 
of Bettiah ; and Rampurwa, situated "20} miles to the 
north-north-east-half-north from LaoriyaNaonadgarh "[«/<?], 
in longitude 84^ 34' E. and latitude 27« 15' 45" N;i It is 
quite possible that another similar pillar may yet be found 
at Kesariya, and others may be in existence at several other 
points on the road, which has never been thoroughly 

Hiuen Tsiang gives no information concerning localities 
between the Cakravartin Raja's stupa and Eu^nagara, nor 
does he state the distance between the two places. Btit he 
confirms Fa-hien's evidence that the road from Yaisali to 
Eudinagara ran north-west for a considerable distance and 
passed Eesariya. From Fa-hien we learn that the distance 
from Eudinagara to Eesariya was estimated as being 12 
pqfanas, or about 90 miles, Yaisali being 30 miles beyond 
Eesariya, and in a direction between south and east from 
Eu^nagara, which therefore, according to this authority, 
was distant from Yaisali about 120 miles by road. 

The bearing of Eu^nagara in relation to Benares is stated 
by Hiuen Tsiang only, who, as already noted, returned by 
way of Benares. After describing the other monuments at 
Eudinagara, the pilgrim continues : — 

** By the side of the place where he [Buddha] showed his foct 
is a stUpa built by A ^oka-raj a. This is the place where the eight 
kings shared the relics. In froot is built a stone pillar on which 
is written an account of this event. . ' . . . To the south-wsbt 
of the relic-dividiog stikpa^ going 200 U or so, we come to a great 
village; here lived a Brilhman of eminent wealth and celebrity. 
. . . . Going 500 U through the great forest we come to the 
kingdom of P'o-lo-ni-sse (Ban&ras). 

' Gftrrick in Arch. Sunrey Reports, toI. xxii, p. 51. ' 

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;'* This country is about 4,000 It in circuit. On the western side 
th^, capital adjoins the Ganges." 

. The above quotation, except the last clause, is from Beal's 
translation (ii, 40-44). The last clause is rendered in 
accordance with Julien's French version, " du cdt^ de Toueet, 
la icapitale est voisine du Gange " (i, 363). Beal'e rendering? 
is, **The capital borders (on its fcentem side) the Ganges river." 
, Julien's version clearly means that the capital stood on 
the bank of the Ganges at the western side of the kingdom, 
and this version gives undoubtedly the true sense. Hiuen 
Taiang was approaching Benares from the north-east, and 
apparently desired to draw attention to the fact that he had 
to cross the whole kingdom before reaching the capital. 
Ordinarily, when he states the distance to a kingdom he 
means the distance to its capital, but in this case, where 
the capital was remote from his point of entry at the 
north-east frontier of the kingdom, he seems to have 
reckoned the distance from Eu^inagara to the frontier of 
the Benares kingdom, and not to Benares city. The 
total distance from Eudinagara vid the Brahman's village 
t.o the kingdom of Benares is stated as being 700 /t, 
equivalent to about 130 miles. It has been proved that 
Eusinagara roust have lain between E. long. 84^ and 85^ 
and N. lat. 27° and 28°. No site in that approximate 
position can possibly be made out as being only 130 miles 
distant from Benares city. The distance of 130 miles from 
Benares city is, it is true, sufficiently in accordance with 
Cunningham's identification of the remains near Easia with 
Eusinagara. But no ingenuity can make out Easia to be 
24 yojanas, as Eusinagara was, from the Lumbiui Garden, 
thq direct distance between the two places being only about 
65 miles, or 9 pojanaa, and the distance by road not more 
.than \0 j/ojanas. 

All the foregoing preliminary reasoning has now prepared 
the 'Way for tracing on the modem map with approximate 
accuracy the actual course of the pilo;riras from the Lumbini 
Garden^ through EuSinagara, to Yaisali. At present it is 

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unfortunately impossible to give the details with precision. 
A large part of the pilgrims' route lay through territory 
now iucluded in Nepal, which is to Europeaus almost an 
uuknown land. The portion of the route which lies in the 
Nepalese Tarai, or plain below the hills, north of the Basti 
and Qorakhpur Districts, is accessible in the sense that the 
Nepalese Government would probably give an archaeological 
surveyor a pass authorizing his researches. But, owing to 
the want of roads, the difficulty in obtaining supplies, and 
the prevalence of fever, this part of the frontier is a very 
inconvenient region to visit. The portion of the route which 
lies to the north of the Camparan District beyond the passes 
is absolutely inaccessible, being jealously closed to all 
Europeans, and probably even to native Indian subjects. 
The valley of the Little Rapti, beyond the Somes var Range, 
where the site of Eudinagara seems to lie hid, is believed to 
be covered for the most part with dense forest, and there is 
not the slightest prospect that permission to visit it will ever 
be given. Even if permission were obtainable, it is quite 
possible that the explorer would be unable to find the site 
of Ku^inagara. A. dense forest, full of tigers and wild 
elephants, is not convenient ground for archaeological investi- 
gation, and many ancient sites, not readily distinguishable, 
are probably buried in the jungla 

The pilgrim, when proceeding eastward from the Lumbini 
Garden, would have reached the Little Gandak river at 
a distance of about 30 miles, and the Gandak river about 
eight miles further east. The distance from the Lumbini 
Garden to Ramagrama, or Lan-mo, 200 li or 5 i/o/anas, is 
equivalent to about 37 or 38 miles by road, or from 32 to 35 
measured on the map. (Five yojanan at 7| miles each = 37^ 
miles = *<^00 /t, at 40 li to the yqjana.) 

According to this computation, Kamagrama should lie in 
the space between the Little Gandak and the Gandak rivers, 
in approximately N. lat. 27° 26' and £. long. 83° 52'. Just 
here, exactly on the frontier of the Gorakhpur District and 
Nepal, a village called Dharmauli (= Dharmapuri) is shown 
on Indian Atlas Sheet No. 102, When I was Commissioner 

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of Oorakhpur I obtained from natives vague information 
of briik ruins and of a stone pillar in the neighbourhood. 
Early in 1898 Dr. Hoey, M.R.A.S., who was then Magistrate 
of Gorakhpur, crossed the frontier from the police station of 
Thuthibari in the locality indicated, and moving apparently 
to the north-west, crossed streams tributary to the Jfaarahi 
river, and found a stupa about 25 feet high on the east bank 
of that river, some two miles south-east of Para»i in Nepal. 
Paritsi, on the Jharahi, is a market village dibtant five or 
six miles from the frontier, in approximately N. lat. 27° 29' 
and E. long. 83° 60'. Dr. Hoey took a photograph of this 
monument, which is said to be clearly visible from a distance 
of two miles, when the view is not obscured by trees. 

Somewhere in the same neighbourhood, Dr. Hoey also 
found the remains of a large reservoir, and he saw in the 
bed of an unnamed stream the stone capital of a pillar, 
" about 3 1 or 4 feet in diameter and well curved." Remains 
of stone and brick buildings were also observed. This spot 
is said to be '* about four miles north of Pura^I and slightly 
west," and " within the village lands of Harkatawa." This 
locality, which Dr. Hoey is inclined to identify with 
Ramagrama, seems to be on the west side of the Little 
Gandak, and near the foot of the hills.^ Without detailed 
local investigation it is impossible to fix with precision the 
site of Raraugrtiraa, but it certainly lies between the limits of 
E. long. 83« 50' to 65' and N. lat. 27° 25' to 33'. For the 
purpose of computing the pilgrims' stages my figures, N. lat. 
27° 26' and E. long. 83° 62', may be taken as correct. 

The pilgrims' next stage was one of 3 t/oj'anas, or about 
100 It, further east, to a place where monuments marked the 
spot where, according to the legend, Gautama Buddha cut off 
his hair and sent back his charioteer. Hiuen Tsiang*s 
estimate of the distance as being about 100 li (18 or 19 
miles) indicates that the stage was something less than 
3 pq/anaa, which at 7| miles to the ycjana, are equivalent to 

> Dr. Hoey published an account of his excursion under the title ** Buddhist 
Sites in ^epal'* in the Ftoneer newspuper, All&babad, March 25th, 1S89. 

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kusinarI or kusinagara, 153 

22| miles. The marching distance may be taken as being 
from 18 to 20 miles. At a distance of 17 or 18 miles, as 
measured on the map, from Dharmuuli, in a south-easterly 
direction, we find a village named Bihar {=uhdra), in the 
Gumparan District, east of the Gandak. This village, which 
is precisely in the required position, probably marks the 
traditional site of the return of the charioteer Canduka, but 
I have no information concerning the local remains. The 
name indicates that the ruins of a monastery exist. 

The next stage of 4 yojanas (^1 miles), or, according to 
Hiuen Tsiang, of 180 to 190 li (about 33 miles), brought the 
travellers to the Ashes Btupa^ in a south-easterly direction. 
In that direction at a distance of 31 miles, as measured on 
the map (Indian Atlas, Sheet 102), we find the remarkable 
remains at Lauriya-Nandangarh, which have been long 
known to Indian archaeologists.^ These remains, I believe, 
mark the site of the Ashes atupoy erected, according to 
tradition, by the Moriyas (P Mauryas) of Pipalivana over the 
ashes or charcoal from the funeral pile of Gautama. The 
remains coropri^e a pillar inscribed with Adoka's edicts, 
dated in the twenty-seventh year of his reign, more than a 
score of barrows or aiupas, some being cased with brick and 
some made of earth only, as well as the Nandangarh mound, 
a very large detached stupa of brick. The Adoka pillar, 
which still retains its lion capital, stands nearly half a mile 
to the north-east of the large village named Lauri}u, on the 
west side of the Turkaha stream, and four or five hundred 
feet to the north of the most easterly atupas. 

The great detached mound, still some eighty feet high, 
known as Nandangarh, stands about half a mile to the south- 
west of Lauriya. The top is said to be from 250 to 300 feet in 
diameter. Slight excavations made by Babu P. C. Mukherjl 

1 Cunningham writes the second name as Navandgarb, bat Babu P. C. 
Mukherjl states that the correct form is Nandangarh, and in proof of his 
statement refers to a local folk-tale which associates the remains near Laii|>iya 
with the fuaui and the remains at Chankigarh with the bhanjdi of the Raja or 
£anl. Nand means ' husband's sister/ and bhanjal means ' elder brother's 
wife.* Earlier writers on Indian antiquities described this A^oka pillar under 
the name of ' Mathiah/ which is a Tillage about three miles distant. 

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have proved tlmt this vast structure is a circular stupa. The 
space to the south was enclosed by a massive wall, described 
as being ten feet in thickness. A small brick stupa exists 
in the village of Marhia, three furlongs further south, and 
several other mounds, apparently stupns, have been noticed 
in the immediate neighbourhood. Some of the bricks used 
in the construction of the great sfupa are of enormous size, 
measuring about 24 inches in length by 18 in breadth, and 
5J in thickness.^ 

The principal group of sfupas at the Lauriya site, to the 
north of the village and stream, is composed of three rows of 
monuments.^ One row running east and west comprises five 
s/upas. The other two rows, farther to tlje west, are parallel 
one to the other and run north and south. They comprise 
about seventeen monuments. All these barrows or stupan, 
so far as they have been examined, have been proved to be 
sepulchral, and many of them are probably pre-Buddhistic. 

Mr. Carlleyle opened the large mound marked E by 
Cunningham in the row running east and west, which was 
about 45 feet in height. Traces of successive interments, 
consisting of charcoal, fragments and ashes of bone, broken 
coarse pottery, and ** a very few particles of iron totally 
dissolved with corrosion " [«'c], were found in the interior 
at different levels, the details of which were not noted. This 
monument was an earthen tumulus cased with brick, and 
furnished with a brick perambulation-path about three or 
four feet in width. The tumulus marked G in the middle 
line running north and south had no brick casing. Near 
its base traces of an interment, or interments, were found, 
consisting, as in the other case, of ashes and charcoal, with 
fragments of bone and pottery. Coffins with " unusually 

* Cunningham estimated tbe heigbt of the great 8tupa as 80 feet ; Baba P. C. 
Mukherji estimated it as 100. Tbe Babii visited many of the ancient sites in 
the Camparan District in March, 1897, under the orders of the Bengal 
Government. He gave me a copy of his draft report, ^rhicb has been of use, 
altliou^h it was too crude for publication. The dimensions of the bricks are as 
stated by the Babii. 

* The stream bends to the north, and the most easterly barrow, A of 
Cunningham, is consequently east of the stream, which iiows between A and B. 
The pillar is north of a point midway between A and B. 

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kusinIrI or euiSinagara. 155 

long liaman skeletons ** are reported to have been found by 
other explorers in some of the Lauriya mounds, but no 
intelligible account of the discoveries has been preserved. 
According to Mr. Carlleyle, scores of small earthen barrows 
exist in the region from three to six miles west of Lauriya.^ 

It is difficult to determine the age of the great stupa at 
Nandangarh. Babu P. C. Mukherjl says that some of the 
bricks two inches in thickness " contain inscriptions in 
ancient Pall characters." He gives an eye-copy of one of 
these inscriptions, which, though not legible, is evidently 
in early B rah mi characters, comprising six or seven ak§aras, 
I think that this is the large atupa erected by A§oka near 
the small atupa built originally to enshrine the ashes or 
charcoal from Buddha's funeral pyre. 

The only description of the Ashes stupa is that given by 
Hiuen Tsiang, who says : — 

"To the south-east of the head-shaving sHpa, in the middle of 
a desert ('4 travers des plaines sauvages,' Julien) going 180 or 
190 //, we come to a Nyagrodha [banyan] grove, in which there 
is a BiHpa about 30 feet high. 

** Formerly, when Tathagata had died and his remains had been 
divided, the Br^hmans, who had obtained none, came to the place 
of cremation, and taking the remnant of coals and cinders to their 
native country, built this Uikpa over them, and oifered their 
reli«:iou8 services to it. Since then wonderful signs have occurred 
in this place ; sick persons who pray and worship here are 
mostly cured. 

'' By the side of the ashes Mpa is an old sanghdrdma [monastery], 
where there are traces of the four former Buddhas, who walked 
and sat there. 

*' On the right hand and left of this convent there are several 

* Ciinningliam, Archaeol. Surrey Reports, i, pp. 68-74, pis. xxiii and xxv; 
xvi (Garrick), pp. 104-109, pis. xxvii and xxviii ; xxii (Carlleyle), pp. 36-49. 
In **the large mound directly south of the lion pillar," apparently B of 
Cunningham, Mr. Gamck found a shallow earthen vessel containing 67 cowrie 
shells at a depth of seven feet. Cowries have often been found in atupas. in 
the great »tiipa of Nandangarh, at a depth of about five feet from the top, 
Mr. Garrick fi>und an earthenware lamp bearing traces of an inscription in early 
Brahm! characters, apparently similar to those of the A6oka inscnptions. The 
reports of Messrs. Carlleyle and Garrick are very unsatisfactory, and both 
gentlemen failed to keep proper notes of their destructiye proceedings. 

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hundred siHpat^ among which is one large one built by Anka- 
ra] a ; although it is mostly in ruins, yet its height is still about 
100 feet. 

**From this, going north-east through a great forest, along 
a dangerous and difficult road, where wild oxen and herds of 
elephants and robbers and hunters cause incessant trouMe to 
travellers, after leaving the forest we come to the kingdom of 
Kiu-shi-na-k'ie-lo (Ku^agara)." * 

According to the pilgrim's description, which is no doubt 
quite correct, the remains of a monastery should be traceable. 
The published accounts of the Naiidangarh ruins are so 
imperfect that it is impossible to be certain whether or not 
a monastery existed there. Babu P. C. Mukherji notes that 
there is a vast accumulation of brick debris at the foot of 
the great stt^a, and that the area enclosed by the massive 
wall to the south, which is covered by dense and thorny 
brushwood and includes various brick remains and small 
tanks, may have been the site of a monastery. Hiuen 
Tsiang saw several hundred small slupas. At present only 
a few have been traced, but it is probable that, as at Easia, 
many are hidden below the surface. 

The tumuli containing traces of interments may be, as 
already remarked, pre- Buddhistic. Similar, though smaller, 
earthen tumuli exist adjoining the Buddhist ruins in the 
neighbourhood of Easia, and I suspect that the existence 
of these prehistoric cemeteries near Lauriya and Easia 
explains the ancient sanctity of both localities, and their 
selection as sites for Buddhist monuments. I freely admit 
that the identification of the Lauriya-Nandangarh remains 
with the Ashes Stupa site rests mainly upon the fact that 
tliese remains are exactly in the position where the Ashes 
Siupa must have stood, according to my reading of the 
pilgrims' itineraries. The proposed identification is not 
contradicted by the local facts so far as they are known ; 
but until an adequate survey of the entire group of ruins 
is made, and well-devised excavations are effected, it is 

> Beal, ii, 31. 

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inipoesible to affirm positively that the great stupa of 
Nandangarh is the Ashes StUpa built by Ai§oka. No other 
group of ruins is found in the required position. 

The important remains at Canklgarh, about 11 miles 
directly north from Lauriya, have been described in a fashion 
stiU more unsatisfactory. The principal mass of ruin is said 
by Mr. Oarrick to be loftier than Nandangarh, being about 
90 feet in height, and composed of solid masonry constructed 
with brick slabs 14 inches square and 2| inches thick. 
Kemains of ancient buildings are said to exist on the top. 
The shape of the mound is irregular. Mr. Garrick estimated 
its length east and west to be about 250 feet. Babu P. 0. 
Mukherjl doubles this estimate, and gives the approximate 
height of the mound as 135 feet.^ This mound is distant 
only about 27 miles in a direct line from the village Bihur, 
which I identify with the place of Candaka's return, and 
cannot well be the Ashes Stupa. 

Assuming that the Lauriya-Nandangarh remains represent 
the Ashes Stupa^ Eu^inagara should lie to the north-east, 
that is to say, between north and east, at a distance by rokd 
of twelve pq^anaSf or about 90 miles. The road in the 
seventh century was dangerous and difficult, being infested 
by wild elephants and other beasts. After passing through 
the forest, the pilgrim emerged in the kingdom of Eudina- 
gara. This description seems to indicate that it crossed the 
passes and forests of the Soroedvar Range. 

A line 90 miles in length measured directly on the map 
in a north-easterly direction from Lauriya-Nandangarh 
extends far beyond Eathmandu. But when the line is 
measured along the actual road a possible site for Eusinara 
is obtained. The hills can, of course, be crossed only at the 
passes, which were the same in the pilgrims' time as they 
now are. The direction of the series of Adoka pillars clearly 
indicates the Bhikna Thorl Pass as that used by the pilgrims. 
The distance from Laupya vid Cankigarh and the A^ka 

1 The correct name of this place seems to be Canki, or Chankee, as it is 
spelled in the Indian Atlas. Mr. Garrick, in Reports, vol. xri, p. 109, calls 
it Chandkigarh, whereas in vol. xzii, p. 60, he calb it Janki Qarh. 

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piliar at Rampurwa to the Bhikna ThorT Pass on tbe 
frontier is approximately '60 miles. At the pass the road 
turns sharply to the west for about 7 miles, and then turns 
northwards for about 7 or 8 miles to the Ghiiria Qhari 
Stockade,^ from which the place marked Ourunggaon on 
Sheet 102 of the Indian Atlas is distant about 18 miles 
north-east. Ourunggaon is situated at the cross-roads 
a mile or two beyond the Little Rapti river. The distance 
from the Bhikna Thori Pass to Gurunggaon is, by road, as 
measured on the map, therefore (7 -|- 8 -|- 18) about 33 miles. 
Adding one-third because the road is in the hills, the 
marching distance must be about 44 miles. The marching 
distance from Lauriya-Nandangarh in the plains to the 
Bhikna Thori Pass may be taken as about 35 miles. The 
total marching distance from Lauriya - Nandangarh to 
Gurunggaon is, therefore, about 44 + 35 = 79 miles. The 
12 yojanas of Fa-hien are equivalent to about 90 miles. 
Considering the nature of the country, the difference between 
79 and 90 is not very great. Distances in difficult country 
are always liable to be overestimated. 

I believe that the site of Kusin&ra, or Kusinagara, must lie 
a few miles beyond Ourunggaon in the valley of the Little 
BapU, which constituted the kingdom of Kutfinagara, into 
which Hiuen Tsiang entered when he emerged from the 
** dangerous and difficult" forest and hill paths. The position 
of Kusinagara may therefore be defined with a near approach 
to accuracy as in E. long. W bV and N. lat 27° 32'. The 
spot thus indicated is about 30 miles in a direct line from 
Xatbmandu, the distance by the circuitous road being probably 
half as much again. 

Hiuen Tsiang describes the Valley of Nepal as forming 
a separate kingdom. The kingdom of Kusinara or Eusinagara 
was, according to my view, the valley of the Little Raptl, 
which is a tributary of the Gandak. 

> Marked on Sheet 102 of the Indian Atlas as '*Clioorea Ghati Pass, a large 
Stockade." Oldfield spells ihe name Cherya Ghatti. 

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From ray position for Eusinagara the stages back to 
Yaisali will be, in a general direction between south and 
east: — 

(1) To the Ashes Siupa (Lauyiya - Nandangarh) 12 

yqjanan = 85-90 miles ; 

(2) From the Ashes Stiipa to the Btupa of the Cakravartin 

Raja (Eesariyii) about 7 f/qfanas, equivalent to 
about 53 miles; 

(3) From the sfupa of the Cakravartin Raja to Vaisali, 

(nearly) 5 yqjanas^ or about 30 miles. 

The total marching distance is, therefore (i2 + 7+nearIy 
5), 23 or 2^yqjanas, or about (85 (or 90) + 53 +30) equivalent 
to 168 to 173 miles. The distance of 12 yojanaa given in 
the texts of Fa-hien, translated by Beal, Giles, and Legge 
as the distance from Eudinagara to Kesariya, is impossible. 
The true distance is between 19 and 20 yqfanas, and I am 
therefore disposed to believe that the 20 yojanaa mentioned 
by the French translators were really found in the text used 
by them. 

The village of the learned Brahman, which Hiuen Tsiang 
places on the road to Benares, about 200 //, or 37 miles, 
from Eusinagara, must be in Nepal, not very fur from the 
Bhikna ThorT Pass. It may be represented by Mawagarh, 
which is said to be the name of considerable remains a few 
miles west of the Pass.^ 

From the Brahman's village the pilgrim reckons about 
500 /}, equivalent to 12^ yojanas^ or 93 miles, in a south- 
westerly direction to the kingdom of Benares. Protraction 
of this distance and direction from the Bhikna Thori Pass 
brings us to the Qhagra River, which formed, I believe, 
the boundary between the kingdom of Benares on the south 
and the countries of the Mallians and Licchavis on the north 
of the river. The kingdom of Benares lay between the 

> Bibii P. C. Mukherjl heard of Mawagafb, and was told that there are also 
ruios at a place called BaDgarh, to the east of the Pass. 

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Ghagra and the Ganges. Although the beds of the great 
rivers have often shifted to an enormous extent in some parts 
of their courses, certain gftdts, or crossing- places, where the 
bank is formed of nodular limestone (kankar), have remained 
unchanged from time immemorial. 

Such a crossing-place exists under Bhagalpur in the east 
of the Gorakhpur Histrict, and is now spanned by the 
Bengal and North-Westem Railway bridge connecting the 
Gorakhpur and Baliya (Ballia) Districts. The multitude 
of ancient Buddhist and Jain remains near the road passing 
this permanent crossing-place proves that it must have been 
frequently used by Buddhist pilgrims travelling to and fro 
between Benares and Nepal, and Hiuen Tsiang's distance of 
500 It may be reckoned to this point.^ Another established 
and much frequented crossing-place exists further west at 
Dohrl Ghat between Gorakhpur and Azamgafh. It is 
possible that Hiuen Tsiang travelled by this route, which 
nearly suits his statement concerning the distance. If the 
pilgrim travelled by this latter route, which is the most 
direct, when returning from Eudinagara, he would have 
passed Lauriya - Nandangarh, Easia, Dohrl Ghat, and 
Azamgarh on his way to Benares. If he travelled by 
Bhagalpur Ghat, he would probably have passed to the 
east of Azamgarh. It is impossible to decide whether 
he crossed the river at Bhagalpur or at Dohri Ghat, 
but I am convinced that be must have crossed it at either 
one or the other, and that his distance of 500 li from 
the Brahman's village (i.e. the Bhikna Thori Pass) to the 
kingdom of Benares must be reckoned to the Ghagra River 
at either of these two crossing-places, and not to the city 
of Benares. 

At one time I thought it possible that the ruins near 
Easia might prove to be the site of the Ashes, or Charcoal, 
Stupa. The existing remains agree well with Hiuen Tsiang's 
description of the surroundings of the Ashes Stupa, But 

^ A list of the principal known remains on ibis line of road is given in my 
paper entitled *' The Buddhist Monastery at Sobnag,'' in J.£,A.S., July, 1900, 
pp. 437-439. 

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bodi pilgrims agree in placing the 8t6pa of Oa^daka's retwn 
some 18 or 20 miles in an easterly direction from. Bima- 
grama, and Hiuen Tsiang proves that the Ashes 8ii^ was 
more than thirty miles in a south-easterly direction from 
the atupa of Ca^daka's return. Owing to the trend of the 
mountains, Ramagrama cannot possibly be far from the 
position indicated by me, and for the same reason the 
site assigned to the sti^ of Oaigidaka's return must be 
approximately correct. Both these sites may pos9ibly be 
a few miles further north than they are shown in my mm, 
but the difference cannot be considerable, and the possibly 
amount of difference does not seriously affect the positiop 
of the Ashes Stupa, which cannot be far from Lau^iyi- 
Nandangarh. So far as the distance from Bihar {8i6pa of 
Ga^daka's Return) is concerned, Easia is nearly (thougii 
not quite) in the right place. But it is altogether in the 
wrong direction. Easia lies a little west of south front 
Bihar, or any possible site for the stupa of Ga^daka's 
Return, whereas the Ashes SHipa must Ue considerably 
eastward from the atiipa of Ga^daka's Return. Stasia 
therefore cannot be the site of the Ashes 8t^a, The 
remains near Easia, though always mentioned in connectioii 
with that village, have realty no concern with it They are 
situated in the mauza, or village lands, of Bisanpur, an^ 
are distant from nearly a mile to nearly two miles from 
Easia in a westerly direction. The name of Easia has been 
brought into the discussion simply because the police statioi^, 
magistrate's house, and camping-ground are at that village, 
to which all visitors to the ruins must resort. Easia bus 
no real connection with the Bisanpur remains. The 
buildings represented by these remains were probably visited 
by Hiuen Tsiang when he was travelling from Eniiinagara 
to Benares, although he has not mentioned them. He must 
have visited hundreds of monasteries and sH^mu which are 
not specially mentioned in his book. 

When discussing geographical problems relating to a 
remote age, it is well to remember the fact that Indian 
rivers in the plains are liable to extensive movements. 
j.m.A.s. 1902 11 

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Omadftk River, no doabt, emerged from the bilk tii 
TrihMti Obit in the seventh oentury, as it does now, but 
)t is qpahe pomUe, or even probaUe, that at that period the 
Trrer wbMi pnsmg throngh the plains may have flowed 
im Y:he )»ed far to die east, which is still remembered as the 
Old GandiOc. The 9fwp» of Candaka's Betarn woald then 
ha^e bem on the west side of the stream, and not on the east 
^« as Bihar now is. The I^^id of the return of the 
charioieer would natorallj be associated with the arnTal 
of the travdler^ at the first great nTer which thej met, 
and it is extremely probaUe that, if tie stiipa of Candab'^ 
Retvm is ever distinctly identified, it will be found on the 
wfttt bank of an old bed of the Gaxidak. My information 
concerning tbe topography of the Camparan District i^ 
not sttfficieaitly detailed to allow of my tracing throoghoo^ 
ita whole length the old bed of the Oandak, nor do I kno» 
tbe time at which the rivw changed its course. 

Subject to unavoidable indistinctness of detui, I ^ 

convinced that the accompanying sketch map mdiea^ 

with a near approach to accuracy tbe route of the t*** 

pilgrims from the Lumbini Garden to Eusinagara. I *^ 

that the sites of Rimagrima, the ^6pa of Candaka's i/tf^ 

and of Eusinara, or EuSnagara, have been approsi^a^ 

determined, and that the site of the Ashes, or Charcoal, Stif* 

has been almost certainly fixed at Lauriyi - Nands^^ 

From Eusinara to Yaisili the line of march in tbe p^ 

is dearly marked out by the Asoka, pillars at Basf^^*"* 

Laanya-Nandangarh, Laoriyi - Araraj, and Bakhirt i^ 

Taaili, and by the Cakravartin Baja's stupa at Kemiip' 

Tbe position of Eu^nagara as determined in diia F^ 
^ ast Ttrj remote from the position of Eusinara acUJ**^ 
la tfe KB books. Both Buddhaghosa and the Jataka ^ 
i at a distance of 25 yqf^noi from Rajagrha (B^P^ 
that the yojana used in the Pali books is tbe ^^ 
whidi Fa-hien makes his computations, 25 19*^ 
to about 190 miles. Bajgir is about 4* •^ 

lk«s Iten^ in J.R.A,8. for Jahr. 1901, p. 406. 

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The Ghmdak River, no doubt, emerged from the hills at 
Tribenl Ohat in the seventh century, as it does now, but 
it is quite possible, or even probable, that at that period the 
river when passing through the plains may have flowed 
in tlie bed far to the east, which is still remembered as the 
Old Oandak. The siupa of Candaha's Return would then 
haye been on the west side of the stream, and not on the east 
side as Bihar now is. The legend of the return of the 
charioteer would naturally be associated with the arrival 
of the travellers at the first great river which they met, 
and it is extremely probable that, if the atupa of Oa^daka':^ 
Return is ever distinctly identified, it will be found on the 
west bank of an old bed of the Gandak. My information 
concerning the topography of the Camparan District is 
not sufficiently detailed to allow of my tracing throughout 
its whole length the old bed of the Gandak, nor do I know 
the time at which the river changed its course. 

Subject to unavoidable indistinctness of detail, I am 
convinced that the accompanying sketch map indicates 
with a near approach to accuracy the route of the Chinese 
pilgrims from the Lumbini Garden to Eudinagara. I think 
that the sites of Ramagrama, the stupa of Candaka's Return, 
and of Eusinara, or Euidinagara, have been approximately 
determined, and that the site of the Ashes, or Charcoal, SlUpa 
has been almost certainly fixed at Lauriya - Nandangarh. 
From Eusinara to Yaisali the line of march in the plains 
is clearly marked out by the Asoka pillars at Rampurwa, 
Lauriya - Nandangarh, Lauriya - Araraj, and Bakhira near 
Yaisali, and by the Cakravartin Raja's stupa at Eesariya. 

The position of Eu§inagara as determined in this paper 
is not very remote from the position of Eusinara according 
to the Pall books. Both Buddhaghosa and the Jataka place 
Eusinara at a distance of 25 yqjanaa from Rajagrha (Rajglr).^ 
Assuming that the yojana used in the Pali books is the same 
as that in which Fa-hien makes his computations, 25 yqfanan 
are equivalent to about 190 miles. Rajglr is about 40 miles 

Rhys Dayids in J.It.A.8. for July, 1901, p. 405. 

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Google I 

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nearly due south of Patna, and 60 odd miles from Vaisali 

Eathma]^<)u, the capital of Nepal, is about 190 miles 
distant in a direct line measured on the map from Rajgir, 
and the indication given in the Pali books is sufficient to 
flhow that the writers believed Eusinara to be in the territory 
now belonging to Nepal. According to my computation, 
the marching distance from Rajgir to the probable position 
of Kusinara would be about 32 or 33 yqfanas. 

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1. Prrhistoric Burial Sitbs in Southern Ind^a. 

Dear Sir, — In the Journal for October, 1901, p. 926, 
Dr. Burgess draws attention to the interesting excavations 
made by Mr. Rea in South India, and announced by him in 
his Annual Report to the Government of Madras. This 
Annual Report, being embodied in a / G.O.,' is circulated 
among a tew favoured individuals and institutions, but it does 
not reach the public. What we want are annual volumes 
such as those produced by the Egypt Exploration Fund. 
The world is the richer this month by the publication of 
Professor Flinders Petrie's last volume. The " Royal 
Tombs " is a monument of splendid energy, published while 
all the facts are fresh in the explorer's mind, and profusely 
illustrated. These volumes are published every year.^ They 
embody the outcome of the previous season's work. They 
profess no finality. They are not kept back, as our Indian 
volumes are kept back, until some great specialist shall have 
assimilated everything that can be kuown, and can write 
with certainty his full and deliberate convictions. And the 
result is that while in every civilized country the work 
going on in Egypt is watched with intense interest by 
numbers of people who do not profess to possess any great 
scientific knowledge of the subject, and while, therefore. 

1 The Egypt Ezploratiou Fund has published thirty-three handsome volumes 
in the last twenty Tears, besides other Beports and Summaries. Only one or 
two eonceming Sontii Indin haye seen the light in that period, so far as I know. 






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the Societies engaged are supplied with funds which enable 
tiiem to carry on the excavations and print their volumes, 
the labours of the Indian ArchaBological Departments &11 
invariably dead and lifeless. Whatever is being done in 
India is done almost in secret^ and everybody knows that 
nothing will be heard of it for fifteen or twenty years, so 
that no one cares to support it. If we could have for India 
annual volumes such as we have for Egypt, I am confident 

I that the Boyal Asiatic Society and the Indian Exploration 

Fund wotdd receive numbers of new adherents, and the value 
of their work would be greatly increased. 

I Dr. Burgess's seven handsome volumes have appeared at 

■ intervals since 1874, an interval of twenty-seven years. 

We have had no volume dealing with South India (setting 
aside epigraphical publications) since 1887. For fourteen 
years, therefore, the public have had no information as to 
the progress of archadology in that tract. Can this state of 

> things not be remedied P 


A. — Urn-burial was common in the South of India, and 
apparently the practice lasted into historic times, for it is 
clearly mentioned in the "Purra N&nniiru." Dr. Pope 
publishes in the Indian Antiquary for October, 1900 (p. 284), 
the following extract from one of these poems (date 
unknown, but apparently of the Oho|a period). It is ascribed 
to Mudan&r, the lame bard of Aiy(!ir : — 

" O potter-chief! maker of vessels ! 
Thou whose furnace sends up thick clouds 
Of smoke, veiling the outspread heavens, 

Valavan, the great .... 

Hath gained the world of gods. And so 

'T is thine to shape an urn, so huge 

That it shall cover the remains of such an one." 

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B. — ^The rock-bruisings at Bellary are very iateresting. 
They are to be found on a hill about four miles east of that 
town, above a trap-dyke which had been extensively used 
for the manufacture of stone axe-heads, bammers, and the 
like. I made a rough drawing of some of these, which 
Mr. F. Fawcett published in the Asiatic Quarterly Review in 
1892, p. 147. 

0. — The 'prehistorics' of South India include innumerable 
quantities of rude stone circles, cromlechs, dolmens, menhirs, 
and kist-vaens — the 'holed dolmens' being particularly 
interesting, and some of them of very elaborate design ; 
flint and other stone weapons, a few being palsBolithic but 
most of them neolithic; hammers, adzes, chisels, mealing- 
stones, corn-crushers, grinding-stones, and axe-heads of all 
sizes and shapes ; bronze and iron weapons, ornaments, and 
implements; funereal urns, coffins, and other vessels in 
pottery; bruisings and cuttings on rocks; cinder-mounds 
in places (if these are prehistoric) ; carvings and rude 
sculptures on stone ; gold ornaments ; pottery whorls and 
beads ; and many other objects. 

Shortly after the above note was written I received, 
through the kindness of the author, a copy of Mr. R. Bruce 
Footers "Catalogue of the Prehistoric Antiquities" in the 
Government Museum at Madras. No one could be more 
competent to undertake such a work. Mr. Foote is not 
only an expert in ' prehistorics,' but his long service in 
the Geological Department has led him into most of the 
wild tracts of Southern India. Here, then, is the first 
attempt at the much-needed classification, and it will be 
widely welcomed. When I add that a great deal remains to 
be done it must be understood that the opinion is expressed 
without the slightest wish to disparage the work of the 
author, to whom I am personally indebted for much kindness ^ 
in former years, and for much help, advice, and encourage- 
ment. But this publication, in one of its aspects, proves 
the truth of the assertions made above. The gem of the 
Madras Collection is the great series brought together by 

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the late Mr. J. W. Breeks, of the Civil Service, from his 
explorations amongst the cairns and barrows of the Nilgiri 
Hills. The volume, however, dealing vrith this was* published 
in 1873, and daring the subsequent twenty-eight years no 
sy^matic researches appear to have been carried out in the 
Madras Presidency, except by Mr. Bruce Foote and Mr. Rea; 
iind no volume bearing on the subject has been laid before 
the scientific world until the present year. 

We learn from Mr. Foote's treatise that there were in 
Southern India a pal8M>lithic, a neolithic, and an iron age, 
but apparently no age of bronze. In the neolithic age men 
had learned how to drill the hardest stones and how to make 
household vessels of pottery. In the iron age they knew 
how to smelt that metal and to forge it into shapes for daily 
use, both in agriculture and warfare. They used the potter's 
wheel also for making their pots. They do not, however, 
appear to have been possessed of any knowledge of mixed 
metals— of copper or of bronze. There appears to have been 
a great gap, historically speaking, between the dates of the 
palseolithic and neolithic folk, but none between the men of 
the neolithic and iron ages, the latter being the direct 
descendants of the former. The carved kistvaens and 
cromlechs of Shol&r and M^lAr seem to belong to the 
later iron age, and the grotesque pottery ' figurines ' 
(represented as armed with axes, daggers, and swords) to 
the earlier iron age. The iron age pottery was frequently 
so shaped that the vessels might rest embedded in soft soil, 
or on detached eartlienware * ring-stands.' (This was also 
the case in Egypt.) No trace of any alphabetic writing has 
been yet found. 

' The author himself expresses the regret which all interested 
will feel, that in so many cases the information is imperfect. 
Often we have objects incapable of being classified in order 
of date, or of being assigned to any particular locality, 
because this information has been for ever lost. Is it too 
much to hope that in future greater care will be exercised, 
atid tliat everything found will be so recorded as to convey 
to the world the full knowledge which it is ciftpable of 
teaching P 

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And, onoe more, will the Government^ or the Indian 
Exploration Fond, publish annual yolumes, fully illustrated 
like those issued by Professor Flinders Petrie and his 
oo-workers, containing the results of the work, not of past 
decades, but of the year immediately preceding the issue 
of each ? It may be safely prophesied that, if this be done, 
the number of persons interested in Indian antiquities will 
rapidly increase, and both our Society and the Indian 
Exploration Fund will greatly benefit. 

R. Sewbll. 

2. The Author of the Life of Shah Isma'il. 

Dear Sir, — With reference to Professor Denison Ross's 
paper in the J.R.A.S. for 1896, p. 249, I beg leave to 
suggest that the author of the life of Shah Isma'il may 
have been Khwaja 'Abdullah Marwarld. He was a high 
officer under Sultan Husain Baiqra of Herat, and some years 
after the death of that prince he entered into the service of 
Shah Isma'il. Ill-health, however, obliged him to give up 
public employment and to retire into private life, when he 
occupied himself in writing the life of Shah Isma'il in prose 
and verse. He completed the prose history, which had the 
name of the Tarikh Shahi, but did not live to finish the 
poem. These facts are recorded by Shah Ismail's son, Sam 
Mirza, in his Tahafat SamI, of which an abstract has been 
given by Silvestre de Sacy (Not. et Ex., iv, 273). It is true 
that Sam Mirza says that 'Abdullah died in 922, and that 
Khwandamir makes a similar statement in the Habib-as- 
Siyar (B.M. MS. Add. 17,925, 438^). But it seems to me 
that this date, which is only given in figures in the Tahafat, 
must be a mistake for 932. In the first place, Sam Minsi 
tells us that 'Abdullah completed his history, but he could 
hardly be said to have done this unless he lived to the end of 
Shah Isma'il's reign, which did not occur till 930. Secondly, 
Sam Mirza tells us (see p. 283 of De Sacy's notice) that he 
had been 'Abdullah's disciple. Now Sam Mirza, as we learn 
from the Habib MS. (loc. cit., 536*'), was bom in 923, and so 

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coold not have been the disciple of a man who died in 922. 
'Abdullah Marwarld was a very well-known man, both as 
a pablic servant and as a writer, and Sam Mirza speaks of 
his history as having considerable vogue. If the anonymous 
life is not his Tarikh Shahi, what has become of the latter ? 
If we suppose that he died in 932 this would agree with the 
opinions of Professors Rieu, Ross, and Browne that the life 
was written shortly after the accession of Shah Tahmasp. 
As regards the mention of M. Zaman Mirza's death in the 
life, I would suggest that this fact, which occurred in 947, 
was added by a copyist or by 'Abdullah's son, Mirza Mumin. 
He seems to have been connected with Muhammad Zaman, 
for the two names are bracketed together in Ehwandamir's 
notice of Mirza Mumin (loc. cit., 554*), and it is evident from 
the long details about M. Zaman which are given in the 
anonymous life that he and the writer must have known one 
another. Mirza Mumin was Sam Mirza's preceptor, and 
a well-known writer and calligrapher. He afterwards 
entered Tahmasp's service, but left him for some reason and 
went to India (not improbably in company with M. Zaman), 
and died there. According to De Sacy this occurred in 948, 
but I do not find this date in the British Museum copy of 
Sam Mlrza's work. 

Finally, if we must take the date 922 as the correct date 
of 'Abdullah's death, may we not hold that the latter's life 
of Shah Isma'il was continued and completed by the son. 

Notices of 'Abdullah Marwarld will be found in Mir 'All 
Shir*s MajaUs ; in Daulat Shah, p. 515 of Mr. Browne's 
edition, and in Babar's Memoirs, in his account of the eminent 
men of Sultan Husain's Court. 

H. Bbyeridoe. 

3. A Cambodjan Mahavamsa. 

Wurzhurg, Sanderring 20. 

September 14, 1901. 

Mt dbar Pkofessor Rhys Davids, — During the last 
three months I have possessed here at our University's 

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1 72 (J0RRE8P0NDENCE. 

Kbrary a MS. from Paris, containing, to judge from the 
eatalogue in the J.P.T.S., 1882, p. 35, the Mahavaipsa in 
Oambodjan writing. But the catalogue is mistaken. The 
MS., which is not badly written, although it abounds with 
errors of every sort, and far exceeds in size the Mahavamsa, 
as we know it from the published text, contains a secondary 
work, embodying the Mahav. (i.e. the thirty-eight pari- 
cohedas), only with many liberties in adapting it to the 
general plan the author had in view. Tou will better 
understand his intentions by the colophon. I quote from 
it the following verses : — 

Buddhavamsam ^lahavamsam sikkhinafi ca samahatam 
ThOpavamsam gahetvana sampinditvana ekato 
atthato gandhato capi yuttato capi ettha ca 
ayuttam paliruddham va yadi passati kiiicapi 
pubbaparam viloketva vicaretva punappunam 
dhiroantanam gahetabbam gahetabbam na dosato 
tividhopapadanam [written °dhoppapa^] gatiyo^ duvidha 

[written duvu°] ti ca 
tasma upaparikkhitva veditabbam [written °bba] vibhavina 
antarayam vina cayam yatha siddhim upagata 
tatha kalyanasamkappa siddhim gacchanti [written ^cchati] 


Then follow two ^lokas containing the usual prayers. 
Then in prose : anena punnena maya katena sikkheyyam 
[written ^yya] tarn dhammavaram jinassa, pannaya silena 
kusalena cati [written cato or cago] anagate ketumagyam 
[P ketumaghyam ?] bhaveyyam, yada sutvana saddhammam 
Mettayyass' [thus clearly] eva santike pasanno pitiya 
mayham pabbaji jinasasane Moggalldno ti namaham. Then 
follow two slokas of benedictions. 

This Moggallana, of whose date we as yet know nothing, 
was certainly no great poet, but, so far as he was led by the 
wish to banish darkness wherever the reader of the existent 

^ In Gambodjan g and t are the same. I read gatiyo, but the meaning of this 
V^cae IB not quite intelligible to me. 

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Mahavamsa may meet 
more the original text, fa 
demonstrate this, I beg 1 

(1) After the first foi 
a section which bears i 
nitthitam, of about 490 
gavesanto bodhiuanam n 

From bodhito navamc 
pilation agrees with the 
it disagrees and makes 
with many interspersed 
Buddha's first visit tfa 
consists of 24 dlokas fro: 
(▼. 43) of the Mahiyangi 
them up to more than i 
those in the printed tea 
additions are smaller, bu 

(2) In ch. V (ed. Turnc 
propounded to the kinj 
the circumstances undei 
Jat. iii, 64 sqq. is meant, 
however, after the woi 
Tittirajatakam," the wh 
commentary, including 
with — 

Atite Brahmadattai 
samiddhe nagare ra 

This addition consists c 
with the ' Rahmenerzah 

tam dhammadesana 
vasanto garu sattah 
sikkhapetva raahips 

The verb fin. is miss 
' tattha ' (reading of tht 
to remind the reader t1 
half of the dloka (which. 

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For a fuller report on this singular work, its sources and 
composition, I may be allowed to refer to mj new edition 
of the Mahavamsa now in preparation. — Yours faithfully, 

E. Hardy. 

4. A Sanskrit Maxim. 

Norember 25, 1901. 

Dear Professor Rhys Davids, — In the Preface to my 
pamphlet on Sanskrit Maxims, which was published last 
year and noticed in this year's July number of the B.A.S. 
Journal, I gave a short list of nyayas contained in the 
lexicons, but which I had failed to find in the literature. 
Amongst them was the andhagq/anydya, ** the maxim of the 
blind men and the elephant." I have since discovered it, 
however, in Suredvara's huge vartika on Brhaddranyakopani" 
fodbhdfya, 4. 4. 566 (p. 1813 of Ananda^rama edition). 
The verse is as follows : — 

** Ekam evaikariipam sad vast vajnatam niraujanam | 
Jatyandhagajadrstyeva koti^h kalpyate mrsa." || 

But a much more interesting fact in connection with this 
nyaya is that the story on which it is based is of Buddhistic 
origin. Several months ago Monsieur Barth informed me 
that he had met with it in some Buddhist work which he 
could not then remember; and now the missing link has 
been supplied by Monsieur Louis de la Valine Poussin, who 
referred me to p. 187 of your Dialogues of the Buddha. 
It is there stated that the story was told by Gotama himself 
to a number of non-Buddhist teachers who were disputing 
as to the meaning of the Ten Indeterminates ("Whether 
the world is eternal or not," etc.), and I now learn from 
yourself that the original is contained in Uddna, vi, 4, 
pp. 66-69 of the Pali Text Society's edition. 

I hope to embody this information in a Second Handful 
pf Sanskrit Maxims which I have in the press. — Yours 

G. A. Jacob. 

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ZuR Entzifferuno der SafA-Inschriften. By Enno 
LiTi'MANN. pp. viii 4- 76. (Leipzig, 1901.) 

Far to the south-east of Damascus, in the volcanic region 
of the Harra, and more especially in the neighbourhood of 
Mount Safa, a number of inscriptions in an unknown 
character were discovered by the English traveller Cyril 
Graham in 1857. Others were found in later years by 
Wetzstein and De Vogii^, and their number has recently 
been considerably increased by the journeys of Messrs. 
Dussaud and Macler, and, to a greater extent, by the 
American ArchaBological Expedition in Syria in 1899-1900. 
Graham himself published an article on his finds in this 
Journal (1860, Vol. XVII, pp. 286-297), but it is to the 
Germans O. Blau and D. H. Miiller, and more particularly 
to the versatile French scholar Hal^vy, that we owe any 
considerable knowledge of the contents of these inscriptions! 

In the course of the recent American expedition referred 
to above, Herr Enno Littmann, of Oldenberg, who repre- 
sented the department of Semitic epigraphy, made a hurried 
journey through the Harra and the Ruhbeh oasis, and copied 
134 of these so-called Sala inscriptions, upon the publication 
of which he is now engaged. The present monograph is 
a prolegomena to the larger work, and is intended to set 
the decipherment of these inscriptions upon a surer basis. 
The first part of his book deals with those characters for 
which he has suggested values differing from Hal^vy. To 
put it briefly, we may say that Halevy drew up an alphabet 

J.R.A.8. 1902. 12 

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of twenty-three characters corresponding to that of the 
Hebrew, with the addition of a sign for ^ (n)« This 
additional sign in itself should have aroused suspicion, but 
for twenty years his identifications have been accepted, 
and appear, for example, in Euting's fine table of Semitic 
alphabets which accompanies Zimroem's Vergleichende Cham- 
matik (1898). Praetorius, however, in a review of Halivy's 
book (which was a reprint of a series of papers to the 
Journal Atsiatique, 1877-1882), did not fail to see the incom- 
pleteness of the identifications, and now Littmann makes 
it highly probable that the alphabet actually consists of 
twenty-eight letters corresponding in number and value to 
tlie Arabic, a return in theory to the views of the earlier 
decipherers. Hal^vy's 3 now becomes t ; a character which 
was formerly looked upon as a variant of M is here shown 
to be the regular form of v^ (^), and so on. Littmann 
makes a fresh examination of the inscriptions, and contends 
that it is only by adopting the new readings that they 
become intelligible. For example, Hal^vy's X should be 
C^, and the name which the former read y^yX should be 
/KVB^j with which Littmann compares the Safa DpnyS^, 
and the newly-discovered Nabatean /W^B^ and D^p7^<y^B^ . 
In like manner, Hal^vy's Iff is clearly to be read £), and 
the legend D*nC^> which was accompanied by a rude 
drawing of a horse, should obviously be read DTBH. 

Similarly, for biXtSltff we should now read /NlD/fi, a name 
which has abundant analogies. In the second part of his 
book Littmann has transliterated a number of inscriptions 
which are not wholly genealogical and oflfer some interesting 
additions to the vocabulary. Many of these, unfortunately, 
are almost unintelligible, and the meaning that can be 
wrested from them is too often only plausible. The majority 
of them are from De Yogii^ and Dussaud, and are not 
accompanied by any facsimiles. 

It is hardly necessary to observe that Herr Littmann's 
conclusions, if sound, will mark an important stage in the 

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decipherment of the Safa inscriptions, and will aid the 
reading of the closely related Libyan inscriptions of el-'OlS. 
Further investigation, it is to be hoped, will give us more 
preci^te information regarding the nomad Arab tribes who^ 
work these inscriptions are. Already, thanks to one of 
Littmann's inscriptions, it is possible to date them more 
precisely than hitlierto, since it is highly piobable that the 
" year of the war of the Nabateans" (1323 yHH WD), which 
he has found cited (p. iv), is a reference to Trajan's campaign 
of A.D. 106. It is noteworthy that, whereas the Sinaitio and 
Nabatean inscriptions are Arabic solely as regards the proper 
names, those of SafS are entirely South Semitic; only one or 
two names (e.g. *nD, p. 44) appear to be Jewish. On the other 
hand, the article is not /Mt as in the Sinaitic proper nameis, 
but always H — apparently connected with the Libyan jrt. 
The alphabet, too, does not, like the Sinaitic and Nabatean, 
belong to the Aramaic branch, but, as Littinann's table shows, 
is closely related to the South Semitic scripts. Here it may 
1>e remarked that it is difficult to see upon what grounds 
a recent writer ^ has asserted that the Safa alphabet is a link 
connecting the alphabets of the Southern Semites with the 
Phoenician, a view which must rest upon a preconceived 
notion of its antiquity. Though not ancient it is of some 
interest, since it is not improbable that some of the 
characters have survived in a modified form in the 
Arab cattle-tm«m«, specimens of which have been collected 
by Burton, Doughty, and others. These would then find 
their analogy in the x^P^f^^ ^^ ^^^ Greeks (as instanced 
in the KomraTiaf^ and aaii^opa^)^ and the ancient hpuse- 
or clan-marks of northern Europe, evidence in favour of 
a totemic origin being as yet wanting.^ Beturning (o 
Littmann's alphabet, we note that the character which he 

1 The Edinburgh Heview, July, 1901, p. 46. 

' Robertson Smithes conjecture {Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia^ 
p. 212 sq.) that, ranee some of the old wastM appear to be pictorial in origin, 
they may have primarily represented totems, has not as yet been substantiated 
by the few uxumt which ha?e been published. 

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identifies as 3 has the form of a rough circle, or even an 
oblong, either (as he suggests) a borrowing from the so- 
called proto- Arabic, or, more probably, a differentiation of 
y (the view of Praetorius). It is also noteworthy that his 
si^ns for ^ (^jo) and X are practically identical with the South 
Arabian T (j) and 5* These equations are diflBcult, and 
if substantiated will further complicate Semitic phonology. 
In a work of this nature, where so much pains has 
been taken to collect material to support the newly- 
proposed readings, it roust sometimes happen that the 
evidence is of doubtful weight. When, for example, the 
Validity of a proposed reading of a name is supported 
by a reference to a corresponding Arabic root, even 
th)ugh it may be " zur Namenbildung wohl geeignet " 
(p. 21), we are reminded of what Renan said of the Arabic 
lexicon. Moreover, the testimony of names from Greek 
iusoriptions is of necessity sometimes ambiguous. It is 
certainly difficult to decide whether aXeao^ should be cited 
in support of wj^ (?• ^6), or whether, like a\aaa0o<:, it 
does not represent a form from the root B'vy. Similarly, 
ifoa-arjXov, instead of supporting a form 7SVB^3 (p. 21), 
might, in all probability, like veaa, go back to the Palmyrene 
KD3 or NB^3. Littmann's reading 713 (p. 8) is, as the plate 
shows, far from certain. He supports it by the Sinaitic 
"*^*nj|, which, as a matter of fact, could also be read I'^^^J 
o Euting) or ITW. The Palmyrene name nrn3, which 
5 cites in support of his reading 11/13 {loc. cit), is not 
jcessarily from the same root (see Cook, Aramaic Ghssmy, 
s?.). These criticisms, however, do not diminish the 
iportance of Littmann's book, and the weight of the 
imulative evidence favours the general correctness of his 

On p. 17, vHI, on the last line, is a misprint for pTn, 
id for the statement on p. 34 that T\W2 is. found in 

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Nabatean I can find no justification. The view that oXov^a 
and aXa^coi/a? come from Ppti (p. 32, 8, ^7V) I f^il to 
understand, since dkaifxova^ occurs in a bilingual inscription 
where the corresponding Palmyrene reads H^ShV (or rather 

In conclusion, it is worth remembering that although the 
thirty-one Safa inscriptions which Graham published in this 
Journal do not appear to be absolutely trustworthy copies, 
yet, of the seventeen identifications which he propose^ more 
than forty years ago, nearly half of them still hold good, and 
two even (*\ and H), though unrecognized by Hal^vy, are 
now substantiated by Littmann himself. Whilst we desire 
to give Graham's work that prominence which is jpstly 
due to every pioneer, our admiration for the patient in vesti- 
gation of later decipherers undergoes no diminution. We 
shall look forward to the publication of the results of the 
American ArchsBological Expedition (of the importance of 
which we gain some idea from Mr. Butler's report in the 
American Journal of ArchcBology^ vol. iv), and shall await 
with special interest the appearance of Herr Littmauq's 
edition of the newly-found inscriptions. 

S. A. C. 

! 1 ■ 

F. H. Weissbach. Dib Sumerische Frage. 
(Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1898. '10«.) 

One feels inclined to call this book the descripl^ion of 
a modern * comedy of errors,* for in it is described the process 
of evolution of the study of the so-called Sumerian language 
found in the cuneiform tablets. The author gives, in the fi^st 
half of his book, a minute historical and chronological descrip- 
tion of all the views which have hitherto been enunciated 
concerning the nature and character of this language; the 
contending notions entertained by Ual^vy as well as those of 

^ See J. Mordtmann, Palmprenite/ieSf p. 26, in the MUteiltmgen d. Vitrder- 
atiatiMchen GetielUehaJi, 1899, i. 

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bis opponents. The whole discussion turns mainly round the 
point raised first by Hal^vy as to whether there is any truth 
in the assumption that the so-called bilingual tablets and 
inscriptions contain a different language or only a variation 
in the sciipt alone, i.e. whether they represent a different 
language, called by Oppert Sumerian, or only a different 
way of writing. The majority of scholars hold to the former 
theory. In the second part of his book Herr Weissbach 
treats us to his views on the subject. Whilst in the first 
he proves to be painstaking and accurate, and therefore 
reliable, giving a clear picture of the constantly changing 
views of the representatives of Assyriology, groping slowly 
from one error to another, and emancipating themselves 
step by step from those mistakes ; in the second he is no 
le^s biased and unreliable than all his compeers. It makes 
one doubt his qualification to discuss with authority the 
problem when we find him referring to modern arg6t and 
thieves' language as arguments. No one can doubt the 
fundamental fact that hitherto no clear and unequivocal 
reference to this language as a distinct and different one 
from the other (Assyrian) has been found, which, to say the 
least, is very surprising, considering the large number of 
such so-called bilingual texts. It can also not be doubted that 
this language is thoroughly permeated with Semitic words ; 
not one single purely Sumerian text has been found free 
of these elements, which even predominate in all the texts 
Intherto recovered. An argument such as the following 
cannot be taken as serious. It is advanced by the author as 
nn explanation of the fact, that we find in the Assyrian 
cuneiform script, signs for the purely Semitic sounds K, 
T, S, and H. The author remarks, ** In modern Persian the 
A __!_•_ __• — _•- _i.^ found in Iranian words, and Semitic 
ted for Non-Semitic words. We are 
lelieving that the Assyrians could have 
pting the script of another language" 
r forgets that it is a totally different 
1 ready in existence and to adapt them 
ts — as has happened with the alphabet 

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a problem as the elucidation of the Jewish Calendar. The 
Muhammadan runs on more smooth lines as far as its 
original history is concerned, and its governing principles. 
Not so the former, the origin and history of which are 
involved in great obscurity. At the time when it appears 
it is fully developed, and so carefully worked out that during 
the sixteen hundred years since it has been known not 
a single alterution has been made to it. . With great acumen 
the Rev.S.B Burnaby tries to lay bare the guiding principles, 
and to unravel partly, if not the history, at least the practical 
manipulation of the system. He is right in asserting that 
the Calendar, as now known and observed by the Jews, is 
the one promulgated by the Prince Hillel II, whose com- 
putations agree with those of Hipparchus. The whole 
system is then elaborately described, and numerous tables 
help to make the book almost indi^^pensable for anyone 
interested in the Calendar. The author has been able to 
show that even the best of scholars who have studied the 
Calendar have gone astray in some details ; notably important 
is his statement that the Eebidth are not stationary. 
A valuable contribution is the disquisition on the Megillath 
Taanith (p. 240 ff ). No less lucid and instructiye is the 
description of the Muhammadan Calendar and of the Julian 
and Gregorian. The book is the work of a thorough 
scholar and a master of his subject, and can confidently 
be relied upon. 

M. G. 

W. Skeat. Fables and Folk Tales from an Eastern 
Forest. Illustrated by F. H. Townsend. (Cambridge, 


The author of " Malay Magic " presents us here with 
specimens of folk -tales collected from the same Malayan 
sources. It is a delightful publication from every point of 
view, and Mr. Skeat is to be urged on to the publication 
of till the materials he has collected, if, as we may assume, 
they are of a similar character. Out of the twenty-six 

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tales, BOTenteen are purely animal stories, told in the very 
language of the East, though shorn of its redundancy, but not 
adapted to European standards. The poetry of the animal 
world in tales and fables is being enriched by the lithe and 
lovable ** Friend Mouse-deer," which takes the place of the 
fox of the Western world. All the tales are taken from 
the mouth of the local Malay story-teller, and the scholarly 
reputation of the author warrants the genuineness of the 
materials thus collected. It is a pity that the folkloristic 
side of the tales has been completely neglected. When the 
rest is so goqd one is often given to ask for more. Many 
of these tales throw a new light on old acquaintances, 
which appear here under a somewhat changed form, of 
great value for comparative studies. I cannot discuss each 
of them separately. Only a few may be mentioned, for 
they struck me specially when reading them. The very 
first, as pointed out by the author in the notes — which, by 
the way, are, for the rest, of a more philological character — 
belongs to a circle of well-known tales, connected only 
in the East with the name of King Solomon. This points 
to the fact that they must have come with the Islam. 
This parallel occurs among the so-called Parables of 
King Solomon as "The Three Advices." No. iv, "Who 
Killed the Otter's Babies?" is a variant of one of the stories 
of the Noodles, in which an innocent man, by a chain of 
curious argumentation, is proved to be the culprit, and is 
punished for a crime of which he is not aware even in 
the remotest degree. Of the highest interest to me is the 
following. No. V, " A Vegetarian Dispute," which I intend 
studying more fully elsewhere. For I see in it the only 
known Eastern variant of one of the most curious Byzantine 
legends, viz. the "Condemnatio Uvae" (v. Krummbacher, 
p. ^8 i). To the circle of " The Ungrateful Animal " belongs 
No. viii, with the difference that in the Western tales it is the 
snake, in the Malay version the tiger, who is caught by his 
own wickedness. In No. xv we have the Oriental version of 
the old French fablieau of " Les trois bossus." To the tale 
of the " Courageous Gipsy," or Cosquiu No. viii in a more 

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modernized form, belongs No. xiii. In the Rumanian, 
etc., tales he threatens to eat the devil, and the latter runs 
away, just as in the Malay the Mouse-deer threatens to eat 
the tiger, and feigns to be grateful to the ape for decoying 
the tiger to his destruction, by which he frightens the 
latter away. 

The illustrations are spirited, and the book a pleasant 
instalment of more good things to come from the "Eastern 

M. G. 

Rapport sur unb Mission Scientifique en Turquie 
d'Asik, par Dom J. Parisot. Extrait des Nouvelles 
Archives des Missions Scientifiques, t. ix. (Paris: 
Imprimerie Nationale, 1900.) 

The object of Dora Parisot's mission was twofold — (1) to 
investigate the Neo-Syriac dialect of Ma*lula ; and (2) to 
study the music of this part of Asia Minor, and to make 
a collection of traditional airs sacred and secular. 

The three villages of Jub*adin, Ma'lula, and Bakha, 
comprising in all some 1,500 inhabitants, form a small 

!• -^jj^ island, in which Syriac has continued to flourish, 

all the rest of Asia Minor has been submerged by the 
of Arabic. Doin Parisot has already dealt with this 
jsting survival in his articles on ** Le dialecte de 
ila " published in the Journal Asiatiqiie. The present 
rt is almost wholly occupied with the musical question, 
contains, in addition to an account of the various 
lal systems, a collection of 358 traditional airs. These 
lassified as (1) Maronite, (2) Arabic ecclesiastical, 
irabic secular, (4) Syrian, (5) Chaldajan ; and, as an 
idix, are added a number of Israelitish melodies of the 
of Jerusalem. In a short introduction Dom Parisot 
ins the peculiarities of tonality and the construction 
e musical scale which are characteristic of each of these 

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The study of Oriental music from a European standpoint 
is one which can only be undertaken profitably by those 
few scholard who possess a very rare combination of gilts. 
As a rule, Orientalists are not musicians, and musicians are 
not Orientalists in any sense of the word ; but, apart from 
this fact, the scientific grasp of the principles of any 
foreign musical system, and still more, perhaps, its artistic 
appreciation, present difficulties which can only be sur- 
mounted by years of patient study and actual experience. 

For the present, the most important task is to rescue from 
oblivion all such musical systems as are in danger of passing 
away without record ; and from this point of view — that of 
providing trustworthy material for the future investigator — 
the present Report is most acceptable. The collection of 
so many traditional airs must have been a task of much 
patience. How truly Dom Parisot's words, explaining one 
of his difficulties in securing the correct reading in every 
case, will come home to all who have had much to do with 
singers ! — ** Ld-bas, plus qu'ailleurs, celui qu'on pr^sente 
com me le meilleur chanteur n'est pas tou jours le plus s(ir. 
II pent, en e£Pet, c^der au d^sir de d^ployer son organe 
Yocale au detriment de la fid^lit^ de Tair k noter.'' 

Die alte Landschaft Babylonien nach den Arabischbn 
Oeographkn. Von Dr. M. Streck. Tlieil ii. (Leiden : 
Brill, 1901.) 

With commendable promptitude Dr. Streck has now issued 
the second part of his work, but with the thorough-g<)in«^ 
method that he follows at least two parts more must yet be 
written to complete his survey of Babylonia. The present 
instalment describes the course of the Tigris, with tlie cities 
on either bank, from Takrit, the first town of *Irak on the 
river a hundred miles above Baghdad, down to Wasit, below 
which city the Tigris flows out into the Great Swamps. An 
interesting chapter (pp. 182-219) is devoted to the topo- 
graphy of Samarra, the capital during more than half 
a century of the Abbasid Caliphs. Dr. Streck, following 

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Ya^kubl, gives details of the many palaces which Mu'fasim 
and his successors erected there, and next describes the 
five main thoroughfares which traversed the newly-built 
city. It is perhaps a pity that the writer, at this point, 
did not prevail on his publishers to supply a grouiid-plaa 
of medisQval Samarra, which could easily have been con- 
structed from the detailed description of Ya*kubl and other 
contemporaries; it would have been interesting to see how 
the triangulation of main streets and canals could have 
been worked out. 

Coming down below Baghdad, Dr. Streck gives a long 
account of AI-Madain, or ' the Cities,' as the Arabs named 
the complex of seven hamlets that stood among the ruins 
of Ctesiphon and Seleucia. On p. 270 our author sums 
up the evidence as to * the seven,' too long to quote here, 
but which may be recommended to geographers interested in 
the subject. Passing on to Kut-al-'Amarah, Dr. Streck 
points out that the Tigris during the middle ages flowed 
down the course now known as the Shutt-al-Hay, past Wasit 
to the Swamps, this beir)g the all- important fact for under- 
standing the geography of the country during the period 
of the 'Abbasid Caliphate. At the present day the Tigris 
takes a more easterly course below Kut-al-'Amarah, but 
Dr. Streck makes no attempt to solve the problem as to 
the date when this important change of the Tigris bed 
took place. 

The description of Wasit is all that can be desired; our 
author, however, implies (p. «i32) that Wasit never recovered 
from the Mongol sack in the time of HuIagO, a.d. 1258. 
This is far from being exact; Wasit must still have been 
a populous city when the geographer Kuzwlni was Judge 
(Kadi) there in the latter half of the thirteenth century a.d., 
and Wasit continued to be the chief town of Lower Babylonia 
till the close of the following century, when the place was 
taken and sacked by the armies of Timur. In conclusion, 
we may note that the word Maahra'at can hardly be rightly 
translated (p. 327) as * Stratssenecke * : the very anecdote 
which Dr. JStreck quotes — as to Low the governor Hajjiij 

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having been sent an Indian elephant aa a present, the great 
quadruped was landed from the boat at the Mashra*at-al-Fll 
— shows plainly that the term must be translated by ' wharf/ 
and this £Iephant's Wharf in later times continued to be 
a well-known place in Wasit. 

It is to be hoped that in the next instalment Dr. Streck 
will give us a map of Babylonia. 

G. Lk S. 

Dr. Gustaf H. Dalman. Aramakisch-Nbuhkbrakischks 


Vol. ii. (Frankfurt a/M. : J. Kauffmann, 1901.) 

After six years Professor Dalman has at last finished 
the Dictionary to the Targum, Talmud, and Midrash, the 
first part of which had been reviewed by roe in this Journal 
in 1894. The second and concluding volume partakes of 
the same characteristics then briefly commented upon. It 
is the first attempt of a complete dictionary of this language 
in a concise form and at a reasonable price. It will prove 
indispensable to the beginner, and it is marked by the 
accuracy which Professor Dalman sometimes overdoes in 
his desire of giving a correct vocalization and in amending 
what he believes to be incorrect and corrupt readings in 
the Midrashic texts. In the first instance he follows in too 
slavish a manner the Yemenite tradition, adding to it his 
own interpretation of it. It is specially noticeable in the 
punctuation and in the placing of the Daggesh in many 
words where there is no cogent reason to assume that the 
letters had been pronounced as Tenues. It is a mistake to 
adopt the biblical tradition as a guide for post-biblical and 
non-Hebrew words. The rules which guided the Massoritee 
cannot be safely applied to any book outside the sacred 
Canon, for as often as not the Massoretic tradition deviates 
from those general rules. A disjunctive accent at once 
changes the character of an initial letter in the following 
word, but where is one to look for a similar tradition in 
texts without accents or vowels based on ancient tradition P 

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A practical example will show how insufficient the reason 
is which has guided Professor Dalman in the manner of his 
punctuation and vocnlization. According to him, words with 
initial 3 (k), though derived from the Greek, like ;^aX/ro9, 
ouglit to have the first letter hard, and we find the word in 
question in the Dictionary with a Daggesh, thus suggesting 
that it had been so pronounced in ancient times. It is 
absolutely incorrect and misleading. A Hebrew biblical word 
in that position would require, if standing absolute, to have 
the initial letter -3 with Daggesh, but this rule not only does 
not hold good for New Hebrew, but is in truth not correct, 
as proved by the examples derived from the Greek, or in 
later times fiom the Latin, when 3 was surely pronounced 
8oft = ;^. Nor can we understand the reason for the 
vocalization ' Lolab,' when the traditional form is ' Lulab ' ; 
there is no grammatical necessity for deviating from this 
latter form. Why has the author included in his Vocabulary 
the doubtful Sukkoth (Amos, v, 2^), declaring at the same 
time in definite manner that it was the name of a god ? 
Commentators of the Bible are not agreed upon it. But 
however many the diflEerences may be between our views 
and those of the learned author, no one can gainsay 
that this publication is one of practical use and of great 
scientific value for the study of the texts written in 
Aramaic and New Hebrew. Numerous additions at the 
end of the volume show the book not to be perfect. But 
there is no limit to such possible additions, especially 
if we take into consideration the author's attempts at 
correcting the readings in the texts from which he borrows 
his materials. Almost every new MS. will ofier variae 
lectiones. A German-Hebrew Index would have more than 
doubled the value of this publication, which, meritorious 
though it is, does not fully supersede the old and invaluable, 
but almost forgotten "Semahh David" of David a Portaleone. 

M. G. 

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AsoKA, THE Buddhist Emperor of India. By Vincent A. 
Smith, M.K.A.S. pp. 204. (Rulera of India Series. 
Oxford Press. Price 3h. 6d.) 

I had undertaken to write the book on Asoka for this 
series, but the very scanty leisure available to me was not 
sufficient to enable me to get the work ready in time, and 
I was very glad to hear that Mr. Vincent Smith would 
undertake it. He has produced an admirable little book, 
just what was wanted, popular, and at the same time 
scholarly, giving in brief the cream of the results so far 
obtained by the study of such evidence as we have on the 
history of Asoka. 

The main evidence is, of course, the edicts promulgated 
by Asoka himself, and engraved by his orders on stone 
pillars and rocks throughout his extensive empire. The 
ones already discovered amount in number to thirty-four, 
and it is not doubted that others will yet be found. But 
this evidence is supplemented, and often rendered intelligible, 
by other information derived from three sources — the details, 
derived mostly from Megasthenes, the Greek ambassador at 
the court of Patna, which have been preserved in scanty 
and imperfect notices by later Greek writers ; the state- 
ments, often correct and often legendary, of later Indian 
writers, including the Ceylon chroniclers ; and the incidental 
references, often correct and often legendary, made by the 
Chinese pilgrims in the fourth, sixth, and eighth centuries, 
to the Buddhist shrines in India. Of these the Greek 
notices are the most reliable, being much older ; and it 
is from Greek sources that the real date of Asoka has 
been fixed within a year or two. But the traditions of 
India, as handed down by the Sanskrit, Pali, and Chinese 
writers, though centuries later, have also preserved, amid 
much legend and distortion, material of value for the 
critical historian. 

The plan of the book is accordingly very simple. In 
the first chapters, occupying about a hundred pages, the 
author gives an account, derived from all the sources^ of 

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the historical facts ascertainable about Asoka and his 
monuments. There then follows a complete translation, 
occupying 45 pages, in English, of all the edicts. The^e 
have all been translated before, most of them several 
I , times ; but these former translations are scattered through 

numerous learned publications ; and this is the first time 
that the whole have been published consecutively in English. 
Then follows a summary, in 12 pages, of such traditions 
about Asoka, current in the fourth and fifth centuries a.d. 
at Anuradhapura, as have been preserved in the Dipavamsa 
and the Mahavamsa ; and finally, in the last chapter of 
21 pages, we have a similar summary of such traditions 
about Asoka, current from the third to the seventh century 
in India, as have been preserved in the Asoka vadana or by 
the Chinese pilgrims. 

The first and most important part is exceedingly well 
done. Without entering into any lengthy or learned 
discussions, and simply ignoring the later traditions except 
in so far as they throw light on, or are confirmed by, the 
earlier evidence, the author, with sound judgment, and in 
well- written and easy style, tells us what the cultured 
reader, who has neither time nor inclination to study the 
edicts word for word, would wish to know. The translation 
of the edicts, chiefly based, of course, on the invaluable 
discussions and renderings of Senart and of Biihler, is also 
a distinct success, both readable and accurate. For the 
object in view it was not desirable to enter into discussion 
I \ with the great scholars who have diflFered in the interpre- 

tation of isolated words ; but occasionally, in cases of 
importance, such divergences are referred to in the few 
short notes, which are brief and clear, and well chosen. 
i It was a happy idea of the author to put a title to each 

i( edict; and the titles chosen are such as assist the reader 

to appreciate more clearly the object the royal author of 
the edicts had in view. 

One of the most distinguished of our Honorary Members 
is said to have advised the author of a learned work: "Be 
sure to leave an error or two. You really must think of 


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the poor reviewer ! '* And I suppose, as a reviewer, one 
oaght to find some fault. It is not easy ; but there are 
two objects of Mr. Vincent Smith's antipathy I should like 
to say a word for. He says (p. 7) that he has— 

** shunned the pedantic atrocities of international trans- 
literation systems, which do not shrink from presenting 
Krishna in the guise of Krsna, Champa as ^ampft, and 
so on." 

Now this is really very funny. For the international 
system expressly contemplates the use in popular works of 
such forms as Krishna (which may fairly be regarded as 
ao English word) ; and it has expressly reeded the italic k 
as a representation of the sound of the English ch. One 
is sorry to find so sound a scholar, who all through the 
book transliterates rightly enough, going over, on grounds 
so mistaken, to the camp of the enemy. Correct trans- 
literation is, on practical grounds, a considerable aid to 
the spread of knowledge, and it will, sooner or later, be 
generally adopted. The international system has been very 
carefully considered by a number of scholars of some 
eminence, for whom the author has, no doubt, a sincere 
respect ; and it has been formally recognized by the Society. 
But it has still to contend against that sort of sentimental 
antipathy to which the author gives such forcible expression. 
And his phrase may be used by the opponents of correct 
transliteration, who will not, perhaps, always think it 
necessary to add that his actual practice shows him to be 
really on the other side. 

The other case is of a similar kind. The author seems 
unable to mention the Ceylon chroniclers — the unknown 
author of the Dipavamsa, and Mahauama the author of the 
Mahavamsa — without a strange ferocity. Three or four 
times he stops to turn and rend these unfortunate old 
writers. Are they really so much more mendacious than 
other chroniclers — the English ones, for instance? Is it 
quite so certain that they deliberately invented lies ? 
Another hypothesis is at least equally possible, namely, 

J.K.A.ft. 1902. 


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that they were placing on record the tradition current at 
the time and place when they wrote, and that they were 
quite sincere in supposing themselves to be contributing 
useful work in doing so. Those traditions must, of course, 
be used under the guidance of the accepted laws of 
historical criticism relating to the use of such material. 
But it is quite feasible to observe those laws without 
forgetting the debt of gratitude we owe to the author 
whose work the original decipherer of Asoka's edicts found 
so indispensable a help. Mahanama was a monk, it must 
be admitted. But so also were the English chroniclers, 
and the Chinese pilgrims. He believed in the miraculous. 
So did they. He has preserved traditions, quite useful as 
evidence of the belief in his time, and of little or no 
value as evidence of events centuries before. So did 
they. He tells us legends which he himself believed, and 
which we do not. But so did the Chinese pilgrims, of 
whom Mr. Vincent Smith, very rightly, speaks with courtesy 
and respect, simply ignoring their miracles, and making 
what use is critically possible of what else they say. In 
these two just parallel cases the author's treatment of the 
pilgrims is an excellent model of what the treatment of 
the chroniclers might have been. And if I, pert-onally, in 
the case of the famous old pilgrim, would confess, further, 
to a feeling of affectionate regard towards the personality 
revealed in the " Life " and the ** Travels," it may be 
remembered that we know but little of the personality of 
Mahanama, and that we may not be so far wrong, after 
all, if we give him the benefit of the doubt (to which even an 
accused person is usually considered entitled), and suppose 
that he, too, may have been a fairly estimable man. 

One point is quite certain. The chronology found in the 
chronicles is not the work of Mahanama. Even if it be a 
mendacious fiction (and mistakes in chronology may be due to 
other causes than that), it existed already before the time of 
the author of the Dipavamsa, who was some generations older 
than Mahanama. Mahanama would at once, therefore, on 
this issue, be declared by an impartial court " not guilty." 

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And in a greater or less degree the same argument holds 
good of most of the other cases in which, the author sees 
fit to reject Mahanama's testimony. It would almost seem 
that the author, when speaking of the chronicles as '' a tissue 
of absurdities" or as "mendacious monkish legends," is 
scarcely on a line with the universal opinion of modern 
scholars about such works. He says elsewhere (J.R.A.S., 
1901, p. 843) of two similar documents — 

''If, then, one is pure fiction and the other is serious 

history, the distinction is certainly not apparent on the 

face of the documents." 
But, surely, the unanimous verdict of other scholars would 
be quite simple. Neither is either. No one dreams of 
taking such late legends, preserved centuries after the 
event by well-meaning but biassed monks, learned only 
in the learning of their time — whether English, Chinese, 
or Sinhalese — as sober history. No one expects to find 
«uch chroniclers versed in historical criticism ; or even 
averse to recording what we now think absurd. On the 
other hand, the hypothesis of deliberate lying, of conscious 
forgery, is now in such cases generally discredited ; and 
it is not supposed that such legends are, on the part of the 
chroniclers, pure fiction. It is difficult, therefore, to under- 
stand why any hard words should be necessary at all in 
this particular case, and we are quite unable to see any 
essential difference between the Ceylon Bhikshus and the 
Chinese pilgrims. 

But the reader will see that the expressions objected to 
are merely obiter dicta. They have nothing to do with the 
main line of the argument. Their effect is only therefore 
to jar upon the reader, not to impair the value of this very 
able sketch of Asoka, certainly the greatest native sovereign 
in India, and one of the most iuteresting and impressive 
personalities among the sovereigns of the world. 

T. W. Rhys Davids. 

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196 NOTICES OF B00K8. 

Rastrapala Pariprccha, pabli^ par L. Finot. 8vo. 
Vol. li : pp. xvi and 69. (St. Petersburg : Imperial 
Academy, Bibliotheca Buddhica, 1901.) 

It is a great pleasure to see the Buddhist Sanskrit Text 
Series, inaugurated and managed by Professor Serge 
d'Oldenbourg, and published at the expense of the Russian 
Oovemment, now beginning to become an accomplished 
fact. The present work is little more than a tract, and 
the text would occupy, if printed after the method followed 
by the Pali Text Society, about 40 to 50 pages. It is in 
form a Jataka. The first half, called the Nidana, corresponds 
to the Introductory story preceding each of the Jatakas 
in the Pitaka Collection edited by FausboU. The second 
half gives the Jataka proper, the story of Punyara^mi. 

In the Introduction we have a discussion of the qualities 
of a Bodhisatwa, that is, those that have to be acquired by 
a man in order to become a Buddha, and of the qualities 
obstructive to that end. In the course of this discussion 
the Buddha tells Rastrapala of the qualities he acquired 
in fifty of his previous births. As the editor points out 
(p. vi), there are similar enumerations in the Lalita Yistara 
and in the Mahavastu. He might have added that a similar 
list is also found in the Introduction (also called the 
Nidana) to the canonical collection of Jatakas ; and that 
two whole books, one in Pali and one in Sanskrit, the 
Cariya Pitaka and the Jataka Mala, are based on a precisely 
similar enumeration. 

In my Buddhist Birth Stories^ there was given, twenty 
years ago, a comparative table of the Jatakas thus referred 
to in these two books, and it would have been interesting 
to have had a comparative table here showing the relation 
in which this new list stands to the older ones. In the 
books the stories are told ; in this Nidana, as in the Nidana 
to the Jatakas, they are only referred to. And Professor 
d'Oldenbourg has given a valuable table identifying two- 
thirds of them. It is particularly interesting to find that 

^ London, 1S80. Table iv, p. \oviii. 

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SO many of these Birth Stories, perhaps half of them, cannot 
be traced in the canonical collection.^ We are frequently 
finding Birth Stories, both in Pali and in Sanskrit sources, 
not included in it. It was certainly, even when it was 
made, by no means complete. But other stories may have 
been subsequently invented ; and a careful discussion of 
the facts, on this one point, now ascertainable, would 
already give valuable results towards the history of the 

There are added to the book two indices, one of verses 
and one of proper names. Both of these are most useful. 
But there is no index of subjects, or of Buddhist technical 
terms used in the text. It is most desirable that in 
every future volume published in this series such indices 
should be provided. For many historical enquiries it is 
of the first importance to know when a particular idea 
was first introduced, where and in what degree it was 
subsequently modified, and how late its existence can be 
certified. Certain words or phrases are not found in the 
earliest books, certain other words have changed their exact 
meaning in the course of time, certain other words are not 
found after a particular epoch. Abhwm, for instance, is, 
in the Suttantas, used only in a general way in the meaning 
of 'insight.' Later on, a specific group of six kinds of 
insight, the Chal-abhinnd, has become a common phrase. In 
this text we find, not six, but five abhinnas. There is 
a similar history, as yet not traced out, of the idea Pdramitd, 
which in this text are six in number, not ten ; and so also 
of the enumeration of wrong doctrines, speculations {Ditt/ti), 
which are here referred to as one hundred, and not sixty-two, 
in number. The ideas of the five gatis, or forms of rebirth, 
of the eightfold Path, of the Great Person (the Maha 
Purusa) are found here in a form apparently quite the 
same as they had in the oldest documents. But the Four 
Bonds, obstacles which keep a man back from becoming 
a Buddha, are here mentioned (on p. 20) possibly for the 

* No. 8, the ^ibi Birth, is no doubt the same as the Sivi Jataka, No. 499 in 
the canonical collection. 

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first time. In the investigation of any of these questions — 
and they could be multiplied almost indefinitely — it is 
evident that good subject indices not only save time, but 
are practically indispensable. 

The examples cited in the last paragraph show how 
closely this text adheres to the older phraseology. There 
are differences no doubt, slight differences, but each of 
these is valuable as historical evidence. Often, too, a 
comparison with the older texts throws light on later 
readings, an assistance of which M. Senart, to whom the 
present work is dedicated, has so often availed himself in 
his monumental edition of the Mabavastu. Thus, to cite 
only one example, M. Finot, at p. 49, has rejected the 
reading chinna-prapdta of his unique MS. in favour of 
I ( a conjecture supported by the Chinese. A comparison with 

D. 2. 162 (that is, the Maha Parinibbana Suttanta, chap, vi) 
would have shown that the Chinese author is probably 
wrong; he has misunderstood a rare and difBcult phrase 
taken over by our author from old tradition, and the manu- 
script reading is right. 

One of the differences, probably the chief one, between 
\,(ih text and the older ones, is the importance it attaches 
to Bodhisatvaship, practically ignoring the older ideal 
of Arahatship. Already in 1880,^ when we had but little 
Mahay ana writing before us, I pointed out, for the first 
time, the importance of this distinction, and ventured to 
call it " the keynote of the Great Vehicle." It was 
impossible then to go into detaQ and show how far the two 
ethical ideals were different. The Pali texts have now given 
us full evidence as to the details of the Bodhi-pakkhiya- 
dhammd, the constituent qualities of Arahatship, and their 
opposites. The present work gives us similar details as to 
Bodhisatvaship. It would now, therefore, be most interesting 
to have a careful comparison, carried out into full detail, 
between the two ideals ; and comparing the intermediate 
stage as represented in the Mahavastu. 

' Hibbert Loctures, pp. 254, 2§5. 

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In language and metre the Rastrapala Pariprccha approxi- 
mates already to the stage reached when Sanskrit became 
the literary language of India. But there are many of the 
earlier prakritisms still left, of which M. Finot gives instances 
in his introduction. He also furnishes a list of the metres, 
utilizing for that purpose the names afterwards given to 
metres by the writers on Sanskrit prosody. The list is 
a goodly one, and will be found suggestive when the history 
of Indian metres comes to be written. 

Altogether this little volume is full of matter to help in 
the solution of the many historical problems — literary, 
religious, and social — that now lie ready to the hand of 
any scholar who has leisure to devote to them. On its 
probable date the editor has nothing to say. But he 
mentions that four passages, amounting altogether to about 
70 lines, are cited from the present work in the Siksa 
Samuccaya, now being edited by Professor Bendall for the 
same series ; and a list of those readings in the citations 
which differ from the text here printed has been supplied 
by Professor Bendall. These citations give us a terminm 
ad quern for the date of the story ; and a discussion of the 
points of doctrine referred to in the text, and of the names 
of Bodhisatvas said in it to have been in attendance on the 
Buddha, would have gone far to settle its approximate date 
as compared with that of other Buddhist texts. M. Finot 
mentions Chinese and Tibetan versions ; but he does not say 
whether these are based on our text, a retelling of the story 
in different words, or whether they are actually what we 
should now call translations. It has been pointed out in our 
last volume (p. 406) how important it is that this distinction 
should be observed. 

We hope that the learned and able editor will be able to 
find time, amid his important duties as Director of the 
Oriental School in Saigon, to discuss some of the questions 
above referred to. Meanwhile we can heartily congratulate 
him on the present work ; and may venture to express the 
hope that the other volumes in preparation may soon appear. 

T. W. Rh\s Davids. 

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Par M. LK Due de la Trbmoille. (Paris, 1901.) 

The intereeting biographical notice of the late M. Menant, 
published by the Duke de la Tremoi'Ue in the Comptes Rendm 
de 1' Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, has been 
reprinted in quarto form, with an excellent heliogravure of 
the deceased Assyriologist prefixed. 

M. Menant, who, like many others, devoted himself to 
study in the midst of other occupations, was bom in 1820, 
and died in 1899. He will be remembered as having worked, 
when the science of Assyriology was young, with Professor 
Oppert, the veteran Assyriologist, and became, with him, 
a pioneer of the study in France, turning his attention also, 
in later years, to the decipherment of the hieroglyphic system 
of writing generally called Hittite. He was elected a free 
member of the Academy of Inscriptions and Belles-Lettres 
in 1888. His works were very numerous (a list of forty- 
seven of his principal publications are given by the author 
of the notice), one of the last being the Catalogue mithodigue 
et raisonnS de la Collectioti de Cle^^cq, a splendid work of 
extreme utility, by which the owner of the collection, as well 
as M. Menant, earned the thanks of the learned world. 
M. Menant likewise wrote concerning the Tezidis, and 
upon ancient and modern Persia. By his death, a note- 
worthy and much-respected personality, linking the present 
and the past in the Assyriological world, disappeared, to 
the regret of all who had come into contact with him. 

T. G. P. 

Four Egyptological papers have appeared from the pen 
of that indefatigable Egyptologist of the Museum of 
Brussels, M. Jean Gapart. His £n Egypte : NoteM de 
Voyage are exceedingly interesting, and are illustrated by 
some excellent reproductions of photographs. The paper is 
naturally mainly archsBological, but observations upon the 

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country as it is at present occur in it, and are noteworthy. 
Concerning the belief of the Arabs as to the treasures to be 
found among the ruins, the following (probably an anecdote 
well known to those who have travelled in that land) is 
interesting : — 

"Au dire des Arabes, les ruines des temples et des 
tombeaux sont pleines de tr^sors, sans cela comment ex- 
pliquer que Ton vienne de si loin pour y faire des fouilles f 
Went-ce pas, conmie ils le racontent, dans les pyramides de 
M^ro^ que Lepsius a trouv^ Tor qui, quelques ann^es aprds 
son voyage, permit k I'Allemagne de battre la France ?" 

Another paper by the same author is entitled Une Diesse 
thSbaine : Miritskro, and treats of the deity in the form of 
a serpent adored on the great Western Peak ("la grande 
clme d*Occident"). The royal tombs there add to the 
desolation of this mountain, in which lifeless place the 
goddess was worshipped. The meaning of her name (Mover 
of silence ') is just what one would expect to find applied 
to a divinity dwelling there. Pictures of the goddess in 
the form of a serpent, as a serpent with a woman's head, 
as a woman having a serpent's head, and as a serpent with 
three heads, one of a woman and two of serpents, are shown. 
A very interesting account of the worship is given. 

To the periodical Man M. Gapart contributes an article 
on the "Libyan Notes" of Messrs. Maclver and Wilkin. 
Based on these researches, M. Capart puts forward two 
hypotheses : Either the prehistoric Egyptians were for the 
most part Libyans, or at the moment of the entry of the 
Pharaonic Egyptians into Egypt, the Libyans were also on 
the point of invading the country, which they surrounded 
from the west of the Delta as far as Upper Nubia. In this 
case the Pharaohs, to consolidate their power, had to fight 
with the native population, and repel, at the same time, the 
Libyan invasion. This hypothesis, he says, is more simple 
than the other if the Libyans formed the bulk of the 
population in Egypt. 

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The fourth contribution of M. Capart to the science of 
Egyptology is entitled " La F6te de tapper les Anou/' and 
appears in the Transactions of the First Congress for the 
History of Religion, which saw the light at Paris last year. 
Taking as his text the palettes of slaty schist found by 
Mr. Quibell at Hieraconpolis, he examines once again these 
much -discussed objects. In his opinion, they bear repre- 
i sentations of a festival, that called in the calendar of 

Palermo 'Hhe destruction of the Anu/' as has been suggested 
by M. Naville ; and the victory of Nar-Mer over the in- 
habitants of the Delta, north of the Fayoum, as Spiegelberg 
i!| ; has shown. M. Capart then goes on to show how important 

' * this people, the Anu of Nubia, were, and that they are to- 

be classed among the original inhabitants of the country, 
separated by the Pharaonic invasion from their kin of the 
north ; and their expulsion was such a triumph, that it was 
celebrated thereafter by the Egyptians during the history of 
their rule. Remarks upon the religion of the Egyptians, 
the festival in question, and the names of towns containing 
the element an, etc., are added by the author, giving to 
J^ I the paper additional interest and value. 

. (Ij • Full of information is the paper by the Baron von Oefele 

I [ entitled VorhippokratUche Medizin JFestaniens, Aegt/ptens, und 

[■ H der mediterranen Vorarier, in the Handbuch der Oeschichte 

i 1 der Medizin. Though discursive, it is a valuable contribution 

i 1 to the literature of the subject. Medical science in pre- 

Arian India, among the old Nubian peoples, '' in the land 
of the gods and of incense" (the neighbourhood of the 
Red Seu), among the north-west Africans, with the Trojans, 
etc., etc., are all treated of. One could have wished for 
a better arrangement of the material, but there are probably 
many who will find it all that could be wished, and, after all, 
the facts brought together are the main thing. I greatly 
regret that I cannot follow the author in much that he says 
about the literature bearing upon the subject found in 
Babylonia and Assyria (quite apart from the diflBculty of 
the reading of medical texts by those who are not medical 
men, to which the author refers). My translation of the 



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inaoriptioQ on a physician's cylinder- seal, for instance, differs 
entirely from that given in this paper. 

NeyerthelesSy Dr. von Oefele evidently has an excellent 
knowledge of the tablets bearing upon the medical knowledge 
of the Babylonians and Assyrians. He refers to the opinions 
of the ancient Sumerians (Akkadians) with regard to the 
human body. The seat of understanding was the heart, the 
body is designated as ** flesh/' and the blood is the life of 
the body. The central organ for the blood, however, was 
the liver. '* Heart and liver " was used to the latest times 
for ** soul and body." The central organ of the will is the 
ear. Arterial blood and veinous blood were distinguished. 
As some of these points are not universally accepted, a few 
extracts giving examples of these ideas would have added 
greatly to the value of this part of the paper. "With regard 
to the expressions for arterial and veinous blood, however, it 
may be noted that they were not " blood of the day (?) " and 
"blood of the night (?)/' but "light blood" and "dark 
blood " respectively. 

T. G. P. 

Kbilinschriftliche BiBLiOTHKK, in Verbindung mit 
L. Abel, 0. Bezold, P. Jensen, F. E. Peiser, H. Winckler, 
herausgegeben von Ebekhard Schrader Band VI, 
Theil 1 : Assyrische-babylonische Mythen und Epon, 
von P. Jensen. (Berlin : Reuther & Reichard, 1900- 

Notwithstanding that the state of his health renders it 
difficult for the Father of Assyriology in Oermany to do 
much original work, his editorship of these volumes of the 
Assyrian Library is a thing of extreme usefulness. It is 
impossible to have any other feeling for the veteran Professor 
of the University of Berlin than affectionate regard, mingled 
with admiration for his past work and his courage under 
affliction, and all will wish him a long life and a useful one 
to edit this series of texts in transcription and translation^ 
and sincerely hope that he may yet have health to contribute 
many things to this collection himself. 

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The present work is one of the most comprehensive that 
has ever been published, and Professor Jensen's contributions 
to it among the most characteristic and noteworthy. In 
the present volume we have eleven of the most complete 
of the legends of Babylonia, including — 

The legends of the Creation. 

Bel and the LABbu (as the author has it). 

Myths of Zu, the storm-bird. 

The I(U)ra-myth. 

Nerigal and Ereskigal. 

litar's descent into Hades. 

Adapa and the south wind. 

The Etana-myth. 

The GilgameS (Nimrod)-Epo8. 

Ea (P) and Atar-hasis (P). 

The King of Cutha. 

The system used in this ** Assyriological Library/' edited 
by Professor Schrader, is, to give the Assyrian (Semitic- 
Babylonian) transcription on the left-hand page, line for 
line, numbered, and the translation on the right-hand page 
(where, however, the lines are unfortunately not numbered, 
making it rather unsatisfactory, notwithstandiug the careful 
folding, to find the corresponding lines except where near 
the beginning or the end of a page or a paragraph). At 
the end of the book is a commentary, giving the reasons 
why any particular translation of a word or a phrase has 
been chosen, or the other possible renderings. Doubtful 
passages are indicated by italics and queries. 

The translations are besprinkled with all Professor Jensen's 
peculiarities and mannerisms. Thus, the doubt between 
h and p, k and q, is represented by printing both letters 
(ah{p)'k{k)al'lu, ti'i§{z, %)-b{p)U'tu^ etc.), and in the 
translations possible alternative renderings are indicated 
in much the same way. Other devices give a picturesque 
(though not always comprehensible) appearance to the 
translations : — 

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'' : Erschlag' mich nicht, mein Bruder ! Ich will dir 

" eine Rede sagen." " 
*' [Von Ni]n-har-bi§ ihre Yerwiinschung erhebe sich 

(gegenfdichO dich)!" 

Naturally such a work as this is difficult to review within 
the compass of a short notice on account of its extent (it 
runs to 301 pages of transcription and trauiJation, and 288 
pag^s of notes thereon). All that can be said is, that these 
new renderings bring many improvements into the trans- 
lations of the inscriptions as hitherto known, and suggest 
a number of other possible alternative readings, which may 
or may not be adopted later on. It is unfortunate that^ 
in the Story of Bel and the Dragon (the Semitic account 
of the Creation), the author was unable to use the fragments 
lately published by the Trustees of the British Museum, as 
that completing the second tablet^ is important, especially 
in connection with the reverse of the duplicate of the first 
tablet, found by Mr. Rassam at Abu-habbah, and published 
by me in 1890. 

The new renderings which he introduces into the translation 
of the first tablet of the Creation series are important, though 
it remains to be seen whether they will stand in every 
respect the test of time. Thus ammatum, generally rendered 
* earth ' (its connection with the Heb. HfiN all Assyrio- 

logists must have seen), he now translates by * die Feste ' 
(in italics, implying uncertainty). For the much-discussed 
word mummn he gives the translation *Urform,' which seems 
to be a good reading, better than * mother ' or any other 
suggestion. This translation is not rendered improbable by 
the translation of mummu bv Hltn, * lady,' as that might 
simply be a kind of descriptive title, all female divinities,, 
by their exalted position, being 'ladies,' just as all gods 

* A duplic-utc <il tliifs •fivfa some variant**, and auotlier t'ra^meut, alno 
unpublished, compleU's. to a certain extent. E. 4S32. The most important 
rastorution is 1. 11 { = Mythcn umf Epeti^ p. 6, I. 32, and p. 8, I. 12), whcTi- 
I have copied ^^f ^ f^f "7^ /$fe ^T^T' * • ' '"** ^-w-'**-'''"- 

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luigbt be called hilu, * lords.' One of the epithets of 
Tiamatu, the mummu, or * original shape/ is hupur or hubur, 
concerning which Jensen gives many suggestions. It 
expresses a 'cosmic idea/ it is the name of a river, and 
apparently the river of the underworld, which Tammuz, on 
his way thither, has to cross; and there is nothing to be 
brought against the conjecture that Hubur and the Hubur 
river are the '•O^eai/69 which surrounds the earth. In the 
translation he translates umtnu hubur ' the mother of the 
north,* ^ which is a rendering to all appearance capable of 
improvement. An interesting paragraph is that in which 
the author refers to the word umu in the meaning of * day,' 
and the beings personifying the "raging, gliding, onrnshing 
day." In connection with this he seeks to show that the 
word Umu has also the meaning of ' appearance,' a rendering 
which would probably please those who see in the first 
chapter of Genesis the six days of creation as so many 
visions. His suggestion that the name of the Babylonian 
Noah may be read Um-napiitim instead of Pir- or Par- 
napistim would, if correct, restore my own reading of some 
years ago, though I took iim to have its usual meaning, 
* day of,' or something similar. It is noteworthy that, in 
this note. Professor Jensen speaks of Professor Delitzsch as 
having " made front " against him energetically on this 
question, but this is a thing he ought not to mind — ^it is 
one of the proud privileges of German scholarship. 

Excellent as this book is, and anxious as the author 
has evidently been to express himself with caution and 
reserve, so as to disarm, wherever possible, the criticism 
which, in Assyriology more, perhaps, than in most other 
branches of study, prevails, it is doubtful whether he has 
altogether succeeded. One cannot but admire, however, the 
straightforward way in which he always expresses his doubts 
upon the renderings which he gives, though one could wish, 
in many cases, that, for the sake of clearness, he had done 
it in a different way. All scholars will look forward to the 

* The italics are Professor Jensen's, and imply that the rendering is doobtful. 

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succeeding parts of the sixth volume of Sohrader's Keil- 
inschriftliche Bibliothek, which is to contain ** religious texts 
of every kind," by the same author. Even though one may 
not agree with him, there is generally something suggestive 
and noteworthy in what he has to »ay. 

T. G. Pinches. 

Eataloo dbrHandschriften derUniversitats-Bibliothbk 
zu Leipzig. I: Die Sanskrit- Handschriften, von Thbodor 
AuFRECHT. (Leipzig, 1901.) 

This volume of nearly 500 pages is the first of a series of 
catalogues which is to appear within the next five years, and 
which, when complete, will contain a description of the whole 
of the ancient manuscripts in the Library of the University 
of Leipzig. That it is the work of the veteran Professor 
Aufrecht, the greatest of all the makers of Sanskrit cata- 
logues, is in itself a sufficient guarantee of its scholarly 

The Leipzig University Library, unlike some others, 
notably the Berlin Library and the Library of the India 
Office, had not the good fortune to become the repository 
of any of the celebrated great collections of Sanskrit manu- 
scripts made in the earlier days of Sanskrit studies. Its 
acquisitions seem to have been chiefly the result of purchases 
made, for the most part, within the last twenty years ; but 
they fairly represent the whole range of Sanskrit literature, 
and constitute altogether a most serviceable collection. The 
fine series of astronomical and astrological works may, 
perhaps, be specially mentioned. A glance at Professor 
Aufrecht's description of this portion of the collection will 
show that several of these works, apart from their interest 
from the point of view of astronomy or mathematics, may be 
expected to yield incidentally a rich harvest of historical and 
geographical information when they are properly studied 
und indexed. 

E. J. Rapson. 

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208 N0nCE6 OF BOOKS. 

ARCiLfiOLooiCAi. SoRVBY OF Wkstern India. Vol. vii : 
Muhammadan Architecture of Ahmadabad ; Part i, 
A.D. 1412-1520. By Jas. Burgess, C.I.E., LL.D., etc. 

The previous volume of this series dealt with the 
Muhammadan architecture of the provincial towns of 
Gujarat, a considerable proportion of which dates from 
the fourteenth century a.d., when the country was ruled 
through governors appointed by the Sultans of Dehli. The 
present volume is confined to those Muhammadan buildings 
of the capital which were erected during that portion of 
the rule of the Ahmad Shahi Sultans of Gujarat, which 
extends from the foundation of Ahmadabad in 1412 to the 
year 1520. Such is the wealth of the Muhammadan archi- 
tecture of Ahmadabad that another part will be needed for 
the description of those monuments which belong to the 
remainder of the sixteenth and to the early part of the 
seventeentli century. 

In an architectural work of this kind, the letterpress is 
confessedly held subordinate to the illustrations ; and, in 
the present volume, the 112 photographic and lithographic 
plates may, to a very great extent, be left to speak for 
themselves. The short historical introduction to the volume 
and the descriptions added to the plates are written with 
all Dr. Burgess's usual clearness, and supply everything that 
is needed to enable the student to appreciate a particularly 
interesting branch of Muhammadan architecture. 

As Dr. Burgess points out, this school of Muhammadan 
architecture carries on, to a very great extent, the pre- 
existing Jaina architecture, the great formative idea of 
which consists in '' an octagonal dome resting on horizontal 
architraves supported by twelve pillars." The work, more- 
over, was executed by craftsmen who were really Hindu, 
and Muhammadan in little more than name. We have, 
therefore, the interesting phenomenon of an essentially 
Indian style of architecture modified and elaborated in 
accordance with Muhammadan ideas. The analogy suggested 

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by Dr. Burgess with the early Christian adaptations of tlie 

temples of heathen divinities at Rome is precisely to the 

point. In either case we see the conversion of ''a pagan 

style of architecture to the purposes of a religion abominating 

idolatry." ' 

E. J. Rapson. 

Neun Mahaban-Tnschriften' — Entzifferuno, Ubbkr- 
seizuNO, Ekklarui<»g. By Dr. Georo Huth. 
(Yeroffentlichungen aus dera Koniglichen Museum 
fiir Volkerkunde.) (Berlin, 1901 ) 

In this monograph, Dr. Huth deals with one class of 
those inscriptions in unknown characters which are found 
in districts on the extreme north-western frontier of India. 
The inscriptions of this particular class are characterized by 
their use in common of an alphabet of which at least some 
thirty different cliaracters are to be distinguished ; and tbes^ 
characters recur in the various published inscriptions, and 
are to be recognized in new inscriptions as they are brought 
to light,^ in a manner which conveys a, prima facie impression 
of genuineness. So much can scarcely be said about some 
of the other inscriptions, or supposed inscriptions, from the 
same part of the world, which have been published. 

And just as there is no. reason to doubt the genuineness 
of the inscriptions now published by Dr. Huth, so it is 
extremely probable, as has been generally suggested, that 
their language is some ancient dialect of Turkl. It is on 
this assumption that Dr. Huth's decipherment is founded. 

Manifestly, no complete examination of Dr. Huth's position 
is possible without some acquaintance with Turk!. All that 
can be attempted in the present notice is a bare statement 
of the facts of the case, and some estimate of the probability 
or possibility of any certain decipherment in similar circum- 
stances. The finding of a bilingual inscription in these 
unknown characters and in one of the known Indian 
alphabets, for instance, would^ pf course, settle the question 

' £.g. the inscription publishiMl ia this Journal, 1898, 
4.&.A.S. 1902. 

p. 619. 

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definitely ; but, failing this, we maj well consider bow far 
the admitted facts of the case would justify us in maintaining 
an attitude of scepticism towards any suggested decipherment, 
however plausible. 

Now, the whole amount of the material used by Dr. Huth 
consists of nine very short inscriptions, of an average length 
of not quite five lines each, containing in all, as transliterated 
and transcribed by him, 470 alphabetic characters or 235 
words. It mu<4t be confessed that this amount of material 
would have been perilously small, as far as any certain 
decipherment is concerned, even if the decipherer had 
started with some certain clue — even if, for example, he 
had known with certainty the values of ten of the alphabetic 
characters.^ But he had no clue of the kind. He can only 
have proceeded experimentally, assuming certain values for 
certain signs, until, by a process of selection, he obtained 
results which gave a more or less satisfactory meaning, on 
the hypothesis that the language of the inscriptions was 
some dialect of Turki. In the absence of a clue of any kind, 
this procedure is, of course, the only one possible ; and there 
is no reason why a satisfactory result should not be obtained 
by it. The question is whether it is, on the whole, probable 
or not that such a result has been obtained in the present 

This question may no doubt, to a great extent, be solved 
by the discovery of other inscriptions of this class in the 
future, or finally settled by the discovery of some bilingual 

^ How exceedingly difficult the task of decipherment would have been even 
witb the aid of a clue of this kind niaj be seen at once by putting any English 
sentence continuously, without division of words, into a cipher composed partly 
of letters having their proper value and partly of signs representing the other 
letters used. In the following cipher, for instance, which represents a sentence 
in the present notice, ten letters appear with their proper value, while the other 
ten letters which occur are represented by dissimilar inverted letters : — 





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inscription. In the meantime, we are left to form for our*- 
selves sorae opinion as to the probability of the correctness of 
Dr. Huth's decipherment by an examination of his methodd. 

The language of the Mahaban iDscriptions is, according to 
Dr. Huth, written in an alphabet which, like many other 
Eastern alphabets, expresses only the framework of word^ 
and leaves to the reader the task of filling in the * moving ' 
vowels. It is the enormous extent to which this filling in is 
left to the imagination or to the knowledge of the reader — 
surely quite unprecedented even among Eastern alphabets — 
that would seem to suggest a doubt as to the possibility of 
the correctness of Dr. Huth's system. To take an instance 
at random. In Inscription Pa. iv, lines 3 and 4, we find 
in the transcription the letters — Sf B^l^di k^ 9|. These are 
vocalized and made into words by Dr. Huth as follows:' — 
da dsil idi ii km. This, it must be remembered, is ndt 
a specially selected example, but is fairly typical of all 1$he 
nine inscriptions. It is difficult to believe that an alphabetic 
system which left so much to be supplied by the reader can 
ever have obtained even in the East. It has often been said 
of certain other Eastern alphabets that, like language, they 
would seem to have been invented by man for the conoeal- 
ment of his thoughts; but surely none of the others can 
have effected this purpose so completely as the alphabet of 
the Mahaban inscriptions. 

The interpretation of the language would, moreover, seem 
to have required just as much use of the imagination as the 
transcription of the alphabet. The passage just quoted is 
translated word for word by Dr. Huth, Oeint Herkunft Herr 
Handeln Mensch, and the whole is interpreted, (cUr) an Oeifst 
(and) AbHtammnng ein ArUiokrat, in Handeln (ein einfaeher) 
Memch (war) ! which, it must be allowed, is a good deal to 
get out of «| »^ l^d 8 Ati «£. 

The difficulties in the way of accepting Dr. Huth's 
decipherment of the Mahaban inscriptions are, therefore, not 
slight ; but he will have our thanks and our admiration for 
the great patience and ingenuity which he has brought to 
bear on a most difficult problem. He has, at least, furnished 

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\m with a working bypothesis which must serve until a better 
is forthcoming; but, with all respect to Br. Huth, many 
scholars will doubt whether the time is yet quite ripe to 
•peak of the ** grosse historische Bedeutung " of these 

E. J. Bapson. 

Preliminary Report on a Journey of Arch^ological and 


By M. A. Stein, Indian Educational Service. (Published 
under the Authority of H.M/s Secretary of State for 
India in Council : London, 1901.) 

Recent numbers of our Journal have contained con- 
tributions by Dr. Stein himself giving an account of the 
main results of his explorations in the neighbourhood of 
Khotan while they were actually in progress. Since the 
appearance of these articles, Dr. Stein has bi'ought to 
London the whole collection of antiquities which he made 
ia this region and entrusted it to the safe keeping of the 
British Museum to await the opportunity — may it not be 
long deferred ! — of such an extended leave of absence from 
his official duties in India as will enable him to return and 
superintend the production of a full detailed report. In 
the meantime he has issued the present *' Preliminary 
Report'' describing the various sites excavated and the 
nature of the various classes of objects discovered, without 
making any attempt to produce a catalogue raisonn^ or 
entering into any minute discussion of questions of art or 
Epigraphy. Such a catalogue and such discussions will find 
|t ^place in the final report, which will include, moreover, 
.the. important resulU of the topographical and ethno- 
graphical investigations which Dr. Stein combined with his 
vardhflDological work. 

.. .The "Prdiminary Report,'* however, is amply sufficient 
io enable, us to form an estimate of the importance and the 
«extent of Dr. Stein's discoveries. It has for years past been 
;recognized that the ancient civilization which flourished 

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are afExed presents with that of the Indo-Scythic coins, 
belong, in all probability, to the first and second centuries 
A.D. Of a later date (perhaps c. 600-800 a.d.) are the 
painted tablets (pi. ii) and the frescos (pL iv), which show 
a predominant Chinese or Tibetan influence. 

The most important of Dr. Stein's discoveries are, however, 
the inscribed documents, and, in particular, the parchments 
and wooden tablets bearing KharosthI inscriptions. The 
fragments of MSS. in Brahml, Chinese, and Tibetan 
characters, in all probability represent, for the most part, 
portions of the Buddhist canon. The KharosthI parchments 
and wooden tablets, on the other hand, present us with 
something novel, alike as regards alphabet, language, and 
contents ; and, as there are over 400 of these, it is evident 
that from this source we may expect very considerable 
additions to our knowledge of the history of this part of 
Central Asia in the first centuries of the Christian era. 
The alphabet is cursive, and therefore difiers from the formal 
KharosthI inscriptions on the coins of the Indo-Scythio 
kings. It has more compound consonants than the KharosthI 
of the Dutreuil de Rhins MS. of the Dhammapada, and some 
of these compound consonants, especially when they occur 
<mly in non-Indian titles or non- Indian names, will prove 
extremely difficult to determine. The language would seem 
to be not far removed from Sanskrit — e.g., the genitive 
singular in -asya and the i^rd singular future in -isyati 
are found, and not the corresponding Prakrit forms ; but 
it has many peculiarities, due, no doubt, to the locality. 
Nothing certain can yet be said as to the nature of the 
contents of these documents; but by far the greater number 
are undoubtedly royal commands, and it is extremely 
probable that they are safe-conducts ensuring the bearer 
protection and assistance throughout the king's dominions. 
It is probable that the seals affixed to them were added as 
tangible evidence of their authority. They are regularly 
dated in regnal years, with the addition of month and day. 
The names of more than one king occur, and these names 
seem to be non- Aryan in character, and the documents are 

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addressed to more than one personage. It is not possible 
to say, until the whole number have been most carefully 
studied, how much historical information these Kharosthi 
parchments and wooden tablets may be expected to yield ; 
but, from the point of view of language and epigraphy, 
their importance is unquestionably very great. 

Dr. Stein started on his expedition on May 29th, 1900 
(p. 6), and exactly a year later, on May 29th, 1901 (p. 69), 
he left Kashgar with his archaeological finds en route for 
London. It seems almost incredible that this prolonged 
expedition, necessitating the employment of numbers of 
carriers and excavators, and all the accessories required for 
residence in the desert far away from any base of supplies, 
should have been carried out at a cost to the Government 
of India of only some £700 ; but such appears to be the 
case. Surely a t*imilar amount has never been bestowed 
to better purpose on archaeological work of any kind or in 
any country. The Indian Government is to be thanked for 
the enterprise which has produced such notable results, 
and, at the same time, to be congratulated on having at 
its disposal the services of a scholar of Dr. Stein's attain- 
ments, capability, and tact. 

E. J. Rapson. 

Archjeologioal Survey of India : A Report on a Tour of 
Exploration of the Antiquities in the Tarai, Nepal, the 
region of Kapilavastu, etc. By Babu Purna Chandra 
MuKHERJi, with a Prefatory Note by Mr. Vincent A. 
Smith, B.A., M.R A.S., etc. No. xxvi. Part 1, of the 
Imperial Series. (Calcutta, 1901.) 

This detailed description of the antiquities in the immediate 
neighbourhood of Buddha's birthplace is most welcome. The 
district seems to have been explored under the sanction and 
with the aid of the Indian Government and the Nepalese 
Government by Mr. Mukherji and Major Waddell inde- 
pendently, and the Report of the latter will, presumably, 
appear separately as Part 2 of vol. xxvi of the Archaeological 

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Survey of India (Imperial Series). Whether it is wise to 
divide forces in this way, is a question which could only be 
answered by one who was in possession of all the facts of 
the case. 

The identification, which is absolutely beyond doubt, of 
Rummin-dei with the Lumbini-vana, the actual birthplace 
of Buddha according to all the Buddhist scriptures, affords 
a fixed point in early Indian archseology, which may, 
perhaps, be best compared with the fixed point which was 
gained for Indian chronology when Sir William Jones 
identified the Sandrocottus of Megasthenes with the Maurya 
king Candra-gupta ; and we may confidently expect that, 
starting from it, similar progress will be made in the 
determination of much that is at present indistinct and 

Apart from the identification of the Lumbini-vana with 
Rummin-dei, there can scarcely yet be said to be any 
consensus among archaBologists as to the identification of 
the sites and monuments of early Buddhism as known 
to us from the Pali books and from the accounts of the 
(Chinese pilgrims. In the present volume, for instance, 
the site of Kapila-vastu, the capital of the Sakya dynasty 
to which Buddha belonged, is discussed by Mr. Mukherji 
and by his editor, Mr. Vincent Smith, with rather different 
results. Mr. Mukherji comes to the conclusion (p. 50) that 
it is to be identified with Tilaura-kot. Mr. Vincent Smith, 
on the other hand (Prefatory Note, p. 10), sees reasons for 
supposing that in their descriptions of Kapila-vastu the two 
Chinese pilgrims, Fa-hien and Hiuen Tsiang. are referring 
to two entirely distinct places — the former to Piprava, the 
latter to Tilaura-kot. Mr. Vincent Smith has arrived at 
this conclusion, which seems at first sight somewhat start- 
ling, as the only possible means of reconciling the accounts 
which the two pilgrims give of Kapilavastu and its position 
relative to Sravasti and other places. To quote his own 
words, "The moment that this explanation flashed on my 
mind, all diflBculties in the interpretation of the documents 
vanished. Each locality described dropped into its proper 

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position in the itinerary of each pilgrim, and each itinerary 
fitted into the other. Hiuen Tsiang now supports Fa-hien, 
and Fa-hien supports Hiuen Tsiang." 

On consideration, this theory is not so improbable as it 
may appear at first glance. As Mr. Mukherji points out 
(p. 15), Kapilavastu had decayed before the date of these 
pilgrimages. Of it Fa-hien, c. 400 a.d., says, "there is 
neither king nor people : it is like a great desert. There 
is simply a congregation of priests and about ten families 
of lay people " ; and Hiuen Tsiang, about 230 years later, 
describes the district as having "some ten desert cities, 
wholly desolate and ruined." It is by no means improbable 
that, amidst this desolation, traditions may have been lost 
or confused. It would be interesting to ascertain whether 
similar confufsions in the identification of places connected 
with the life of Christ are to be found in the Holy Land. 

Mr. Mukherji has brought together a mass of information 
dealing with the ancient monuments of this most interesting 
district, the home of Buddhism, which will prove of great 
importance to future workers in this field. The whole 
scheme of his operations and his instructions as to methods 
of procedure were drawn up at the request of the Govern- 
ment of India by Mr. Vincent A. Smith. It is a matter 
of the deepest regret that Mr. Smith's retirement deprives 
India of one who, by his great knowledge of the monuments, 
his faculty of weighing evidence, and his sober judgment, 
was eminently qualified to serve the cause of Indian 

E. J. Rapson. 


KoNiG Asoka; von Edmund Hardy. (Mainz: Kirch- 
heim, 1902.) 

This beautifully illustrated and extraordinarily cheap 
volume — it costs only four shillings — is one of a series 
on ''The World's History in Character-pictures." The 
publisher of the series has been fortunate to obtain the 

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services of so able a writer and so careful a scholar as 
Professor Hardy for this particular volume. It is true 
that the popular nature of the whole series has precluded 
the author from the discussion of those doubtful points in 
the biography of the great Buddhist sovereign which would 
have given the best scope for his special knowledge. But 
the hand of the scholar is traceable throughout. 

We have first an account of Alexander's invasion of India. 
It is incidentally noticed that copper coins struck then and 
there by Alexander, in just the square form of the Indian 
currency of the time, are still extant. A figure of one of 
these coins now in the Old Museum in Berlin is given 
in illustration The author is of opinion that it was the 
invasion of Alexander that gave rise in India to the idea 
of a Cakravartl, of a sovereign of the world In my little 
manual (p. 220) I have said, speaking of Candragupta, not 
of Alexander: "Is it surprising that this unity of power 
in one roan made a deep impression upon them P Is it 
surprising that, like the Romans worshipping Augustus or 
like Greeks adding the glow of the sun-myth to the glory 
of Alexander, the Indians should have formed an ideal of 
their Cakravartl, and transferred to this new ideal many 
of the dimly sacred and half understood traits of the Yedio 
heroes? Is it surprising that the Buddhists should have 
recognized in their hero the Cakravartl of righteousness, and 
that the story of the Buddha should have become tinged 
with the colouring of these Cakravartl myths P" 

This does not say in so many words that the idea was not 
older than Candragupta. But that was probably in my 
mind ; and I take the present opportunity of saying that, 
for the reasons given in this book, it was almost certainly 
Alexander, and not Candragupta, whose power and career 
first gave strength to this old conception of the king of the 
golden age, so powerful ever afterwards in the minds of 
the peoples of India. 

There then follows an account of Asoka's life as crown 
prince: and incidentally we have the very interesting 
question discussed whether the two bas-reliefs on the eastern 

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Torana at Sancbi do not represent the state processions at the 
time of the taking of the Bo Tree from Budh Gaya to Ceylon. 
Dr. Griinwedel was the first to suggest this. Dr. Burgess 
(pp. 70-72 of the English edition) has adopted his view. 
Professor Hardy (pp. 10, 11) evidently thinks it is probably 
right, and makes the further suggestion that the two figures 
above the peacock (may lira, mora) may be meant for Asoka 
and his wife. It is well known that Asoka's clan-name, 
Maury a, is derived from the peacock. The question is a 
difiicult one to discuss without plates; and Professor Hardy's 
are much larger, clearer, and better than any we have 
yet had. 

The description of Asoka's activity after he ascended the 
throne is batted on the inscriptions, but illustrations of a most 
suggestive kind are throughout adduced both from t)ie 
literature and from the monuments. And attention is 
directed (p. 24) to the point, sometimes overlooked, that 
royal edicts are not always entirely to be trusted, even when 
their meaning is not open to doubt. We are glad to see 
that the author understands the aambodhi exactly in the 
sense in which it is taken in the '* Dialogues of the Buddha," 
1. 190-192. And the observations at pp. 29-31 are both 
new and true. It has been sometimes supposed that it was 
Asoka who gave importance to Buddhism. On the contrary, 
says Professor Hardy, Asoka, always intent on practical 
political results, probably chose Buddhism, not so much on 
account ot its peculiar doctrines, as because it was already 
the creed of the majority, and therefore politically more 
important than other creeds. This is an exact analogy (he 
might have added) to the relation of Constantino to 

The book is full of suggestive points of this kind, and we 
trust that the author will find opportunity to publish more 
in full his views on several subjects, especially, for instance, 
on the chronology of the edicts and on the interpretation 
of the Bhabra Edict, on both of which he differs from 
M. ISenart. 

Rh. D. 

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Buddhist Art in India. Translated from the " Handbuch " 
of Albert Griinwedel by Agnes L. Gibson. Revised 
and enlarged by Jas. Burgess. (London : Quaritcb, 

The original handbook on which this work is based was 
noticed at some length in this Journal when it appeared 
in 1893, and the hope was expressed that, as it was the 
best book on the subject, it would be translated into English. 
The best possible fulfilment of this wish lies before us in 
the present handsome volume, brought out under the super- 
vision of the veteran archaeologist to whom students of the 
history of Indian art are already so much indebted. 

The letterpress in the English work is about twice as 
long as that in the original German, and the number of 
illustrations is 154 as against 73. This is partly due 
to additions made in the second edition of the German, 
and partly to additions made by the English editor. It 
would not be possible, without a detailed examination of 
all three editions, to apportion the various parts of the 
present volume to their respective authors, and no one will 
think such an examination worth while. Dr. Burgess, with 
his usual modesty, has only affixed his initials here and 
there to a note. But his work has not been at all confined 
to the notes so distinguished, and he has added many of 
the illustrations. What we have, then, is all that is contained 
in the German edition, elucidated and added to by the 
most competent authority in England. The result is 
a volume quite indispensable to anyone, whether in Europe 
or in India, who is occupying himself with the real meaning 
and history of Indian art; and it would scarcely be possible 
to estimate too highly the debt they owe to both author and 

As a general account of the work has already been given, 
it will suffice here to make a few suggestions for the new 
edition, which will certainly be want-ed, and will, we hope, 
be wanted soon. As will be observed, most of these 

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suggestions have little or nothing to do with art, and are 
therefore matters which probably have not been considered. 

Throughout the book the word Nirvana is wrongly used. 
The Buddha attained to Nirvana when seated under the Tree 
of Wisdom. For forty-five years afterwards he wandered, 
very much alive, over the plains of Hindustan. This is 
the use of the word, without any exception, in India. For 
the Jain usage see, for instance, Jacobi, '* Jaina Sutras," 
i, p. 201. I am aware that, in popular English usage, 
Nirvana is supposed to be the name of a sort of heaven into 
which the Buddha is believed to have entered after death. 
But this idea, though in harmony with most European 
notions as to salvation, is antagonistic to Indian views. 
Nirvana meant, at the date in question, precisely what 
fivan-mukti meant, centuries afterwards, to the followers of 

At pp. 74, 208 it is said that Sanskrit was chosen at 
Jalandhara for the language of the sacred texts. This is 
a mistake. It was chosen as the language in which were 
written three specified commentaries (one on each of the 
three Pitakas of the sacred texts). These commentaries 
themselves are not sacred texts. A similar mistake is made 
on p. 13, where the Avid Ore Nidana is called a canonical 
text. It is only one of the commentaries on a canonical text. 
On p. 10 it is said that the system of caste was fully 
established in the time of the Buddha. That used to be 
the opinion of scholars, but I think I have conclusively 
shown C* Dialogues of the Buddha," 1. 97-102) that this 
cannot possibly have been the case. 

On p. II there is a curious contradiction. It is there 
said at the top of the page that religion in the fifth century 
B.C. was "entirely in the hands of the brahmins." Just 
below it is said, on the contrary, that the forms of worship 
of the common people " were quite left to themselves." The 
latter view is, no doubt, the correct one. 

On p. 15, line 7, we are told that the Buddha "journeyed 
about in Behar." For " in Behar " read " in Hindustan." 
Just below there is the expression " the Master gone into 

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Nirvana/' on which see above. (So also p. 68, ** disappeared 
into Nirvana.") And again, in the fifth line from the 
bottom the word them is puzzlingly ambiguous. 

In the division of the monuments on p. 20 the third 
class is called Chaitya. The meaning adopted, following 
Fergusson and Cunningham, is that of a temple containing 
a stupa or dagaba. This is never the meaning of the word 
in Indian books. It always means a sacred place, usually 
in a grove or on a hill- top, pertaining to the non-brahminical 
and non-Buddhist local cults. The word is much wanted 
in this sense, for which we have no other expression. The 
caves to which Fergusson wrongly applied this name were 
chapter-houses for the Order, halls where the Patimokkha 
was recited and the Kammavacas, the formal corporate acts 
of the Order, were carried out. A Vihara, oir the other 
hand, always means in the canonical books an apartment, 
a cell. A cave containing several such cells may rightly 
therefore be called a Vihara cave. The secondary use of the 
word in the sense of monastery has not yet been found earlier 
than the fifth century a.d. 

At the end of the interesting discussion on Yajrapani, the 
name given by the author to the figure with the thunderbolt 
in his hand (so often represented, on the bas-reliefs of the 
Gandhara school, in attendance on the Buddha), it is said 
(p. 95) that Vajrapan! at first meant Sakka, then got 
separated from him and was converted into a distinct god, 
and lastly that Sakka " sinks into a yakaha'* Now in one 
of our very oldest texts, the Ambattha Suttanta (translated 
in my "Dialogues of the Buddha," p. 117), Vajrapani is used 
as an adjective to describe a yaksha in attendance on the 
Buddha. It would seem, therefore, that the process has 
been exactly the reverse. First we have the yaksha with 
a descriptive adjective (not yet a name), vajirapdni, that is, 
' having a thunderbolt in his hand.' This may be as old 
as the fourth century B.C. Nine hundred years later we find 
Buddhaghosa, in his commentary (quoted by me loc. ciL), 
identifying this yaksha with Indra. There is no evidence 
that this identification had been already made at the time 

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of the bas-reliefs. All one can say is that it may have been 
so. And in any case the yaksha does not end, he begins 
the series. When we find him twice on the same bas-relief 
there is no necessity to suppose that we have two different 
conceptions. The two figures may be meant for the same 
yaksha at different points in the story to be illustrated, as is 
so often the case elsewhere. 

Throughout the book the fullest and most careful 
references are given to previous European writers on the 
art of the bas-reliefs. The references to the books containing 
the stories or legends which the bas-reliefs are intended to 
illustrate might be greatly improved. It is odd that there 
is not a single reference (so far as I have been able to 
discover) in this book on Buddhist art to any one of the 
Buddhist canonical texts. The reference given in the last 
paragraph would have been very much to the point, and 
have probably led to a modification of the text. At pp. 46, 
62, 93, 95, 122 references are given to texts long posterior 
in date to the works of art in question. It would be easy 
to replace these by references to works of approximately the 
same age. 

The has - relief reproduced in fig. 57 can scarcely refer 
to a Naga asking to be admitted to the Order. There is 
no such case in the books. A comparison of the canonical 
passage on the point (translated in ** Vinaya Texts," 1. 218) 
would have shown that a Naga wishing to join the Order 
could only do so by assuming human form. In the 
bas-relief the Naga appears quite distinctly as a Naga, 
and must therefore merely be asking for instruction or 
for some favour. 

At p. 158, for vartagati read varta^ati; and on p. 78 
Milinda is three times spelt with a cerebral /, which is 
perhaps possible, but is against the authority of the MSS. 

Rh. D. 

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par Edoijakd Specht. (Extrait du Journal Aaiatique, 
mai-juin, 1901.) 

M. Specht applies the term Sindo-Ephthalite to that class 
of the coins attributed by Cunningham to the White Huns 
which is characterized by its thin * Sassanian ' fabric, and 
by the presence of inscriptions in an alphabet which has 
not hitherto been deciphered. This term has the advantage 
of indicating, at the same time, the country from which 
the coins come — Sind, the valley of the Lower Indus — and 
the nationality of the raonarchs who struck them — Ephthalite, 
11 una or White Hun. The attribution of these coins to 
the Hunas would seem to be proved by the very close 
resemblance which they bear to certain coins having the 
names of the Huna roonarchs, Jabubla (Toramana) and 
Mihirakula, in Sanskrit characters. Until, therefore, anything 
can be proved to the contrary, the designation * Sindo- 
Ephthalite' would seem to be admirably suited to describe 
this class, which, in point of date, would fall within the 
period from the fifth to the seventh century a.d. 

In attempting the decipherment of these inscriptions in 
unknown characters, which he supposes to be of Aramaean 
origin, M. Specht has been guided by the analogy of other 
alphabets derived from the same source, and has sought, in 
the first instance, to determine certain words which might 
naturally be expected to occur on the coins, e.g. the word 
tnalka, which he recognizes with the variant forms malhln 
and malkun, and the proper names of the kings Chdch and 
Sl/dy\ who are known from Arab historians to have ruled 
in Sind during this period. With the results thus obtained, 
M. Specht proceeds to tbe decipherment of the remaining 
portions of the inscriptions. There is much that he confesses 
must at present remain doubtful, and he appears to be 
modestly diffident as to a considerable proportion of the 
readings and interpretations proposed by him. There must 
naturally remain a great deal of uncertainty as to the 

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correctness of his system of decipherment ; but it must be 
acknowledged that the results obtained seem, in many 
cases, to be extremely probable. The discovery of further 
specimens and the more minute study of this class of coins 
may be expected to throw further light on the whole subject. 
In the meantime, M. Specht has suggested an ingenious 
solution of a very difficult puzzle. 

E. J. Rapson. 

J.&.A.S. 1902. 


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(October, NoTember, December, 1901.) 

I. Contents of Forbign Oriental Journals. 

I. Zeitschbir dkb DxnrscHBir Moroenlaitbischeh Qesellschaft. 
Band Iv, Heft 4. 

Bark (A.). Das Apastaroba-Sulba-Sutra. 

Jacob (B.). Zu Friedrich Scbulthess' Besprecbuiig 

S. 337ff. 
Poznandki (S.). Zu Hai Gaons Eitlib al-H&wi. 
Littmann (E.). Zu CL Huart's Bemerkungen. 
Meinhof (C). Das TSi venda. 
Ifoldeke (T.). Zur Oeschichte der Omaijaden. 
Nestle (E.). Hilllt und Milllt. 
Hertel (J.). Nachtrage zu S. 489 ff. 
Wellhausen (J.). Zwei graramatiscbe Bemerkungen. 
Nestle (E.). Pinehas-Mansur. 

II. Vienna Obibntal Journal. Vol. xv, No. 4. 

Ooldziher (I.). Spoitnamen der ersten Cbalifen bei dea 

Spolgen-Sohmidt (P. P.). Beitrage zur £enntniss der 

Yalman Spracbe. 
Stackelberg (R. v.). Beitrage zur persiscben Lexico- 

grapbie. i 

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II. Obituary Noticks. 

Professor AlbrecM Weber. 

On November 30th, at Berlin, died Albrecht Weber, one of 
the greatest Orientalists of our time. If less known to the 
public than men like Max Muller or Renan, amongst his 
fellow- workers in Indian research Weber occupied a position 
quite unique. As a writer no man has explored so many 
new fields ; as a teacher none can boast so goodly an array 
of pupils. 

Born at Breslau in 1825, studying at Bonn and Berlin, 
Weber settled (after some scholarly travel in England and 
France) in 1 848 in Berlin, where he was appointed Professor 
in 1856, and taught for the remainder of his life. His first 
great work was the edition of the " White Tajur-veda," of 
which vol. i appeared in 1849 (the same year that saw the 
first volume of Max Miiller's '' iJigveda "). About the 
same time Weber undertook the cataloguing of the Sanskrit 
MSS. in the Royal Library at Berlin. The first volume 
appeared in 1853. This was the earliest full and scientific 
catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. published, and it has remained 
a model. Its special feature was the full description of the 
subordinate works of Vedic literature, till then known in 
Europe mostly by hearsay. Not content, however (like 
bome cataloguers), to leave his best results to be gleaned by 
others, Weber followed this up by numerous essays on all 
branches of Indian research on subjects as widely separated 
as Yedic astronomy and the relatively modem cult of the 
god Krishwa. These were published partly by the Berlin 
Academy of Sciences (to which he was elected in 1857), 
hut chiefly in bis own periodical for the study of Indian 
antiquity, Indische Studien, of which seventeen volumes 
(|850->85) appeared, in great part written by himself. 

Besides his work on Sanskrit, Weber was also the first 
real pioneer in the scientific study (still neglected) of 
Prakrit, the middJitfttMteb of Indian speech, from which 


'^jum i 

/■^/"J^WJ^B ^B Digitized by Google 



the vernaculars of Northern India have sprung. In several 
forms of this speech Webor edited texts, especially in that 
adopted by the Jain religion, of which Europe owes to him 
its first trustworthy information. His interest in this 
probably led him to compile the second volume of his great 
library catalogue, in 1,202 quarto pages, of which the last 
787 are devoted to Jain literature. The results of the latteir 
portion were worked out in Indische Studien, and have thence 
been translated with the author's revision into English. 
The results of some of his university teaching were em> 
bodied in his lectures on Indian literature, which, on the 
ground of their wide grasp of facts (for Weber had nd 
graces of style), remained the standard work on the subject 
throughout Europe for half a century. 

Angelo de Qubernatis, one of the most versatile of bis 
pupils, calls him '' le grand maltre des indianistes contem- 
porains," and, indeed, it is probable that not only half the 
numerous chairs of Sanskrit in Germany (where the subject 
is far more widely endowed than here) are occupied by 
his pupils, or their pupils, but also a goodly number in. 
Holland, Switzerland, Italy, and America., Weber's per- 
sonality was most genial, and his venerable figure will be 
missed from the numerous congresses of scholars that be 
attended as long as he was able. In later years his sight 
failed. He says pathetically in the Vortoort to his last great 
catalogue (18^1): *'£s ist ein miihsames Werk das ich 
hiermit abschliesse. Ein gut Stiick meiner Sehkraft liegt 
darin begruben.'' But in spite of failing powers he died 
in harness, returning in his numerous recent publicati^^on 
mainly to his earliest subject, the Veda, and corresponding 
in his own hand with his many friends, in their own 
language, both in Germany and in this country. 

G. Bendall. 

[From the Athenwum,'] 

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III. Notes and Nbws. 

Lady Hunter has presented the Library with the Life of 
Sir W. W. Hunter, by Mr. F. E. Skrine, late of the Indian 
Civil Service. This interesting biography, as well as Mr. J. F. 
Hewitt's new book on the History and Chronology of the 
Myth-making Age, will be reviewed in the next JournaL 



In the previous volume of the Journal (pp. 637-552), 
Dr. J. F. Fleet, C.I.E., has given an interesting discussion 
on the idmitifioation of the ancient Tagara of the oilabara 
dynasty with the modem Ter, a town in the Naldurg district 
of the Nizam's dominions : lat. 18° 19' N., long. 76° 12' E. 
In the early part of November, Mr. H. Cousens paid a short 
visit to Ter, which proved very successful, and he has supplied 
me with the following facts, which are of interest : — 

(1) He obtained a loan of a copy of a Mdhdtmf/am, styled 
the Mdhdimyam of Saiyapura^ which contains no mention, 
however, of Tagara or Ter, but states that the village or 
town was called Satyapura in the first age, l^antapura in 
the second, Eankavati in the third, and SiddhaSrama in the 
fourth age. This hardly helps us, and one is inclined to 
suspect that this Mdhdtmyam may possibly have come from 
some other place in possession of a Brahma^ who had 
removed to Ter. 

(2) In the village is an inscribed land grant on a stone 
slab, dated ^ka 1076, but so much abraded that possibly 
little can be made out from it. Mr. Cousens has, however, 
taken paper impressions, a photograph, and a plaster cast 
from it, and they will be submitted to Dr. Fleet. He got 
also copies of a set of Persian copperplates, about 250 years 
old, in which the Qazi of Ter {j;3) confers certain privileges 
on the head of the Teli caste. He obtained also five old 
coins — three Muhammadan, one unintelligible, and a much 
corroded Andhra coin with four small circles connected by 
cross lines on one side, and probably an elephant on the 

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in finely moulded and carved brick. With the beams and 
ceilings, the doorways are- all in wood and very richly 
sculptured. No stone is u^ed in their structure. 

Outside Ter, on the south land w^st, are great mounds 
from which, to the present' day^ the villagers dig out old 
bricks. The city must also > once have extended to the 
opposite side of the river, where. huge mounds of debris and 
a small hamlet indicate its extent* 

(5) The tagara shrub, from which Tagarapura possibly 
took its name, the people declared did not grow nearer 
than Dhara^iva, and but little there. This, however, is not 
conclusive: we may not know the local name for tagara \ 
in North India Roxburgh telU ^s the Valeriana Hardwickii 
is known as tagar ; in Tamil the Cassia tora is called tagarai 
and mhit-tagarai ; and the Telugu name for Heterophragnia 
cheionioides, according to Ainslie, is tagada — the Marathi 
padal. The same name is^not unfrequently, applied to 
different plants in different provinces. 

Edinburgh, Dec. 2, IQQh ^^^' ^^^oess. 

Indian Docum^nt3 on Parchment. 

Dr. Stein, in his most interesting "Preliminary Report on 
ArchsDological Exploration 4n Chinese Turkestan " (p. 47), 
notes with surprise that the rubbish heap near the Niya 
River "yielded another writing material, little suspected 
among a Buddhist population; with an Indian civilization. 
About two dozen Kharoshthi documents on leather, mostly 
dated and apparently of * official nature, prove that the 
Buddhists of this region had ^s little objection to the use 
of leather for writing purposes as the pious B rah mans of 
old Kashmir had to the leather , bindings of their Sanskrit 
codices. Plate xi shows one of these documents on leather, 
both in its original folded state and when opened after 
centuries of burial" 

These leather documents discovered by Dr. Stein will 
probably prove to date from the second century a.d. 
Strabo has preserved a notice of an Indian official letter on 

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parchment sent to Augustus, who died in 
these accounts/' he writes, " may be added tl 
DamaskSnos. This writer says that at Antic 
he met with the Indian ambassadors who ha 
Augustus Caesar. It appeared from their le 
number had been more than merely the three 
he saw. The rest had died chiefly in cons< 
length of the journey. The letter was writte 
parchment and imported that Poros was the ^ 
though he was the sovereign of 600 kings, 1 
set a high value on being Caesar's friend, ai 
to grant him a passage wherever he wishe 
dominions, and to assist him in any good enti 
he says, were the contents of the letter, 
servants presented the gifts that were brought 


IV. Additions to the Librar 

Presented hy the India Office, 

Cooke (T.). The Flora of the Presidency of 1 


Stein (M. A.). Preliminary Report on 
Archaeological and Topographical Explore 
Turkestan. 4 to. 

Smith (V. A.). Report on a Tour of \ 
the Antiquities in the Tarai, Nepal, 
Kapilavastu. Illustrated by Babu P 
Mukherji. 4to. 

Alvaro de Mendafia's Discovery of the Sol 
Translated from the original Spanish 
edited with Introduction and Notes by 
of Hackney and Basil Thomson. 2 vo 
Society.) 8vo. 

Nisbet (J.). Burma under British Rule 
2 vols. 8vo. We8 

^ Strabo, xt, 72, 73. translated by McCriudle in '' Ancieni 
in Classical Literature " (lUOl), p. 77. 

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Presented hy the Amsterdam RoycU Academy of Sciences. 
Kern (H.). De legende van EuDJarakarna met oudjava* 
naaschen Tekst, nederlandscbe Yertaling en Aantecke- 
ningen. Boy. Svo. Amsterdam, 1901. 

Presented by PEcole des langues orientates vimntes, 

Hondas (0.). Tedzkiret. En-Nisian fi Akhbar Molouk 
Es-Soudan. Traduction fran9ai8e. 

Roy. Svo. Paris, 1901. 

Presented by the Madras Oovemment, 

Walch (G. T.). The Engineering Works of the Kistna 
Delta. A descriptive and historical account. 2 vols. 

4to. Madras, 1899. 

Presented by the Madras Oovemment Museum. 

Foote (R. Bruce). Catalogue of the Prehistoric Antiquities 
in the Madras Oovemment Museum. Svo. Madras, 1899. 

Presented by the Royal Academy of Sciences, Vienna. 

Reinisch (Leo). Siidarabische Expedition : Bd. ii, Somali 
Sprache, 4to. Wien, 1902. 

Presented by the German Oovemment. 

Rose (Y.). Yerzeichniss der Lateinischen HSS. Bd. ii, 
Abth. 1. 4to. BerUn, 19QI. 

Presented by Mr. J. K. Khrishna Menon. 

Menon (E. P. Padmanabha). Malabar as known to the 

Ancients. Pamphlet Svo. Madras. 
The Brahman Settlement in Malabar and 

South India. Pamphlet. Svo. Madras. 

Presented by the Editor {Mr. J. J. Modi). 
The E. R. Cama Memorial Yolume : Essays on Iranian 
Subjects written by various scholars and edited by 
J. J. Modi. Svo. Bombay, 1900. 

Presented by Mrs. Arbuthnot. 

Anaryan (F. F. Arbuthnot). A Group of Hindoo Stories, 
collected and collated. Svo. London, 1881. 

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Hewitt (J. F.). History and Chronology of tlie Myth- 
roaking Age. 8vo. Loudon, 1901. 

Keilhorn (J. F.). Bruchstucke Indischer Schauspiele in 
Inschriften zu Ajmere. 4to. Berlin, 

Yate (Major A. C). Lieutenant-Colonel John Haughton, 
a hero of Tirah. 8vo. London, 1900. 

Presented by the Publis/ters. 
Smith {V. A.). Asoka. 8vo. Oxford, 1901. 

Willmore (J. S.). The Spoken Arabic of Egypt. 

8vo. London, 1901. 

Rahlfs (A.). Die Berliner Handschrift des sahidischen 

Psalters. 4 to. Beriin, 1901. 

Marquart (J.)* Eransahr nach der Geographie des 

Ps. Moses Xorenac 'i, mit historisch-kritischem Kom- 

mentar and historischen and topographischen Exemplar^ 

4to. Berlin, 1901. 
Wright (Dr. W.). Catalogue of the Syriac Manuscripts 
preserved in the Library of the University of Cambridge, 
with an Introduction and Appendix by S. A. Cook. 
2 vols. 8vo. Cambridge, 1901. 

Pleyte (C. M.). Die Buddha-Legende in den Skulpturen 
des Tempels von Boro-Budur. Pts. i-iv. 

4 to. Amsterdam, 1901. 
Streck (Dr. M.). Die Alte Landschaft Babylonien. Teil ii. 

8vo. Leiden, 1901. 
Crow (F. E.). Arabic Manual. 8vo. London, 1901. 

Lynch (H. F. B.). Armenia: Travels and Studies. 2 vols. 

8vo. London, 190 L 
Happel (J.). Die religiosen und philosophischen Grund- 
anschauungen der Inder. 8vo. Oiessen, 1902. 

Macdonell (A. A.). Sanskrit Grammar for Beginners. 

8vo. London, 1901. 

Jolly (J). Medicin. Bd. iii, Heft 10, Grundriss der 
Indo-Arischen Philologie. 8vo. Strassburg, 1901. 

Digitized by 


-Fbr facility of reference this Appendix will be published mth 
each forthcoming number of the Journal. 





The system of Transliteration shown in the Tables given 
overleaf is almost identical with that approved of by the 
International Oriental Congress of 1894 ; and, in a 
Resolution, dated October, 1896, the Council of the Royal 
Asiatic Society earnestly recommended its adoption (so 
far as possible) by all in this country engaged in Oriental 
studies, ** that the very great benefit of a uniform system '* 
may be gradually obtained. 

Digitized by 









* (-^MtMrdra) 

* (Anundsika) 

: (Fwdrgra) . 

X {JihvamtLUya) 

X {UpadhmUniya) 

. au 
. * 

• ff 

• n 
. c 
. cA 

• J 

' n 




• t 

w . 

. th 

M . 

• 4 

^ . 


V . 

• ? 

T . 

. t 

w . 

. th 

W . 

. d 

^ . 


^ . 

. n 

« . 

• P 

^ • 


35 . 


• • • • 









Digitized by 



\ at beginning of word omit; 
elsewhere . . . ^ or ^ 




. . . 6 

. . . t 


J or (f; 

A or^ 
. . d 

d or dh 
. r 
. s 

(^w .... $ 
^ . < or «A 
(jo • . J or I J 
(J^ d, dz, or M M 

w I 

^ • • ' ' ?. 

C . . . . ± VOWEM. 

^ .goTjih 

^ — / 
J — ? 

Additional Lbttkrs, 



. . * 
. . / 
. . m 
. . n 
. . A 

V ... 

. i 

. 6 


• . at 
. .au 

hamta ji or £. 
«t7en^ t ^ . h 

letter notpro* 
nounced. .— 

Pbbsian, Hindi, 
AND Pakshtu. 

. . . ;> 
eor c^ 


. • • g 
. . . i 
• • . < 


cl/when pro- 
nounced as 
g . . . . k 

C^ . . . . n 

Hindi and 

1^ or C 

J or <^ 

J or J 

Pakshtu only. 


^ • • • 

^ • • • 

^M • • • 9 
^ . • . faA 

Digitized by 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 



Art. IX. — Description of Persia and Mesopotamia in the 
year 1340 aj). from the Nuzhat-al-KulOb of Hamd- Allah 
Mustawfi, with a summary of the contents of that work. 
By G. Le Strange. 

{Continued from p, 74, January Numbeiy 1902.) 

Chapter 2. ^Irdk ^Ajam, 

Contents : Isfahan, 142/, and its eight districts, viz., Jay, Marbin, 
Kararij, Kahab, Burkhuwar, Khanlloijan, Baran, and Rudasht, 
with their villages, 143^; Firuzan, 143i^; Ray, 143y; Tihran, 
144r ; Yaramln, 144« ; Soltaniyah, 144i7 ; KazvlD, Wbk ; 
Abhar, 146^; the Districts of Daylam and Talish, 147a; 
Avah, 147^ ; the Rudbar District, with Castles of Alamut and 
Maymun Diz, 147/ ; Zanjan, 1479 ; Savah, lA%e ; Sauj 
Bok]^, Snjas, and Suhravard, HSj'; Saturik, 148p; the two 
Tanun Districts, 149(^; Saijahan and Kuhud or Sayin Kal'ah, 
149a ; the Talikan District, 149/ ; Kaghadh Kunan or Khunaj, 
149p; Muzdakan and Saman, 149i7; Tabarik, Marjamnan, 
and Andajan Districts, 149y; Pushkil Darrah, 150^; Enm, 
150/; Kashan and Fin, 150/; Ardistan and the Tafrlsh 
District, 150« ; Jurbada^an or Golpaygan, 150« ; Dalijan, 
150y; Zavarah, 151a; Farahan and Dih Saruk, 151&; Earaj, 
151^; Natanz, 151;'; Nismur, 151i; ; Maravadln, 151/; 

J.R.A.B. 1902. 16 

Digitized by 



Vashak, 151»i; Great Lur District, 151o; Idhaj, 151 j; Arufe 
or Sus, 151r; Lurdakan, 151«; Little Lur District, 151^; 
Borujird, 151 u; Khurramabad and Samsa, I5lw; Saymarah, 
151:r; Hamadan, 151y, and its five districts, viz., Farivar, 
Azmadin, Sharahin, A 'lam, and Sardrud, with their villages, 
152^; Asadabad, 152o; the districts of Maja4u and Tamsar, 
152^ ; the District of Kharrakan, with the (northern) Avah, 
I52q; Darguzin, 152«; Kudrawar, Tuvl, and Sarkan, 152i?; 
Saman, 152y ; Shabd Bahar and Fulan, 152s ; Nihavand, 
153a; Yazd, I58d; Maybud and Nayin, 153/. 

What had of old been the province of Media the Arabs 
named Al- Jibal — ' the Mountains ' — a perfectly appropriate 
name, as will be seen by a glance at the map, for the great 
mountain region separating the plains of Mesopotamia from 
the highlands of Persia. In the time of the Sal j Ok princee, 
by some misnomer, this, their capital province, came to be 
called 'Irak *AjamI, or Persian 'Irak, a name that was 
totally unknown to the earlier Arab geographers. Hence 
in after days Al-'Irakayn, 'The Two 'Iraks,' were taken 
to mean Media and Lower Mesopotamia, which laat for 
distinction was thenceforth called Arabian 'Irak — 'Irak 
'Arabi. Originally, it is to be observed, Al-'Irakayn had 
been a term applied to the two great cities of (Arabian) 
'Irak, namely, Kufah and Basrah ; but the Saljuks had 
affected the title of Sultan of the Two 'Iraks, which in 
consequence, as explained above, came to be applied to the 
two provinces, but as Abu-1-Fida (p. 408) writes "among 
the vulgar," and wrongfully (see also Yakut, ii, 15, and 
Lane, Dictionary^ 8.v. ^Irdk), The name, however, has con- 
tinued in use down to the present time. 

Further, it is to be remarked that after the Mongol settle- 
ment Persian 'Irak was greater in extent to the eastward 
than the older Arab province of Jibal, by the addition thereto 
of Yazd and its district, which formerly had been coimted as 
of Fars ; on the other hand, it had been diminished in size 
by the creation of the new province of Kurdistan, which had 
been taken from its western part, and Kurdistan now divided 
Persian from Arabian 'Irak. Under the Ilkhans Persian 

Digitized by 



'Irak became the capital province of their empire, for it 
included the four great cities of Isfahan, Bay, Hamadan, 
and Sultanlyah, the new metropolis recently founded by 

The eight districts of Isfahan mentioned by Hamd- Allah 
all exist at the present day (as do many of the Tillages 
which he also enumerates, and which are described by 
General Schindler in Eastern Persian *Irdk, pp. 120, 122). 
The city, he says, originally consisted of four wards (still 
existing in name), viz., Karran, Eushk, Jubarah, and 
Dardasht, the walls round these having been built by 
Rukn - ad - Dawlah the Buyid. In the Julbarah quarter 
(now pronounced Gulbarah, and lying to the north-east 
of modem Isfahan, round the Maydan-i-Kuhnah or Old 
Square) was the Madrasah (College) and tomb of Sul^ 
Muhammad the Saljuk, and here might be seen a block 
of stone weighing 10,000 man (equivalent, perhaps, to 
a little less than 32 tons weight), this being a great idol 
carried off by the Sultan from India, and set up before the 
College-gate (L. 142w). History, however, does not record 
that this Sultan Muhammad (a son of Malik-Shah, who 
reigned from 498 to 511 a.h.) made any conquests in India, 
nor does Hamd-Allah himself allude to the fact in the 
Ghizldah when treating of his reign. 

Isfahan lay on the northern or left bank of the river Zandah- 
riid, which is described as rising in the mountains of Zardah 
Euh, the ' Yellow Mountains,' still so called from their yellow 
limestone cliffs (L. 204^). Of this region ako were the 
Ashkahran mountains, lying on the frontiers of Greater 
Lur (L. 202m). After passing the cities of Firuzan [1] ^ 
and Isfahan, the Zandah-rud flowed through the district of 
Rudasht, of which the chief town was Farifin [2]^ and 
there became lost in the great swamp of Gavkhani. The 
river was also known as the Zayindah or Zarin-riid, and, 
according to popular belief, after sinking into the Gavkhani 
swamp, it flowed for sixty leagues underground to Eirman, 

* The numbers in square brackets refer to the Map. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


when it rose again to the surface and thence attained the 
sea (L. 214r). Besides Isfahan town, the Isfahan district 
included the two great cities of Farifan and Firuzan. The 
former still exists as a village (Schindler, op. cit., p. 126) 
not far from the Gavkhani swamp. Firuzan city has 
apparently disappeared from the map, but according to 
our author it stood on the river bank in the Ehanlanjan 
District, and paid revenue to the amount of 164,000 dinars 
(about £41,125). Ibn Batutah (ii, 52), who visited the 
town, says it was six farsakhs distant from Isfahan. 

The city of Bay (Bhages) was ruined during the Mongol 
invasion. Mustawfi says that in the time of Ghazan Ehan 
the houses were in part rebuilt, but Yaramin [3] had already 
supplanted it and become the chief town of the province. 
The Shrine of the Imam-Zadah *Abd-al-*AzIm ^ was to be 
seen near Ray, as mentioned in the Itinerary (Route ix), 
and the castle which was called Tabarik lay at the foot 
of the hill of Kuh Tabarik to the north, where there are 
said to have been silver-mines (L. 205^). Of this castle, 
however, apparently no trace exists, though the Shrine of 
Shah 'Abd-al-'AzIm is still a famous place of visitation. 
Mention is made of the river Eardan-riid, which waters the 
Ray Districts, thence flowing out to the desert; and some 
other lesser streams are also named as coming down from 
the Kharrakan District; also the Jaij-riid from Damavand 
and the river Qarm-rud or Kuh-rud of Sauj-Bulak (L. 216e?, .r, 
and 217r, v, x, but cf. Jihdn Numd, p. 304). The great 
mountain of Damavand rose to the north of Ray, visible 
from a distance 100 leagues away, and of its many marvels 

* Otherwise called Husayn, a son of the eighth Imam, 'Ali-ar-Eida. Taharik 
is also the name of the Castle of Isfahan, which, according to *Ali of Yazd 
(^afar Ndmah, i, 431), was occupied by Timur, and of which trie ruins still exist. 
The foundation of Kal*ah Tabarik of Ray is ascribed by ^ahir-ad-Dln (Dora, 
Muhammedanuche Quflleny i, p. 16 of the Persian text) to Manuchanr the 
Ziyarid, at the beginning of the fifth century (the elerenth a.d.), and he 
states that Taharik means a * hillock,' being the diminutive form of Tabar^ 
signifying a * hill or mountain,* in the T^^^stan dialect. According to Ta^t 
(iii, 507), Tabarik of Ray was destroyed in 588 (1192 a.d.) by Tughril II, the 
last Saljiik Sultan of 'Irak, and YaljLut gives a long account of the siege of the 
famous castle. 

Digitized by 



Hamd -Allah gives a full account (L. 2032). Tihran, the 
present capital of Persia [4], was already in the time of 
Hamd-Allah a fair-sized town, though formerly, he says, 
a mere village. Both Bay and Yaramin are now only 
marked by ruin-heaps lying some distance to the south 
of Tihran. 

Sultaniyah, founded by ArghOn Kban, was completed by 
Uljaytu, who made it the capital of Iran ; and he was buried 
here in a magnificent sepulchre, the ruins of which still 
exist. Hamd-Allah has much to say about Kazvin, his 
native town, with its dependent villages, among which were 
Dahand, Farisjin [5], Sumghan [6], and Sagsabad [7]> Ipng 
on the road eastward as named in Boutes ix and xxvi. 
He also describes its many streams, namely, the Ehar*rud, 
the Buh-rud, the Turkhan-rud, the Kazvin river, and the 
Ab-i-Kharrakan (L. 217j, q, r, «, t, r, and Jihdn Numd^ 
p. 305). These streams had their sources for the most part 
in the Barchin Kuh and the Bakhid (or Bahand) mountain 
(L. 203s and 204n). Abhar [8]^ on the river of the same 
name (L. 217^), had a famous castle called Haydarlyah, after 
Haydar its builder, one of the Saljuk princes ; and to the 
north of Abhar on the Gilan frontier lay the Daylam and 
Talish districts, among which were the towns of Ashkur, 
Ebawkan, and Ehasjan (but the reading of these three last 
names is very uncertain, and they are not given by other 
writers, nor are they to be found on the map). The city of 
Avah [9], between Savah [10] and Kum, stood on its river, 
the Gavmaha-rud, which flows down from near Hamadan 
in the west to the great dam between Savah and Avah, 
where it forms a lake (L. 217a). 

The Budbar district, in which stood the ruins of the 
famous castles of the Assassins, lay along the course of 
the river Shah-rud, the lowest of the many affluents of 
the Safid-rud ; and the District was at some distance to the 
north of Kazvin (L. 215n). The city of Zanjan lay or^ the 
Zanjan river, also called the Maj-rud (L. 217e), which was 
another affluent of the Safid-rud ; and the town of Zanjan 
is said by Mustawfi to have been named Shahin by its first 

Digitized by 



founder, Bang Ardashlr Babagan. The city of Savah [10], 
chiefly remarkable for its lake, which history reported had 
miraculously dried up at the birth of the prophet Muhammad, 
lay on the Muzdakan river (L. 217w) ; and a number of 
villages are named by Mustawfi in the Savah District, of 
which, however, the readings are uncertain, and they are 
not to be found on the map. Sauj-Bulak, the name of the 
district round Sunkurabad [11], meaning * the cold spring,' 
is given in some MSS. (e.g., British Museum, Add. 23,543, 
and Cambridge, Add. 2,624), but this paragraph is omitted 
in the lithographed text. Under the Mongols it was con- 
sidered as of the Savah Province, though it had originally 
been counted as of Ray ; its villages were Kharav and 

Sujas and Suhravard [12] were before the Mongol invasion 
important towns according to Istakhrl (pp. 196, 200) and 
Yakut (iii, 40, 203) ; they are now apparently not marked 
on any modern map, though Sir H. Rawlinson, writing in 
1840 (Joum. Roy. Geographical Society, x, 66), speaks of 
Sujas as a small village then existing, with Suhravard close 
to it. According to Hamd-Allah, Sujas was five leagues 
distant to the south of Sultaniyah (L. 145A), and the 
surrounding districts were called Jarud and Anjarud, 
apparently identical with Ijariid and Anguran of the 
present maps. In the hills near Sujas was the grave of 
Arghun Khan, of which a long account is given in the 
Nuzhat. The town of SaturJk [13] lay at the western end 
of the Anjarud district, and was celebrated for its palace, 
rebuilt by Abakah Khan, and the lake which was reported 
to be bottomless. This is the well-known Takht-i-Sulayman, 
described by Sir H. Rawlinson (J.R.G.S., x, 65), who would 

the northern Ecbatana. 
appeared from the map, 
k of Sultaniyah on the 
rO), who had visited it, 
rongest castles of the 
J of Zanjan was plainly 

Digitized by 



Sain KaPah [16]» which still exists,^ this being the 
Mongol name for the Euhud village, lay south of the 
Tarum district, otherwise called the Tarumayn, * the two 
Taroms/ Upper and Lower, of which the capital formerly 
had been Flruzabad. Of Upper Tarum the chief town was 
Andar, with many dependent villages ; in Lower Tarum the 
most important place was the Castle of Samlraa or Shamiran, 
of which Yakut (iii, 148) gives a long account. The streams 
of the Tarum districts all flowed into the river Safid-rud 
(L. 217A;), and the name of this district (Tarum) is still 
marked on the map. The Talikan district, which in the time 
of Hamd-Allah lay to the south-east of Tarum, apparently 
no longer exists, and the towns of Jarud, Kuhbanah, and 
Karaj, which our author mentions, are no longer to be 
found. Kaghadh Kunao, 'the Paper Factory,' or £hiinaj 
[16], was an important place, the position of which is fixed 
by the Itinerary (Route xx) as south of the river Safid-rud 
and fourteen leagues north of Zanjan, in the district known 
as the Mughuliyah. Muzdakan [17] > which gave its name 
to the Savah river, as already mentioned, still exists, also 
Saman [18] at the place where the river rises. The three 
villages of Tabarik, Marjamnan, and Andijan lay among the 
hills to the north of Abhar [8], but have apparently now 
disappeared, and the Fushkil Darrah district was that lying 
to the east of Kazvin and south of Talikan. 

The holy city of Kum was watered by the Gulpaygan 
river (L. 21 62), and between Kum and Avah was the salt 
mountain called £uh-Namak-LawD, a solitary hill, the 
summit of which was said to be UDattaiuable (L. 20dr). The 
neighbouring city of Eashan (which the older geographers 
always spelt Kashan, with the dotted k) had its water from 
th« Kuhrud hiUs, the stream flowing to the desert (L. 217m). 
Ardistan [19] > to the south-east of Eashan, and the Tafrish 
districts, to the westward of Kum, still exist, and Dalijan [30] 
liee about half-way between Eashan and Gulpaygan [31], 

* Meaning * the Castle of ^ain,* possibly called after ^ain, otherwiae Batu 
iThin^ gfftufffton of Changhiz Khan. 

Digitized by 



which latter town of old was called Jurbadakan. The 
hamlet of Zawarah [22] lies on the desert border near 

Coming to the western side of Persian 'Irak, the Farahan 
District — of which the chief town was Dih Sarfik [23]> 
visited recently by Mrs. Bishop {Kurdistan^ i, 146) — ^is the 
region lying eastward of Hamadan. The chief town here 
at the present time is Sultanabad, founded in the reign of 
Fath-'AIi Shah at the beginning of the nineteenth century. 
According to Hamd- Allah there was a lake here, which the 
Mongols called Jaghar Nazud (but the reading is uncertain), 
which is doubtless the present Lake of Tuala to the north of 
Sultanabad. Dawlatabad was of the Farahan villages, and 
this is still an important place lying to the east of Nihavand. 
The city of Karaj, called Karaj of Abu Dulaf, has entirely 
disappeared from the map. Its position is given in the 
Itinerary (Route vii), and from the fact that the town lay 
to the south of the Rasmand mountains, which are those 
now known under the name of Rasband, it is easy to locate 
the site. The streams from these hills watered the celebrated 
pastures called Marghzar Kitu (or Kisii) lying round the 
town; and its castle was named Farzin (L. 204A). Returning 
once more to the eastern side of the province, near the desert 
border was Natanz [24], with the castles called Nismur and 
Washak, with the District of Marawadin, but the reading 
of these three last names is very uncertain, and with the 
exception of Washak, which is mentioned in the Chtzidah 
(see E. G. Browne, J.R.A.8., 1901, p. 25, n. 4), being also 
copied into the Jihdn Numd (p. 299), these names do not 
occur elsewhere. 

In the south-western comer of the province of Persian 
'Irak was Luristan, divided between the Greater and the 
Lesser Lur districts. Idhaj, otherwise known as Mai-Amir 
[25]> was the capital of Great Lur, the district which lay 
entirely to the south of the great bend of the Earun (between 
its left bank and the plain-country) ; and Great Lur for the 
most part had been counted as of Ehuzistan by the Arab 
geographers. Idhaj was famous for its bridge, and its 

Digitized by 



whirlpool, and the city has been described by Ibn Batutah 
(ii, 29), who visited this region. The town of *Aruj, or 
*Aruh, otherwise called Susan, or Siis [26], also lay on 
the Kariin river, some four leagues to the north-west of 
Mal-Amir, and this place must not be confounded with the 
other Sus in Ehuzistan to the south of Dizful. Its ruins 
have been described by Sir H. Rawlinson, and were visited 
by Sir H. Layard (see the J.R.G.S. for 1839, ix, 83 ; also 
1842, xii, 103). Lurdagan, or Lurkan [27], is found on 
the map near the affluent joining the Earun at its extreme 
western point. The district of Lesser Lur was the highland 
to the north of the great bend of the Eariin; and in his 
Chtudah Hamd -Allah gives the following account of this 
district, which is worth quoting * : — 

** In the province of Lesser Lur are three rivers, namely, 
the Ab-i-Silakhur flowing down to Dizful, the Ehurramabad 
river which goes towards Hawizah, and the Eazkl (?) river 
which also flows down by Dizful towards Hawizah. And 
there are three towns that are still flourishing places, 
namely, Burujird, Ehurramabad, and SabOrkhwast This 
last was of old an immense city, extremely populous, being 
inhabited by people from all nations, for it was the residence 
of kings : it is now, however, merely a provincial town. 
Finally, in Lesser Lur are three ruined cities named 
Eirisht (?), Burisht (P), and Saymarah." 

The importance of this passage lies in the proof here 
given that Saburkhwast is not identical with Ehurramabad, 
as has been often supposed, since both towns existed in the 
time of Mustawfi ; and the fact is confirmed by his statement 
in the Itinerary (Route vii) that, bifurcating at Burujird 
from the Earaj high road, '' the road to Saburkhwast here 
goes off to the right hand " (L. 195r). The ruins of Sabur- 
khwast [28] have not yet been identified, but they must 

> The paragraph is giren at the end of Section li of Chapter IY» immediatelj 
before the Section devoted to the Mongols. It is wantini^ in many MSS., bat 
ocean in the old MS. of which I made a copy in Shiraz in 1880, and also 
ia fonnd in the British Museum MSS. numbered Add. 7,630, Add. 22,693, and 
BftrtoH, 690. 

Digitized by 




be sought for some few leagues to the south of Khurramabad 
[29]. The town of Buriijird [30] is frequently mentioned 
by Istahhri (pp. 258, 262) and Yakut (i, 596) ; the Arah 
geographers, however, appear not to have known of 
Khurramabad in Lesser Lur, and Hamd- Allah is probably 
the earliest authority to mention this important town. He 
says that dates grew well both here and at Saymarah [31] ^ 
the old capital of the Mihrajankadhak District; according 
to Ibn Rustah (p. 269) and Yakut (iii, 443), already in the 
fourteenth century a.d. a ruin. Saymarah is marked on the 
map at some distance from the western bank of the Karkhah 
river, but I am unable to identify Samsa (or Samha) and 
Diz>i-Siyah, ' the Black Castle,' which stood near it according 
to our author. Somewhere in Lesser Lur also was the 
mountain called Huwayn (or Harm) Kuh, where there were 
celebrated iron-mines (L. 2076). In regard to the three 
rivers of Lesser Lur mentioned in the Ouzidah, these are 
referred to again in the Nuzhat (L. 215w, u). Silakhur is 
the name of the plain in which Burujird stands, and itfr 
river is the chief source of the Ab-i-Diz ; further the Kazkl 
is apparently the affluent now known as the Ab-i-Baznoi. 
The Khurramabad river drains to the Earkhah, which 
Hamd-AUah describes as passing through the Hawizah 
country, and this latter river now joins the Karun below 
Ahwaz, as will be noticed in the chapter on Khuzistan. 
The Karkhah and its affluents came down from the Alvand 
mountain (L. 202/?), lying southward of Hamadan; its peaks 
were almost always covered with snow, and forty-two 
streams take their rise in this region, which, says Mustawfi, 
measures thirty leagues in circumference. 

Hamadan city, when Hamd- Allah wrote, was for the most 
part in ruin; it included five townships, Kal'ah Kabrit — 
* Sulphur Castle'— Kal'ah Makin, Girdlakh, the Kishlak 
or * Winter Quarters* of Shuja' - ad - Din Khurshid, and 
Kurasht. The surrounding province comprised five other 
Districts with many villages, namely, Farivar (or Kariwar), 
Azmadin (or Azyardin), Sharahm (or Sharamin), A'lam, 
with Sar^M^^|d Barbandrud (or Barhanarud). None of 

Digitized by 



these names appear on the present map (those given in 
parenthesis are from the Turkish text of the Jihdn Nunid, 
p. 300) ; but Farivar was watered by the upper affluent 
of the Gavmaha or Gavmasa river (already mentioned), 
which rose in the hills of Asadabad [32] to the north-west 
of the city (L. 217a). 

The places called Maja'lu and Tamsar appear to be 
unknown, but the two districts of Kharrakan (marked 
£araghan on our maps) are those lying to the south-west 
of Kazvin, towards which and out eastward to Ray the 
Kharrakan streams took their course (L. 217f7), as already 
described. The chief town in the Kharrakan District is 
Abah [33] or Avah (not to be confounded with Avah near 
%vah, already mentioned), and there were besides forty other 
villages. The Darguzin District lies between Kharrakan and 
Hamadan, Darguzin [34] being also the name of the chief 
town of the district, and this formerly had been included in 
A'lam, one of the five Districts, as already mentioned, of 
EEimiadan, which, says Hamd- Allah, by the Persians was called 
Alamar. Rudarud or Eudravar [35] was a large town, the 
ruins of which still exist at Rudllavar (Mission Scientijique, 
De Morgan, ii, 136), near Tuvi and Sarkan. These ruins 
probably also represent the older town of Karaj of Hamadan, 
which, according to Yakut (ii, 832 ; iv, 251), was the capital 
of this Eudarud district, and lay seven leagues distant both 
from Hamadan and from Nihavand. Here were the five 
Districts named from the rivers Hind-rud, Sarkan -rud^ 
Karzan-riid, Laml-rud, and Barazmahin respectively. 

Saman of Kharrakan, at the headwaters of the Muzdakaii 
river, has already been mentioned. Shabdabahar and Fulad 
(the readings are uncertain) are districts no longer shown on 
our maps, but which probably lay near the city of Nihavand ; 
and this last, Mustawfi writes, comprised three Districts, 
named Malair, Isfidhan, and Jahuk, which, however, are 
likewise not to be found on modern maps. Coming finally 
to the south-eastern corner of the province of Persian 'Irak, 
Hamd- Allah notices the cities of Yazd, Maybud [36]> and 
Nayin [37], which, as he rightly remarks, were formerly 

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counted as belonging to Istakhr (Persepolis), and henoe 
were of the province of Fare. 

Chapter 3. Adharbayjdn. 

Contents: Tabriz, 153^, and its seven districts, viz., Mihraa-rud, 
Sard-riid, Savil-rud, Arunak, Rudkab, Kbanum-rud, and 
Bidustan, 155^; Awjan, Ibbv ; Tasuj orTaruj, 156a; Ardabll, 
156(; ; Khalkbal and Einizabad, 156^ ; Darmaraz, 156«. 
The Shahrud district, 156^; the Pishkln district, 156«7; XJnar 
and Arjak, 157a; Ahar, 157rf; Takallafah and Jiyar, 157/; 
Daravard, 157A ; KaPah Kahran, 157;*; Kalantar, 157^; 
KUan-Fa^lun, 157w; Mnrdan Na*!m, 157n; Naw-Diz, 157o; 
Maft, 157«; Khuvl or Khoi, 157^; Salmas, 157a?; Urmlyah, 
1583; TTshnuyah, 158y ; Sarav, 168^; Miyanij and the 
Garm-rud, 158n; Maraghah, 158^; Fasava, 158 a;; Dih 
Khwarkan, 158z; LaylaD, 1593; Marand, \b9e \ Dizmar, 
159 h ; Zanjiyan, 159 1 ; Riwaz, 159 m ; Karkar, 159 n ; 
Nakhchivan, 159o ; Akhban and Tlrdubad, 159r. 

Hamd- Allah notes that the capital of Adharbayjan under 
the earlier Mongols had been Maraghah, but this pre- 
eminence had in his day been transferred to Tabriz.^ 
A very full account is next given of Tabriz, beginning 
with its early history, and how it had recently been rebuilt 
and enlarged by Ghazan KhSln. Details follow of the 
new walls, with the ten city gates, also of the outer suburb 
and wall, with its six gates. Tabriz, according to Hamd- 
AUah, was the largest city in Persia ; it was watered by the 
river Mihran-rud, which rose in the Sahand mountain lying 
to the south, and round the city lay the seven districts 
(given above) called for the most part after the various 
streams which irrigate their lands (the reading of these 

* The Arab geographers generally give Ardabll as the capital city ; and this 
became also the capital of Persia unaer the earlier Safavi kings, until Shah 
^Abbas removed his court to Isfahan. 

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names, however, is in many cases very uncertain). The 
Mihran-rOd, which ran through the suburbs of Tabriz, and 
the Sard-rud to the south-west, which also came down from 
Mount Sahand, both joined the Sarav-rud at a short distance 
to the north of the city ; and this latter river, which rose in 
the great mountain district called Sablan-kilh to the north- 
east of Tabriz, flowed out into the Urmiyah Lake, some 
forty miles away to the westward of the city. The mountains 
of Sahand and Sablan, as also these various streams, are all 
carefully described by Hamd- Allah in Appendices II and IV 
(L. 204ir, 205A. 217c, 218^, ». 

The Urmiyah Lake appears to have been known to 
Hamd- Allah under the name of the Lake of Khanjast,' 
but the origin of the name is nowhere explained. He also 
frequently refers to it as the Salt Lake (Darya-i-Shur), or as 
the Lake of Taruj or TasGj, from the name of the town near 
its northern shore ; and he writes that in an island of the 
lake the Mongol Princes had their burial-place under a great 
hiU (L. 226/). The town of Awjan, or TJjan [1], which 
Ghazan Khan had rebuilt, lies to the east of Tabriz, and 
its river, which rises in Mount Sahand, joins the Sarav- 
rud (L. 218a). Taruj [2] or Tasuj,^ which sometimes gave 
its name to the Urmiyah Lake, lay close to its northern 
shore, and to the west of Tabriz. 

Ardabll lay at the foot of Mount Sablan, on the river 
Andarab, also called the Ardabll river ; this, after passing 
the Bridge of *AlI-Shah, became an affluent of the Ahar 

* The MSS. vary greatly as to the spelling of the name ; Janjosty Jar\jUhy 
Khujantt and Hanjast appear with other Tariants. The medifeval Arab 
geographers knew of the lake also under various names : thus Mas'ud! (i, 98) 
and Ibn lyiaw^al (p. 247) call it the Lake of Kabiidhan, I?takhri (p. 181) writes 
of the Bubayrab-ash-Sharttt, and in Mukaddasi (p. 380) it is called merely 
the Lake of Urmiyah. Abu-1-Fida (p. 42) knows it as the Lake of TUa ; anil 
according to I^afiz Abru (MSS., folio 27a) the island in the middle of the lake 
(now the Shahi peninsula, which only becomes an island at flood-water : see 
K. T. Giinther, Oeographical Journal for 1899, p. 516) was crowned by the 
castle known as ^al^ah Tila, said to have been built by Hulagu Khan. He had 
stored his treasures here, and after his death his tomb was made in this castle, 
which henceforth was called Gur-Kal'ah, or * Tomb-Castle.* 

2 Both spellings are given in the MSS. and occur on the present maps. lu 
the map to the paper referred to in the previous note, Mr. Giinther gives the 
name as Turseh. 

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river, which last flowed into the Aras (L. 217iv). Above 
Ardabil, on the slopes of Mount Sablan, stood the Castles 
of Diz Bahman and Diz Hiiyin (or Rubin) with some others 
(L. 2042^7). Khalkhal is still the name of the District at the 
foot of Mount Sablan ; in the time of Mustawfi it was also 
the name of its chief town [3], but this has apparently 
disappeared. The town, according to Yakut (i, 198) and 
the Itinerary, was two days' march from Ardabil. In 
former times Firuzabad had been the capital of the Khalkhal 
District, and Mustawfi mentions a number of the neigh- 
bouring villages (Amidah, Ehamidah-Bll, Sanjad-rud, and 
Zanjilabad), but none of these unfortunately are now to be 
found on the map. Darmaraz, with the villages of Kul, 
Jamku, and Zahar, was of this neighbourhood. Shahrud 
was the District on the stream called the Ab-Shal, an affluent 
of the Safld-rud (L. 21 8A). Of this district the chief places 
were Shal [4] and Eulur (which still exist), and adjacent 
lay the Talish (or Tawalish) District of 'Irak 'Ajaml. 
Plshkin (which in the present maps is written Mishkin) 
is the name of the District of which Ahar [5] was the chief 
town ; the town of Pishkin also existed, and formerly was 
known as Varavi, lying one march from Ahar. A number 
of other places were of this district, among them Takallafah, 
Unar, which with Varavi is described by Yakut (i, 367 ; 
iv, 918), also Arjak, Jiyar, and Ealantar, this last being 
at the foot of the hill called Siyah Euh, 'the black 
mountain' (L. 205A:). Most of the other places in Pishkin 
here mentioned must have stood on the southern slopes of 
the Sablan mountain (L. 204er), though only the last named, 
Kalantar, now appears on the map, Ibn Pishkin being the 
family name of the Amir of the Province. 

The city of Ahar [6] lay on the river of the same name 
(the Ahar-rud). This flowed down from the Pass of 
Arminan, which the Mongols called Gulchah Nil (Blue 
Lake), and after taking up the Ardabil river discharged 
into the Aras (L. 217y ; see also Route xxiii). To the north 
of Ahar was the mountain called Saraband (L. 205^), and 
in the neighbourhood at the foot of Mount Sablan stood the 

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following places, namely, Daravard, where the Mongols had 
their winter quarters, the Castle of Eahran, Ellan-Fadluiiy 
and Maft (some MSS. have Yaft, and Baft is printed in the 
Jihdn Numd, p. 385). Murdan Na'im apparently lay to the 
northward of Ahar, on the Aras river. The castle of Naw- 
Diz (surrounded by the towns of Hul, Bui, Hinduvan, and 
Buluk-Inju) stood on the upper waters of the Ahar river 
and is described by Yakut (iv, 822). The city of Khuvi [6], 
or Khoi, stands on an affluent of the Aras which rose in the 
mountains to the north of Salmas [7]* This latter city, 
as well as Urmlyah [8]> which now gives its name to the 
Lake, and TTsbnuyah [9], all lie at some distance to the 
westward from the shore, standing on streams that flow into 
the Lake. The town of Sarav [10], otherwise written Samt 
or Sarah, lies under Sablan Euh in the midst of four 
Districts, these are named by Mustawfi Warzand, Darand, 
Baraghush, and Sakhir ; its stream has already been 
mentioned as the most important of the rivers flowing 
through Tabriz. 

Miyanah or Miyanij [U], formerly a large town, but 
when our author wrote a mere village, stands in the Garm- 
rud or 'Hot River' district. At some distance above the 
town the river Garm-rud, which rises in the mountains 
south of Sarav, joins the left bank of the Miyanij river, 
and this last below the town further receives the water 
of the Hasht-riid — 'Eight Streams'— on its right bank, 
which, before flowing in, passed under a great bridge of 
thirty-two arches, and had its source in the hills to the 
eastward of Maraghah (L. 218A, n, q; also Jihdn Nutnd, 
p. 388). The Miyanij river itself came down from the 
west, rising in the country south of XTjan ; after receiving 
the streams of its two affluents, it turned northward at 
no great distance from the town of Miyanij, and poured 
its water into the Safid-rud, which from this point, and 
down a considerable length of its lower course, formed the 
boundary between the provinces of Adharbayjan and Persian 
'Irak. The Safid-rud — 'White River' — which Mustawfi 
says the Turks called Hulan Mulan (evidently a cormptian 

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of the Mongol words Ulan Moren), meaning * Red River/ * 
had its head-waters in the Kurdistan province in the Jibal 
Panj Angusht, called in Turkish Besh-parmak, both names 
signifying the 'Five-finger-mountain.' Flowing northward, 
the Safid - riid first received the Zanjan river (already 
mentioned in Chapter 2) on its right bank, then the 
Miyanij rivers on its left bank, and, next turning west- 
ward, received also on its left bank the united streams of 
the Sanjidah and Gadiv-rud (given in the Jihdn Numd^ 
p. 388, as Sanjad and Kadpu) coming down from the hills 
to the south of Ardabll (L. 218/), the position of which river 
is fixed by the Itinerary (Route xx). Below this, and also 
on the left bank, there flowed in the Shal river* from the 
Shahriid District, already spoken of in a previous paragraph. 
After passing through the Talish district, the Safld-riid 
was next joined on its right bank by the Tarum river, 
and then by the river Shah-rud of the Country of the 
Assassins, both of which streams have already been 
mentioned in Chapter 2, and finally in Kawtam of the 
Gilan Province the Safld-rud flowed out to the Caspian 
(L. 215c). 

Maraghah, one of the former capitals of the province of 
Adharbayjan, stood on the river Safi-rud, which, rising in 
Mount Sahand, flowed out directly, or indirectly by over- 
flovring into the bed of the JaghtG-rud, into the TJrmiyah 
Lake (L. 218^). The city of Maraghah was famous for the 
Observatory built by the order of Hulagu Khan for Nasir-ad- 
Din of Tus, the astronomer, but in the time of Hamd- Allah 
this building was already in ruins.^ The districts of 
Maraghah are given as Sarajun, Niyajun, Dazakh-rud, 
Gfivdul, Hasht-riid, Bihistan, Anguran, and Kul Uzan 

* Part of its course is now known as the Kizil Uzen, which in Turkish has the 
same meaning. For the Mongol words see Moiigolisch-Detttsch Worterbueh, by 
J. J. Schmidt, pp. 526 and 223c. From this and other passages, it is clear that 
Mustawfi uses Mughal (Mongol) and Turk indifferently. 

2 This stream is now called the Shahriid, like the great right bank affluent 
from the mountains north of KazTin, with which it must not be confounded. 

^ These are described by General Schindler in the Berlin Zeitschrift fur 
Erdkundty 1883, p. 338, and a plan is there given. 

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neigbbourhood was Akhban (or Ajnan), known as the 
Kar-khanah or ' Workshop/ on account of the works at 
the neighbouring copper-mine. Urdubad [19] stands on 
the Aras, at the junction of a stream from the north, which 
Mustawfi says rises in Mount Kiyan (or Kiban), and on 
this same river higher up lay Azad, the last town mentioned 
in this chapter. 

Chapter 4. MUghdn and Arrdn. 

Contents: Bajarvan, 159« ; Barzand, 160/; Pilvar, 160;; 
Mahmudabad and Hamshahrah, 160k; Baylakan, I6O11; 
Ganjah, I60p; Barda'ah, 160«; Hirak, 160r. 

Miighan or Mukan is still the name of the Steppe country 
lying south of the lower course of the Aras river. Hamd- 
AUah states that this district stretched from the right bank 
of the river southward to the pass of Sang-bar-Sang — 
'Stone upon Stone' — ^in the hills above Pishkin, and that 
from the plain the mountain of Sablan Kuh was everywhere 
visible. As of this province he also mentions (L. 206A*) 
the region called Gulistan Kuh — * Rose-garden mountain ' — 
noted for its flowers, and here the Mulahid sect or Assassins 
had their famous paradise. Bajarvan had of old been the 
capital of Mughan, but in the time of Mustawfi was fallen to 
ruin and become a mere village. It is no longer found on the 
map, but its position is given in the Itinerary (Routes xx 
and xxiii) as lying four leagues north of Barzand [1], which 
still exists, and which was a notable town as early as the 
days of the Caliph Mu'tasim, son of Harun - ar - Rashid. 
Pilvar [2] or Pllsuvar (not marked on any map) stood on 
the stream coming from Bajarvan, and was eight leagues 
distant from the latter town. It is said to have been named 
after an Amir of the Buyids. Mahmiidabad [3] in the 
plain of Gavbari, near the Caspian, according to the 
Itinerary (Route xxi) was twelve leagues beyond Pilvar. 
Hamshahrah lay two leagues distant from the sea-shore ; it 

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was also called Bu-Shahrah or Abar-Shahr, accordiDg to the 
Jihdn Ifumd (p. 393), but it is impossible now to fix exactly 
the position of any of tbese places, which appear to have 
completely disappeared from the modern maps. 

The territory of Arran, which the Arab geographers 
always spell Al-Ran (pronounced Ar-Ran), as thongh it 
were an Arabic name, is the triangle of land included 
between the rivers Aras and Kur — the Araxes and Cyrus. 
The Aras is described (L. 2136) as rising in the Kallkala 
mountains near Arzan-ar-Rum (now Erzerum), whence it 
flows through Armenia and along the southern border of 
Arran to its junction with the Kur, having been previously 
joined from the south, or right bank, by the Kara Su, the 
name, apparently, of the lower course of united streams which 
flow down from Ardabll and Ahar described in Chapter 3. 
The river Kur (L. 215^) also rose in the Kalikala mountains, 
and passing through Gurjistan came to the city of Tiflls. 
Below this town it formed the northern frontier of Arran, 
and Hamd- Allah states that here a branch went oS* to the 
Lake of Shamkur, though what sheet of water is thus 
indicated is not very clear. Thence the main stream of the 
Kur passed on down to its junction with the Aras, the 
combined streams flowing out to the Caspian after passing 
through the Gushtasfl country. 

The capital of Arran was Baylakan, at the close of the 
fourteenth century a.d. frequently mentioned by 'All of Yazd 
in his account of the conquests of Timur. During his siege 
the city was partially destroyed, but was rebuilt in 1403 a.d. 
by command of Timur, and a canal dug, six farsakhs long, 
bringing to it the waters of the Aras river (Za/ar Ndmah^ 
ii, 543, 545). Though apparently all traces of the town 
have disappeared, its approximate position is fixed by the 
Arab Itineraries of Ibn Khurdadbih (p. 122), Kudamah 
(p. 213), and Ibn Hawkal (p. 251). According to these 
Baylakan lay fourteen leagues south of Bardha'ah, and 
seven or nine leagues north of the Aras bank, on the road 
coming up from Barzand. In Armenian it was known 
M Phaidagaran (Saint Martin, Mimoire sur I'ArmSnie, 

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iy 134). Bardha'ah [4]» a town that still exists, tiie 
name being more often written Barda', stood on the river 
Tartar, a right bank afflaent of the Eur ; and Ganjah to 
the north-west is now more generally known as Elizabetpol, 
its Russian name. Strak, or Hirak, was the name of the 
summer pastures above Barda', but it is not now found 
marked on our maps, and in the Jihdn Numd (p. 392) the 
name is printed Tark. 

Chapter 5. Shirvdn. 

Contents: Bakuyah, 159« and 16 la; Shamakhi, 161a; Kabalah, 
161c; Firuzabad or Ftruzl^abad, lQ\d \ the Gushtasft 
District, 161^. 

The province of Shirvan lay to the north of the Kur 
river, and extended to the foot of that part of the Caucasus 
range known to Moslem geographers as Darband-i-Bab- 
al-Abwab — 'the Barrier of the Gate of Gates.' Bakuyah, 
or Baku, was its port on the Caspian, and Shamakhl inland 
— now called Shemakha — was the capital city, famous, as 
Mustawfi relates, from the legendary Rock of Moses and the 
Fountain of Life, both of which were said to have existed 
here. Kabalah stood near the mountains; its position 
is unknown, but from its mention by *Ali of Yazd (i, 406) 
when describing the campaigns of Timur in Georgia, it 
must have stood very near the river Kur, and the Kabalah 
mountain is also mentioned by Mustawfi (L. 206^/) . Flriizabad, 
or Firuz-kubad, both names being given by Yakut (iii, 928, 
929), was a town standing in the neighbourhood of the 
Caspian, though its position cannot be more exactly fixed. 
The GushtaafI province, said to have been so named after 
Gusbtaaf, one of the ancient Persian kings, formed part of 
Shirvan, and lay along the shore of the Caspian above the 
mouth of the Aras river. 

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Chapter 6. Ouijistdn and Ahkhds, 

Contents: Alan, 161J&; AnI, 161m; Tiflis, 16U; Khunin, \t\p\ 

Ear^y 161j». 

In the district of Abkhasia Alan is given by Mustawfi 
as the name of a town lying under the Alburz Mountains 
on an affluent of the Eur. An! was the ancient capital of 
Georgia, the ruins of which still remain; but Tiflis had 
become the chief city of the province already in the time of 
Hamd-Allah. Ehunan (reading uncertain, Janan, Khaban, 
and Haban, all being given in the MSS.) was the name 
of a castle on the Arran frontier. According to Mukaddas! 
(p. 382) and other Arab geographers this town lay half- 
way between Shamkur and Tiflis, being three marches from 
either place. Karf, to the south-west of Tiflis, was already 
a town with a strong fortress when Hamd- Allah wrote. 

Chapter 7. Rum. 

Contents: Sivas, 161y; Abulustan and Ankurah, 162a; Arzanjan, 
1623; Arzan-ar-Rum, 162tf; Arak, 162^; A^sik, 162/; X\ 
Saraj, 162/; Ak Shahr, 162n; Amasiyab, 162o; Ant&kiyah 
and Awnik, 162^ ; B&bnrt, 162«; Zufarlu and ZQbarkI, 162<; 
Dhulu, 162tf; Kharbirt, 162^; Shahrah, I62w; Samsun, 
162<r; Shimshat, 162ar; 'AmurTyah, 162s; Kall]|:al&, 1633; 
Kara Hifar, 163^; Kastamuniyah, 163^; f[umanat, 1634; 
Kuniyah, 1637; Kay^ariyah, 163«; Kat, 163^; Kamakh, 
l6Sw; Gul, Kir, aod Baklj, 163x; Luluah, 163y; Mala^yah, 
163s; Nigdah and Niksar, 164(r; Hushyar, I64d; Tall^Sn 
Bazar, 164/; ZaoiaQdu, 164y; Kirshahr, 164A; KadQk and 
Tamaragh&ch, 164/'; Ziyarat Bazar, \6AJt; Agridur and 
Kaw&)p, 164/; Kush Hisar and Sivri Hif&r, 164m; Kolaniyah, 
GuataJ^I, aod Malanlpubiyah, 164ii. 

The kingdom of Rum, Asia Minor, was at the time wh«a 
Mustawfi wrote divided among the dynasties of the Ten 
Amirs, who had succeeded to the inheritance of the Saljuk* 



in these parts, and their history has been fully discussed 
by Professor Lane - Poole in the pages of this Journal 
(1882, p. 773). Unfortunately, the Arab geographers afford 
us but little information about Asia Minor, which, during 
the earlier centuries of the Abbasids, had of course formed 
part of the Byzantine empire, and which only came within the 
boundaries of Islam when occupied (470 a.h.) by the Saljuks 
of Rum in the latter part of the eleventh century a.d. The 
next two centuries (the sixth and seventh of the Hijrah) 
were the period of magnificence for these Saljuks in Asia 
Minor, after which their power rapidly waned before the 
rising glory of the Ottoman Turks, whose Sultan, *Orkhan, in 
the early part of the fourteenth century a.d. had established 
his capital at Brusa, had organized the famous corps of the 
Janisaries, and, after taking Nicomedia in 1327 and Nicaea 
in 1330, was threatening the Hellespont. 

This was the state of affairs when Mustawfi wrote, and 
which is described by his contemporary Ibn Batutah, who 
travelled over the length and the breadth of Asia Minor 
during the year 733 (1333 a.d.). The description of Asia 
Minor given by Mustawfi, however, evidently dates from an 
earlier period, and gives an account of the country as it was 
under the Saljuks ; he knows nothing of the later conquests 
of the Turks, and the most western town, apparently, that 
he mentions is Gul Hisar, 120 miles south-west of Antakiyah. 
More than one-half of the places mentioned in this chapter 
of the Nuzhat can easily be identified on the modem map ; 
but unfortunately, among some fifty place-names, I am 
unable to fix either the position or the true reading for 
nearly a score of towns, and neither Ibn Batutah nor Hajji 
Ehalfah are of much aid in the matter. 

The Jihdn Numd of the latter author quotes little of the 
Nuzhat in the chapters devoted to Asia Minor, and the Jihdn 
Numd describes the country as it existed in the days when 
Hajji Khalfah wrote, namely, at the beginning of the 
seventeenth century a.d., when all Asia Minor had for nearly 
three centuries formed an integral part of the Ottoman 
Empire. Further, the information which Mustawfi gives 

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about the towns that he Dames is very meagre, and the 
alphabetical order, in which for the most part these names 
are arranged, unfortunately fails to give the clue which 
we should have were the towns mentioned according to the 
yarious districts, or province by province. 

The chief city of the Kingdom of Rum was Sivas 
(Sebasteia), which had been rebuilt by 'Ala-ad-Din Kay- 
Eubad the Saljuk. Its wool was famous and was largely 
exported. Abulustan is now known as Al-Bustan, and is 
the medisDval Arabissus. Ankurah (written with the dotted 
k and short vowel) is Angora ; but the name, as Takiit 
(i, 390) states, is more generally written Angurlyah (witii 
g or ky and long vowels), under which form it frequently 
occurs in the Zafar Ndmah of 'Ali of Yazd (ii, 417 and 
elsewhere). Arzanjan on the upper Euphrates and Arzan- 
ar-Kum (Erzerum) need no comment, being well known. 
Arak also lay near the Euphrates, but it is not apparently 
marked on the map ; neither is Akslk to be foxmd, but the 
readings in both cases are doubtful. Ak Saray — 'White 
Palace' — ia some distance to the south-west of the Tatta 
Lake; it was bmlt by 'Izz-ad-Din Kilij-Arslan the Saljuk 
in 566(1171a.d.). 

There were two places called Ak Shahr — ' White Town ' 
— one lying seven leagues north-west of Arzanjan; the 
other a town three marches to the north-west of Kuniyah, 
and both are marked on our maps. Amasiyah (Amaseia 
on the Halys) and An^akiyah (Antiocheia) still exist. 
Awnik or Avanik is given by Yakut (i, 408), and *A1I 
of Tazd (i, 691) mentions it as having been stormed and 
captured by Timur ; it being a castle in the mountains eight 
leagues distant from Arzan-ar-Rum. Mustawfi adds that 
the town at the foot of the castle was called Abaskhur; 
and according to Saint Martin {MSmoire, i, 109) Avanik is 
the place now called in Turkish Javan ^^al'ah, which lies 
to the north of the Aras between Hasan Kal'ah on the west 
and Majankird on the east Babirt lies to the north of 
Arzanjan, but I am unable to identify Zufarlu, Zubarki, 
Dhiilu (or Zulu), and Shahrah, which last is reported tc have 

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stood on the coast of the Black Sea; the spelling, however, 
of the first three names is very doubtful, and apparently 
none of them occur in the pages of the Jihdn Numd^ 
or in any of the earlier geographers. Eharbirt, or 
Eharput, is near the junction of the eastern Euphrates 
or river Arsanas, on which stream, but higher up, lay 
Shimshat (see I.S. 57). Samsun was already a celebrated 
port for shipping on the Black Sea ; 'Amuriyah (Amorium) 
still exists (Mustawfi, apparently by some error, states that 
the name was then pronoxmced Ankuriyah, which, as already 
noted, is Angora). Kallkala was a city in the coantry 
of this name, near the Armenian frontier (see I.S. 64), 
which has generally been identified with the Byzantine city 
of Theodosiopc^s on the upper Euphrates, otherwise called 

Kara Hisar — 'Black Fort' — was the name of diverse 
castles, four of which were especially celebrated. One 
(apparently not marked in oar maps) was on the mountains 
near Kaysarlyah; another was of the district of Kuniyah 
(probably the Kara Hisar lying south-west of 'AmOriyah) ; 
a third castle of this name stood near Nikdah, while the 
fourth Kara Hisar is that lying a short distance north-east 
of Ak Shahr and belonging to the Arzanjan district. 
Kastamuniyah lies some distance west from Samsun ; and 
Kumanat is one of the many towns called Comana by the 
Greeks. Kuniyah is the older Iconium ; here the castle 
had been built by Sultan Kilij Arslan of cut stone, and in 
like material great city walls were erected by 'Ala-ad^Dfn 
Kny-Kubad the Saljuk ; Kuniyah further was celebrated for 
the tomb of the Sufi saint and poet Jalal-ad-Dm Rumi. 

Kaysariyah (Caesareia Mazaka) still exists, but Eat (or 
Kab) is apparently not to be found on our maps. Kamakh (or 
Eamkh) on the Euphrates is well known (I.S. 48), and Oul is 
probably Gul Hisar to the south-west of Antakiyah, which 
was visited by Ibn Batutah (ii, 269), but the double town 
called Kir and Bakij I am uns^Ie to identify. Liiluah is 
in the Oilician passes north-west of Tarsus, and Nikdah (or 
Nigdah) lies to the north of it. Maktlyah is If elitene 

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the Euphrates (I.S. 48), and Niksar stands a short distance 
south-east of Samsun and Aroasiyah. 

Hushyar (which is not mentioned in the Jihdn Numd) is 
said to have been the Castle of Earaman, better known as 
Larandah, the capital of the Earaman province on the 
borders of Little Armenia. Yalkan Bazar (not marked 
on our maps) was a town between Kuniyah and Ak Shahr, 
celebrated for its hot springs; and Kir-Shahr, frequently 
mentioned by 'All of Yazd (ii, 418 and elsetvhere), stands 
half-way between Ankurah and Kaysariyah. Zamandii, 
Eaduk (or Eadiil), and Tamar Aghaoh (or Tur Aghach) 
I am unable to identify, and the names do not occur in th« 
JihdH Numd. Ziyarat Bazar is possibly the town of Ziyarvt 
to the south of EharpOt. Agridur is the town at tha 
southern end of the lake of this name ; it is mentioned bj 
Ibn Batutah (ii, 266), also by 'All of Yazd (ii, 485). Kavak 
probably is the place of this name lying a short distance to 
the west of Sivas. Sivri Hisar is the well-known city, north 
of 'Amuriyah, to which, according to 'AH of Yazd (ii, 448), 
Timur marched in six stages from Angora. Neither 
Kuluniyah (Colonia) nor Eaataki occurs in the Jihdn Numd^ 
nor is either apparently to be found on the map, for both 
are said by Mustawfi to lie on the shore of the Black Sea.^ 
Kush Hisar, however, exists, standing to the south of 
Kastamuniyah, and Malankubiyah, which is referred to by 
Yakut (iv, 635), lies east of Kiiniyah, and is the ancient 

^ I^aluniyah of the Arab g^eog^phen is generally identified with Colonia, 
founded by Pompey aa describM oy Procopiua, wnieh the Armenians call 
Aghoyendzor, or Uoghonia, and which lies about 60 miles north-west of Kam^. 
See Saint Martin, Mimoire mr I'ArminU, i, 189. 

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Chapter 8. Armenia, 

Contents: Akhlat, 164^; Abtut (or Abtuk) and Arjiah, 164i>;. 
Armuk, \Mx\ Alatak, 164y; Barklrl, 164«; Bayan, 165J; 
Kharadin, 165(?; Khushab, Jaramrast, and Lukiyamat, \Qbdy 
Hangamabad, 165d; Salam and 'Ayn, 165/; Kabud and 
Malazgird, 165y; Van and Vastan, 165;*; Valasbgird, 165m. 

The Arab geographers unfortunately afford us but meagre 
accounts of Armenia, and though 'Ali of Yazd in his 
description of the campaigns of Timur enables us to identify 
some of the outstanding names, 9^jj^ Khalfah in the Jihdn 
Numd proves of little service. Hence, out of the list, as given^ 
above, it has been only possible to identify a third of the 
places named. 

Hamd-AUah remarks that this country is divided into 
Greater and Lesser Armenia ; but that with Lesser Armenia^ 
(otherwise Cilicia), of which the capital was Sis, he does not 
deal in detail, for this formed no part of Iran. The great 
lake which is the central feature of the country, now called 
Lake Van, Hamd-Allah describes (L. 226;') under the 
name of the Arjish or Akhlat Lake, from what were then 
the two chief towns on its borders. It was celebrated for 
the fish called Tirrikh, with which its waters, that were salt, 
abounded. Our author also speaks of the modern (j^ukchah 
Lake under the name of Buhayrah Gukchah Tanglz, meaning 
in Turkish 'the Blue Lake' (L. 226k). It lay on the 
Adharbayjan frontier of Armenia, and its waters were 
sweet and good for drinking ; the Gukchah Tanglz is also 
frequently mentioned by 'All of Yazd (2ki/ar Ndmah, i, 414, 
415 ; ii, 378). 

The town of Akhlat, at the north-west comer of the Van 
Lake, was then the capital of Armenia and produced revenue 
to the amount of 50,500 dinars (about £12,500), and above 
Akhlat to the eastward rose the great mountain of Euh Siban, 
now called Sipan Dagh (L. 205/). Neither Abtut, 'a fine 
town,' nor Armuk is apparently marked on the map ; but 
Arjish is still found at the north-west end of the lake. Alatak 

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18 described as a good pasture-ground, where Arghun Khan 
had built himself a Saray or palace for his summer quarters ; 
it is the mountainous region now known as Ala Dagh to 
the north and north-east of the lake, and is frequently 
mentioned by 'All of Yazd (I.S. 417, 421, 685) ; further, 
Timur kept his standing camp. here during the Georgian 
campaigns. In the neighbourhood is the town of Band- 
Mahi (Fish Dam), one stage to the eastward of Arjish (see 
Route xxv) on the Arjish bay of Lake Van. Ehushab lies 
at some distance to the south-east of the Van Lake. 

The places named Bayan (or Nabar), Eharadin (Eharavin 
or Jazavin), Jarmarast (Jarvarib or Harsarbat), Liiki- 
yamat (Tumanat), Hangamabad, Salam (Shalam), 'Ayn, and 
Eabud, are none of them to be found in Yakut, though 
many of these names are copied into the Jihdn Numd 
(p. 418) without comment ; they have apparently also 
disappeared from the map, and the readings are in most 
cases uncertain. Malazjird lies on the upper course of the 
western Euphrates, due north of Lake Van : the city of Van 
itself is near the eastern end of the lake, and Yastan lies 
on its southern shore. The exact position of Yalashgird is 
doubtful; but Yakut (iv, 939) mentions a town of this 
name as situated near Akhlat, though none is now shown 
on the map. 

Chapter 9. Jazirah or Upper Mesopotamia, 

Contents: Mosul, 165/?; Irbil, 165«; Arzan and Amid, 165/; 
Basaydah and fiatamuV, 165r; Bartalla, 165t^; Jasar, 165^; 
Bawazij and Jazirah Ibn 'Omar, 165y ; Hani and Si wan, 
165z; Harran, 166a; Hi^n Kayfa and Khabur, 166^; Eas-aU 
*Ayn, 166/; Rakkah, 166y; Ruha and Sa*ird, 166o; Sanjar, 
166^; Suk-ath-Thamanin, 166^; 'Akar, 166ti; 'Imadlyah, 
166t^; Karklslya, 166ar; Earmalis and Mardln, 166y; Mush, 
167<?; Mayafar^ayn, 167<?; Nafibin, 167/; Ninavl, 167/. 

The upper part of Mesopotamia is known either as Jazirah, 
Uhe Island,' or else as Diyar-Bakr and Diyar • Rabrah, 

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meaning th« Lands of Bakr and Rabrah, the two Arab tribes 
whicb had settled in these parts before the Moslem conquest 
Diyar-Rabrah is the south-eastern half of the province, with 
Mosul for capital ; Diyar - Bakr being the north - western 
part, with Amid for its chief town. Mosul on the Tigris 
was the largest city of the Jazirah province ; but Irbil 
(Arbela), to the eastward, standing half-way between the 
banks of the two Zabs, was a place of great importance. 
The Upper or Greater Zab rose in the mountains of Armenia 
and flowed down to join the Tigris at Hadlthah ^ ; while 
the Lower or Lesser Zab, called also Majnun, 'the mad 
river,' because of its swift current, rising also in Arosenia 
joined the Tigris at the hill of Sinn (L. 214^). In Biaay 
of the MSS.^ Arzan or Arzanah is next described, aa 
important town standing on a left bank affluent of the 
Tigris, and its ruins still exist. 

Amid is the chief place of Diyar- Bakr (and the town is 
often called by the name of the province) ; it stands on the 
Tigris to the westward and higher up than the inflow ci 
the Arzan river. The towns of Basaydah and Batamoh 
I am unable to identify^ (the latter name being varioudy 
given in the MSS. as Bazarniikh, Batahbuj, etc.), but from 
its position in the alphabetical order, the first syllaUe is 
apparently Ba — the Syriac form of Bapt or Beth — so 
common in the place-names of this region. Bartalla is 
mentioned by YakOt (i, 567), and still exists about sixteen 
miles to the eastward of Mosul, but it is difficult to 
identify the town called Jar or Jasar, and the reading is 
probably corrupt. Bawazlj, though it has disappeared from 
the map, is mentioned by Yakut (i, 750), and from his 
account we learn that it stood near the mouth of the Lower 

^ Not to be confounded with Hadithah on the Euphrates, mentioned in 
Chapter 1. 

' British Museum MSS., Add. 7,708, 16,737, and 23,543. Not to he 
confounded with Anan>ar-Rum, otherwise Erzerum. In the J^afar NSwuih 
(i, 666) the name is spelt Arzin. 

3 Unless for Basaydah we read Ba^bdah, which might be merely another 
way of spelling Bazabda (as the name is given by TaJp&t, i, 466), the wall- 
known town on the eastern bank of the Tigris opposite Jazirah Ibn *Omar, 
which had been the Roman fortress of Bezabda. 

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ZSb, and not far from the hill of Sinn. Jazlrah Ibn 'Omar 
is a tovn on an island in the Tigris above Mosul (see I.S. 
34)y and Hani, to the north of Amid, according to Yakut 
(ii, 188), was celebrated for its iron-mine. What place 
Sitwan or Siwan represents is not clear, but the reading 
IB not improbably corrupt. 

Harran, with its castle of cut stone, founded, it was said, 
by Arphaxad, son of Shem, lay near the sources of the river 
Balikh, which jcnned the Euphrates at Rakkah (L. 219;*). 
Hisn KajS, is an important fortress on the Tigris, lyifig 
due south of Arzan (IJS. 264). EhabOr is the name of 
some town on the Ehabur river, on which stood Bas-al- 
'Aym, and the Ehabur river, after taking up the Hirma^, 
joined the £iq)hrates at Karkisiya, or Gircesium. Kakkah, 
the ancient Callinicus, stands on the Euphrates, above the 
junction of the Balikh river (I.S. 50), near the famous 
battlefield of SifEln. Ruha, or Edessa, is described in many 
of tiie MSS.,^ and some details are given of its wonderful 
churches. Sa'ird (south of Bitlis) was famous for its 
manufacture of copper pots and cups. Sinjar stood on the 
mountain side overlooking the Tharthar river, this last 
being a branch stream &om the Hirmas river, which, 
flowing eastward, joined the Tigris at Takrit (L. 219o). 

Suk Thamanin — * Market of the Eighty ' — records the 
settlement of that number of the companions of Noah when, 
according to Moslem tradition, the Ark came to rest on 
Jabal Jiidl. This Suk Thamanin is not found on the mapt^, 
but Mount JudI is known, and in his Itinerary MukaddasI 
(p. 149) reports that this town lay one march distant (west) 
of Jazlrah Ibn 'Omar, and Abu-1-Fida (p. 275) says that 
Thamanin lay to the north of 'Imadiyah. *Akr, signifying 
' a castle,' constantly recurs in place-names ; the castle here 
intended is doubtless *Akr-al-HumaydIyah, mentioned also 
by Yakut (iii, 696), which is marked on the map some 
thirty miles to the south-east of 'Imadiyah. This last, 
a town of considerable size, is said by Mustawfi to have 

* Those cited above, and others. 

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taken its name from 'Imad-ad-Dawlah the Buyid (brotber 
of Mu*izz-ad-Dawlah), who died in 338 (a.d. 949). According 
to Ibn-al-Athir (xi, 60), however, 'Imadijrah had its name 
from 'Imad-ad-Din Zangi, Lord of Mosul, who had founded 
the town in 537 (a.d. 1142). Not far from 'Imadiyah is 
Karmalls, of the Mosul district, also mentioned by Yakut 
(iv, 267), which will be found to the south of Bartalla. 
Karklsiya stands on the Euphrates at the junction of the 
Ehabur (I.S. 51). Mardin was famous for its castle, and 
the Siir river which inigated its gardens flowed thence 
northward to join the Tigris (L. 219p). Mush stands near 
the upper waters of the Arsanas or eastern Euphrates, 
Mayafarikayn lying south-west of it, and on a left bank 
affluent of the Tigris. Naslbin or Nisibis, celebrated for 
its roses and venomous scorpions, is on the Hirmas river, 
which forms the chief affluent of the Ehabur (L. 219m) ; 
lastly, Nineveh (Ninavi), opposite Mosul on the Tigris, was 
famous for the shrine shown here of the prophet Tunus or 

(To be emtimt^,) 

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Art. X. — VaMli, By Vincent A. Smith, M.R.A.S., 
late of the Indian Civil Service. 

When discussing the position of Kudinagara I was 
compelled by the necessity of avoiding undue prolixity to 
assume without proof the correctness of the current belief 
that the ancient and famous city of Yaisali (Yesali) is now 
represented by the ruins at Basar and the neighbouring 
villages in the Muzaffarpur District of North Bihar. ^ 

The evidence in favour of the current belief was presented 
by Cunningham in such an unconvincing fashion that it was 
impossible for his readers to feel assured of the identity of 
YaisaU and Basaf.^ At one time I felt doubts on the subject 
myself. Professor Rhys Davids has recently intimated his 
opinion that the site of Yaisali is quite uncertain, while 
Dr. Hoey has felt at liberty to reject Cunningham's decision, 
and to propose the identification of Yaisali with a place 
named Chera^id in the Chapra or Saran District.' Inasmuch 
as Dr. Hoey's ingenious arguments move on a plane different 
from that of mine, and seem to me wholly opposed to the 
evidence, I trust that I may be excused from criticizing 
them in detail. But the fact that doubts concerning the 
identification of Basar with Yaisali have been freely expressed 
is good reason for examining afresh the evidence which 
satisfied Cunningham, as well as any other available, and 
for forming a definite and well-considered judgment on the 
question at issue. In the following pages I propose to 

> Ant€t p. 143. 

* Cnnnmgham : Arch. S. Reports, i, 55, 56 ; xvi, 6. 

* ** On the Identification of Kuainara, Yaisali, and other places mentioned by 
the Chinese pilgrims," by W. Hoey, Litt.D., I.C.S. : J.A.S.B., 1900, vol. Ldx, 
pt. 1, pp. 78, 83. Cheraiji^ stands on the northern bank of the Ganra, in 
approximately N. lat. 26^ 41' and £. long. 84° 66', about seren mfles sorai-eaft 
from Chapra. 

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submit to impartial criticism and discussion all the knowu 
facts, and I venture to think that any reader who examine* 
the case without prepossession will agree with me that 
Cunningham was right in his conclusion, although, as often 
happened, he failed to record the reasons for his opinion 
with sufficient detail and lucidity to compel the assent of his 
readers. I have no doubt whatever that Basar and the 
adjoining villages occupy the site of the city of Yaisali, and 
am further convinced that, while the limits of the city can 
even now be determined with a near approach to aocuracy^ 
a very moderate amount of local exploration, conducted under 
competent guidance, should result in the determination of 
the exact sites of many renowned monuments. 

The village of Basar (4UI><) stands in about N. lat. 
26° 68' 20" and E. long. 86° 11' 30", twenty-six or twenty- 
aaven miles in a direct line a little to the west of north 
from Fatna, the ancient Pataliputra, and about twenty miles 
from Hajfpur on the northern bank of the Ganges opposite 
Fatna. It is due north of the Digha Ghat railway station 
(m the Bengal and North- Western Railway. 

The great mound or ' fort ' at the village is known as the 
Fort of Raja Bisal (Visal). The close correspondence of 
the name of this eponymous local chieftain with the city 
name of Yaisali or Yesali is obvious, and, aldiough not by 
itself conclusive evidence of identity, is of great weight as 
corroboration of other evidence.^ 

Well-known Buddhist legends, which it seems unnecessary 
to repeat in detail, clearly imply that Yaisali lay beyond 
the Ganges at a moderate distance in a northerly direction 
from FataUputra, and on the road from that city to Kosinara 

1 The correct spelling is said to be Basajr (^TOTvff), but I believe that the 
spelling Easafh (^tll^) ^ ^^ permissible. The first syllable is certainly not 
Be-, % J as it is written by Cunningham and Hoemle. The Indian Atlas 
(Sheet 102) spells the name as * Busadh Puttee.* Basafh represents Yaisali or 
Yesali more accurately than does the form Basaf . Cunningham {Reports, i, 55) 
erroneonaly places Basar *^a little to the eMt ot north trom Patna." Tb« 
mistake is probably due to a misprint. 

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The traditional account of Gautama Buddha's last journey 
relates that he travelled leisurely from Pataliputra to Yalsali 
in three stages, halting twice on the way, first at Kotigrama 
and next at Nadiyagrama. Travellers in India whose 
journey begins with the crossing of a great river are always 
glad to make their first halt as near as possible to the further 
bank of the river. The ancient town of Hajipur (N. lat. 
25° 40', E. long. 85° 18' 30"), which stands on the eastern 
bank of the Oandak river and the northern bank of the 
Ganges at a distance in a direct line of six or seven miles 
from Patna, is still the first halting-place for the traveller 
proceeding north from Patna. We may be quite certain 
that Kotigrama, the first camping-ground of Buddha, was at 
or close to Hajipur.* 

Lalganj, situated twelve miles from Hajipur and eight 
from Basar, is now the principal village intermediate between 
those two places, and Nadiyagrama should be looked for in 
the vicinity of Lalganj. Careful local enquiry would 
probably find the names Kotigrama and Nadiyagrama 
surviving in slightly modified forms, such as Kotgaon and 
NadiyaoS, but no such names are entered in the Indian 
Atlas, sheet No. 103. 

The position of Basar at a distance of three easy marches 
north of Patna exactly agrees with the position of Vaisali in 
relation to Pataliputra as described by Buddhist tradition. 

Hiuen Tsiang places the stupa marking the locality of the 
orthodox Council or Convocation of Vaisali at a spot two and 
a half miles (15 or 16 //) south-east from the city. At 
a distance of 15 or 16 miles (80 or 90 li) to the south of this 
%iupa stood the splendid monastery of Svetapura, which 
marked the place where the autra called " Bodhisattva-pitaka" 
was supposed to have been revealed. A stupa^ ascribed to 
Aioka, stood beside the monastery, and preserved the memory 
of the spot where Buddha, when going south to Magadha, 

' Hajipur possesses an ancient fort dating from Hindu times, and the principal 
mosque stands on the site of earlier buildings. The ruins of a Hindix temple known 
ai Mai-hai exist two miles to the north of the town. (Cunningham, Report; 
xvi, 5.) A hoard of gold Gupta coins, ranging in date from about a.d. 320 to 
400, was found in the bazaar in 1S93. (Proe. A.S.B., March, 1894, p. 67.) 

j.R.A.s. 1902. 18 

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"270 VAISALl. 

stopped to look back upon Vaisali. The Svetapura monastery, 
therefore, stood on the road from Vaisali to Pataliputra, at 
a distance of about 20 miles from the former city, and cloee 
to the river. Five or six miles (30 It) to the south-east of 
^vetapura a stupa on the northern bank of the Qanges 
marked the position of the ferry where, according to the 
legend, Ananda divided his body, and gave half to the king 
of Magadha on the southern and half to the king of 
Vaisali on the northern side of the river. A corresponding 
stupa stood on the southern bank. The ferry connected by 
legend with Ananda was therefore 23 or 24 miles (2^+ 
15 or 16+5 or 6) distant from Vaisali in a direction slightly 
east of south, and, inasmuch as the Ganges then flowed 
a good deal farther to the north than it does now, the stUpa 
marking the northern end of the ferry should be looked for 
near Daudnagar, about six miles south-east from Hajipur. 
The stUpa at the southern end of the ferry must have been 
carried away by the river. The Svetapura monastery must 
bave been near Hajipur. Its "massive towers," of which 
Hiuen Tsiang speaks, were probably wooden, but it is quite 
possible that careful search would succeed in tracing the 
substantial brick foundations on which those towers rested. 

The position of Vaisali in relation to l^vetapura on the 
bank of the Qanges agrees accurately with the position of 
Basar in relation to the river.* 

Hiuen Tsiang expressly states that Vaisali lay on the road 
from Pataliputra to Nepal.' Basar lies on the ancient royal 
road from the capital to Nepal, marked by three of Anoka's 
pillars, which passed Kesariya, Lauriya-Araraj, Betiya, 

^ Seal : Records, ii, 74-77. The statement that the Bodhisattva-pi^aka 96tra 
was revealed at Svetapura is taken from the ** Life of Hiaen Tsiang" (p. 101), 
which defines the position of ^vetapora by the rather obscure words : ** Leaying 
the southern borders of Yaisali and following the Ganges river for 100 /t or sa 
[27 or 28 miles], we came to the town of Svetapura.'* The Life, as M. Sylvain 
lAvi has pointed out, was written for edification, and is not to be depended 
on for geographical or topographical details. Many statements in the book are 
manifestly erroneous. The Becordt, on the other hand, the more they are tested, 
the more accurate they are proved to be. 

> Beal,ii, 81. 

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VAI8ALI. 271 

Laiiriya-Nandangarh, Chanklgarh, and Eampurwa, enteriTig 
the hills by the Bhikna Thorl Pass. The jealousy of the 
existing Nepalese goyemment compels the modem traveller 
to take a more easterly route and pass through Sigauli 
(Segowlee) in lat. 26° 44', long. 84° 47'.* 

Two geographical tests of the identity of Basar and Yaisali 
having been proved satisfactory, I now proceed to apply 
a third test of the same kind. 

The gtupa near Eesariya, known by the name of Raja Ben 
CakravartI, is, as was explained in my discussion of the site 
of Eudinagara, the spot erroneously described by Fa-hien 
as the scene of the Licchavi leave-taking, and correctly 
described by Hiuen Tsiang as the memorial of a Gakravartin 
Raja. Both pilgrims substantially agree in their estimate of 
the distance of this locality from Yaisali, Fa-hien giving the 
round figure "5 t/ojanas,'* equivalent to 38 miles,* while 
the more accurate Hiuen Tsiang states the distance as being 
**a little less than 200 /«." Five yofanaa being the exact 
equivalent of 200 U, the term "a little less than 200 K** may 
be fairly interpreted as equivalent to 4^ yojanaSy or 33 miles, 
which is the approximate marching distance between Basar 
and Eesariya. Measured on the map (Sheets 102 and 103 
of the Indian Atlas), the direct distance between Busadh 
Puttee (Basar) and the "hillock with temple" south-west 
of Eesariya village is about 30 miles. Consequently in 
relation to Eesariya the correspondence in position between 
Basar and Yaisali is again proved to be perfect. 

Fa-hien states that " the confluence of the five rivers," 
that is to say, of the Ganges, Son, Ghagra, Gandak, and 
some smaller stream not identified, was distant four yq/anas, 
or about 30 miles, eastward from the stupa to the north of 
Yaisali, which, according to his guides, marked the scene 

^ The andent and modern rontes can be traced on Sheets 102 and 103 of 
the Indian Atlas. No doubt in ancient times sereral passes into the Tailej 
of Nepal were open to the traveller. The royal route fed to the Goramasan 
Pass, as well as to the Bhikna Thori Pass, but the latter was probacy that 
feneraUy used. 

3 «< Five ^qfanoM " (Bed and Giles). The distance of << ton yqfanat'* stated 
in Ledge's tnuislation is out of the question. 

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of the Buddhist Council or Convocation of Yaisali. The 
river Ganges below the present junction with the Gandak 
opposite Patna has made a considerable move in a southerly 
direction, having in ancient times flowed much farther to 
the north. In those days the Son followed the present 
course of the Punpun and Murhar rivers, and joined the 
Ganges to the north of Phatuha (Fatuha), about 10 miles 
east from Patna and about 25 miles east from the present 
point of junction. As long as the vast mass of water &om 
the Son was thrown into the Ganges below Patna, the latter 
river was necessarily forced towards the north. When the 
mouth of the Son moved to the west, and the pressure from 
its waters was withdrawn, the Ganges naturally took a more 
southerly course. In Fa-hien's time Pataliputra stood in 
the tongue of land between the Ganges and the Son, but 
nearer to the latter river, and might be accurately described 
as situated on the bank of the Son. The old ghats, or river- 
side stairs of the city, can still be traced along the bank 
of the ancient bed of the Son. The critic who merely glances 
at the modem map would suppose Fa-hien to be mistaken 
in describing Asoka's city of Pataliputra as being distant 
a pq/ana, or some seven miles, from the Ganges where he 
crossed at the confluence. But a knowledge of the changes 
in the courses of the rivers as explained above fully justifies 
the pilgrim's description, and explains his meaning without 
violence to his text. The confluence of the five rivers must 
have been situated near the villages named Bazar and 
Gopalpur (I. A., sheet 103), which stand north of Fatuha, 
and about nine miles south-east from HiijTpur. The distance 
from those villages to the ruins of Anoka's city on the old 
course of the Son is about eight miles. Fa-hien when 
defining direction commonly uses the four cardinal points 

the five 


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VAISlLI. 273 

marks the position of Fa-hien's ''convocation stupa," to 
Bazar is 29 J miles, or four yojanas as required. The 
distance from Bazar to Atoka's city of Pataliputra being 
about eight miles, the city would have been in the dry 
season about a yojana from the southern bank of the river, 
as stated by the pilgrim. Thus, a fourth geographical test 
rigorously applied establishes the identity of Yaisali with 

If my readers have had the patience to follow me so far, 
I trust that they will be satisfied that the remains at Basar 
and the neighbouring villages beyond doubt occupy the 
site of the famous city Yaisali. The identity of the site is 
established by the continuance of the name of Yaisali in 
the forms Basar (or Basarh) and Bisal, as well as by the 
exact agreement in the positions of Basar and Yaisali on 
the old royal road from Pataliputra (Patna) to Nepal with 
reference to Pataliputra itself, to the course of the Ganges, 
to the Eesariya atupa^ and to "the confluence of the five 

The discussion of the topography of Yaisali, on which 
I now propose to enter, will be found to strongly corroborate 
the geographical arguments set forth above. 

The exact date of Hiuen Tsiang's visit to Yaisali is not 
known, but the year 635 a.d. may be assumed as ap- 
proximately the correct date. His description of the city 
is unusually detailed and precise, and enables the modem 
reader not only to form an accurate conception of the state 
of the ruins in the seventh century a.d., but also to mark 
on the map with a close approach to exactness the position 
of each monument described. 

1 Fi-bien, ch. xxvi, xxvii, in Legge's yersioii. For the chan^ in tht 
eonnes of the riven see the discussion by Cnnningham and Beglar in MtpcrU, 
Tol. fiii pp. ▼, ri, xi, 23, and plate i. Cunningham (pp. Ti and xi, with 
a misprint at p. vi) cites Patanjali as mentioning ** Pa^abputra on the Son," 
•VIM Sonam Td^aliputram. Patanjali is supposed to have bved about b.c. 160. 
I have myself seen the remains of the riversiae stairs on the old bank of the Son 
near Bonkipore. They were traced by Babu P. C. Mokbeni for a distance of 
about 1,000 feet to the north of Nayatola, midway between Patna and Bankipore 
railway stations, and adjoining Itumrahfir (also called Nema or Nima), tht 
site of the Hanrya palace. 

Digitized by 



274 vaisIli. 

At the time of the pilgrim's visit the city was to a great 
extent in ruins. The buildings were in a state of advanced 
decay, the forests had been uprooted, and the numerous 
lakes and ponds had shrunk into ofifensive swamps. The 
ruins covered a space about twelve miles (60 or 70 It) in 
circuity and included the remains of hundreds of Buddhist 
monasteries, out of which only three or four were occupied 
by a few monks. The Jains (Nirgranthas) were numerous, 
as might naturally be expected, Yaisali having been the 
birthplace of their religion ; and Brahmanical Hindus of 
various sects worshipped at more than a score ('several tens') 
of temples. The citadel, or palace precinct, was less than 
a mile (4 or 5 //) in circuit, and was inhabited by a small 
population. This citadel is obviously represented by the 
mound now known as Baja Bisal's Fort (Bisalgarh), which 
retains the ancient name almost unaltered, and in dimensions 
exactly agrees with Hiuen Tsiang's description.^ 

A monastery tenanted by a few friars of the Saihmatiya 
school of the Hlnayana stood about a mile (5 or 6 H) 
north-west of the citadel, and apparently within the city 
walls. Hiuen Tsiang specifies the position of most of the 
monuments mentioned by him with reference to this 
monastery, which was evidently his residence during his 

Close to the monastery three atupas attracted the pilgrim's 
special attention. One of these commemorated the delivery 
of the Yimalakirtti Sutra and the presentation of precious 
parasols to Buddha. The second marked the spot where 
Sariputra and others attained the rank of saint (arhai). The 
third, which stood at a short distance to the south-east, was 
the most interesting monument at Yaisali, being the atupa 
which enshrined the share of the relics obtained by the 

^ The fort is 1,680 feet in length from north to soath, by 760 feet in width 
from east to west, and the cirunit ronnd the crest of the mound measures 4,660 
feet (Cunningham, Eeports, i, 66 ; XTi, 6), equivalent to about 6 ft at the rate 
of 6t li to the mile. The extensive forest to the north of the city was still 
standing in Fa-hien's time, about a.d. 406, in the reifu of Candra Gupta II. 
The final ruin of the city was probably due to the £structiye wars with the 
White Huns half a century later. 

Digitized by 


VAI8ALI. 275 

uimamed king of YaiBali at the time of the cremation of the 
body of Gautama Buddha. This stupa, dating from about 
B.C. 500, will probably, when identified, prove to be similar 
to the monument at Piprava, which enshrined the share of 
the relics obtained by the oakyas of Kapilavastu.^ 

Beference to the accompanying map^ will show that the 
Senunatiya monastery, the stupa containing the cremation 
relics, as well as the atupas of Sariputra and the Vimalakirtti 
Sutra, must all lie in a compact group (No. 1 on map) between 
the Kharona tank and the village of Pharawal, where a large 
mound exists. BabQ P. C. MukherjT, when visiting Yaisali, 
discerned that the cremation-relics stupa must be near 
Pharawal. It is astonishing that Sir Alexander Cunningham 
made no attempt to ascertain the position of this most 
interesting monument of the earliest period of Buddhism, 
which probably still contains the relics of Gautama. 
According to a legend told by Hiuen Tsiang, Aitoka 
removed nine-tenths of the original deposit, leaving one- 
tenth behind. I have no doubt that careful survey, 
supplemented by intelligent excavation, will bring to light 
this siupa^ which is almost certain to contain a valuable 

Having visited and described the more conspicuous and 
interesting monuments close to the monastery where he 
lodged, which must all have been situated within the waUs, 

^ The exact date of the death of Gautama Buddha Sakyamunl is not known, 
tad is prohahly unascertainable. The Ceylonese dat«, b.c. 543, which has been 
treated with undue respect, appears to he a little too early. If the figures 256 in 
Aifoka's Minor Bock Edicts express a date, they indicate that iJoka beliered 
Gautama to have died in or about b.c. 608. As an approximate round figure, 
B.C. 600 may be considered correct. As to the authenticity of the Pipraya 
relics, see Professor Bhys Davids* paper "Atoka and the Buddha-relics" in 
J.S.A.S., Julj, 1901, p. 398. 

s My map is based on a tracine of plate ii in toI. xyi of Cunningham's 
S0p9rts, The scale of Cunningham s map is really the same as that of mine, but 
is misprinted. Some details are taken from his earlier, and apparently less 
eoRBot, plate xxi in rol. i of the same series. The additions made by me are 
supported by my interpretation of the Chinese pilnims' texts, and by some notes 
supplied by Babii P. C. Mukherii, who yisited &e locality in Noyember, 1897, 
on behalf of the Government of Bengal. His notes, although too cnide lor 
publication aa a whole, contain valuable matter. The position of Chak Raradas 
is misrepresented in the map in ReporUj xvi. This hamlet is really contiguous 
to Baniya, from which it is divided by a narrow passage. (Ibid., 91.) 

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276 VAISlLI. 

Hiuen Tsiang turned towards the north-west, where he 
found a distinct group of holy places (No. 7 of map). 
He observed a stupa built by Adoka, beside which stood 
a stone pillar 50 or 60 feet high, surmounted by the figure 
of a lion. To the south of the pillar was a tank, which, 
according to the legend, was dug by monkeys for the use of 
Buddha, and two stupas to the south of the tank marked the 
The p 
the no 

to th( 
with i 
from 1 
8iupa i 
150 f 
the 8t{ 
size s 
the ru 
east o 

I ] 

Digitized by 


VAI8ALI. 277 

or company of monkeys, is often represented in sculpture, 
and was localized at Mathura as well as at Yaisali.^ 

I am unable to agree with Cunningham (i, 56) that the 
-city of Vaisali, strictly so called, inoluded the Monkey Tank 
group of ruins and Bakhira village. Attentive consideration 
of the testimony of Fa-hien and Hiuen Tsiang permits no 
doubt that both Bakhira and the Monkey Tank group of 
xuins fall outside the line of the ancient walls. The 
Kutagara, or * upper-storied/ hall, where Buddha dwelt 
during the fifth year of his ministry, was situated in the 
precincts of the Mahavana Yihara, or monastery of the 
great forest, and on the bank of, or close to, the Monkey 
Tank. Fa-hien informs us that the great forest, or Maha- 
vana, lay to the north of the city, and that the *' double- 
galleried vilidra " where Buddha dwelt (i.e. the Eutagara) 
was in that forest. But inasmuch as the " double-galleiied 
€ihdra*' adjoined the Monkey Tank, that tank also must have 
been within the forest and without the city. The "stUpa 
of the last look,'' which will be mentioned presently, stood 
outside the western gate, and it is impossible to locate this 
iftUpa if Bakhira be considered part of the city. The village 
of Eollua, or Eolhua, which is unfortunately not marked 
on the maps accessible to me, is close to the Monkey Tank, 
-and probably represents the ancient suburb Eollaga. The 
Monkey Tank group of remains may properly be regarded 
as forming part of that suburb. The site of Bakhira village 
lay, I should think, quite clear of the city.' It is, however, 

* Cnnningham : Beports^ i, 66, 68-63 ; xri, 12-16. The distanoe of the temple 
from the $tupa is given in the text as stated in Reports, xri, 16 ; in ibid., i» 61, 
the distance is stated to be 600 feet. The existence of the medisyal statue 
may be explained by the well-known devotion of the Pala kings to Buddhism, 
lieotenant- Colonel Waddell*s observation was communicated to me by letter. 
For the Mathura variant of the monkey legend, see Beal, i, 182. Hiuen Tsiang 
was not disturbed by the duplication of the storv. 

' Fa-hien, ch. xxv (Legge); Tumour in J,A.S.B, for 1838, pp. 790 and 
1,200; Bumouf, Jntroduetion, p. 74. The last two references are given by 
Cunningham, and I have not verified them. As to Kolhua, Cnnningham 
(xvi, 12) writes: <<Near the village of Kolhua, 2 miles to the north-west of 
BeflArh, and 1 mile to the south-east of the village of Bakhra, stands the massive 
stone piUar known as the Bakhra Idt, or monolith." In my map I have, 
therefore, inserted Kollua as north of the Monkey Tank. Bubii r. C. Mukheiji 
spells the name of the village as Kollua, and states that there is a large moumd 
on the eastern side. 

Digitized by 


278 VAisiLi. 

quite possible that when Hiuen Tsiang estimated the circuit 
of the " old foundations " of the ruined city as measuring some 
twelve miles (60 or 70 It), he meant to include the Monkey 
Tank group of monuments. Excluding that group, the 
periphery of the walled city, as will presently be explained, 
seems to have amounted to about ten miles only. 

The third group of monuments (No. 2 on map), described 
in detail by Hiuen Tsiang, consisted of four buildings distant 
more than half a mile (3 or 4 It) in a north-easterly direction 
from his temporary residence at the Sammatlya monastery. 
A atupa marked the reputed site of the house where the 
convert Yimalakirttl had lived, and close by a so-called 
** spirit-dwelling in shape like a pile of bricks " preserved the 
memory of the spot where he had preached. A second stupa 
commemorated the residence of Ratnakara (P Ratnakiita), 
and a third monument of the same kind occupied the site 
of the residence of the celebrated courtesan Amrapali, whose 
hospitality Buddha had not disdained to accept. The aunt 
of Buddha and other nuns were believed to have attained 
Nirvana at this spot. The monuments included in this 
group must have been situated at or close to the site of the 
hamlet, now called Chak Abora. It seems to be possible 
that this name may preserve that of Amba- or Amrapali. 
Ambapiira might easily pass into Abaura or Abora.^ This 
group of monuments was evidently inside the city walls. 

The fourth group of buildings selected by Hiuen Tsiang 
for special notice is described by him with reference to 
a atupa (No. 3 on map) situated to the north of the 
monastery where he lodged at a distance of about three- 
quarters of a mile (3 or 4 li). This stupa, which evidently 
was inside the walls, marked the spot where Buddha, 
attended by a crowd of men and angels, was believed to 
have halted for a moment before he passed out by the 
western gate on his long journey to Kusinara and to death. 
At a short distance to the north-west of this stupa, a similar 

> The name is given as Abora in JUpartt, m, pi. ii, and as Aboha in 
ibid., i, pi. xxi. The latter form is probably a misprint. 

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manamenty outside the walls (No. 4 on map), recalled tlie 
memory of the long, last look which the Master took at the 
city where he had dwelt so long. 

A little way to the south of this st&pa of the last look, 
Hiuen Tsiang was shown a vihdra and a siupa said to mark 
the site of the garden presented to Buddha by Amrapali. 
The two last-named monuments may possibly have been 
iaside the walls, because Fa-hien explicitly records that 
''inside the city the woman Ambapall built a vihdra in 
honour of Buddha, which is now standing as it was at 
finf As to the position of the garden, Hiuen Tsiang 
aaems to have been misinformed. Fa-hien correctly places 
it to the south of the city on the west side of the road 
£rom Pataliputra. 

Another Btupat near the site shown as that of the garden 
to Hiuen Tsiang, commemorated, according to his guides, 
the spot where Buddha announced his approaching dissolution 
to his attendant Anauda. 

Yet another atvpa^ not far o£f, marked the spot where, 
according to a wild legend, '' the thousand sons beheld their 
father and their mother/' Fa-hien relates a variaut of this 
fuitastic legend, which belongs to the Jataka cycle, and 
gives the %tupa the quaint name of '' bows and weapons laid 
down." He fixes its position as being three /i, say a thousand 
yards, to the north-west of the city. Close by a stUipa had 
been erected on the spot where Buddha had expounded the 
meaning of the Jataka legend of the thousand sons. 

Further to the east were the ruins of the "turretted 
preaching hall, where Buddha uttered the Samantamukha 
dkdrani and other sutras," This hall is the ** double-galleried 
vihdra where Buddha dwelt " in the great forest north of 
the city as described by Fa-hien, near which stood the st^a 
bult by the Liochavis over their half of the body of Ananda. 
This Btapa, according to Hiuen Tsiang, was ''by the side 
of the preaching hall, and not far from it." The same hall 
is deaoribed in other books as the Kutagara on the bank 
of the Monkey Tank, and we are thus able to check and 
cooibine the topographical indications given by the two 

Digitized by 




pilgrimSy and to fix the approximate position of each 
building described. 

Fa-hien supplies another and important datum by the 
statement that the stupa which commemorated the site of 
the Council of Vaisali stood three or four li, say 1,000 to 
1,200 yards, eastward from the stupa of " bows and weapons 
laid down." He also tells us that the stupa standing on 
the spot where Buddha foretold his approaching dissolution 
was "by the side" of the "bows and weapons laid down" 
monument. In this detail he differs from Hiuen Tsiang. 

Babu P. C. Mukherjl is very probably right in locating^ 
the site of the Kutagara to the north-east of the Adoka 
pillar, "where the field is comparatively high, and where 
some years ago the local zemindar excavated hundreds of 
cartloads of bricks, which he carried to Bakhira to build 
his house" (No. 6 on map). The scene of the Council of 
Vaisali, according to Fa-hien*8 guides, must have been close 
to the Eutagara, and the stupa over the half body of Ananda 
should be looked for in the same group of ruins. 

The stupa of the "thousand sons," or "bows and weapons 
laid down," and the adjoining stupa marking the spot where 
Buddha, according to Fa-hien, foretold his death, which were 
about 1,000 yards west of the Kutagara, must be represented 
by the " two high conical mounds half a mile to the west of 
the pillar" known locally either as "Bhim Sen's baskets'* 
{palld)f or as "Raja BisaFs battery" {morca, No. 5 on map). 
These two stupas, according to the testimony both of 
Cunningham and Babu P. C. Mukherji, are constructed 
of earth without bricks, and are used as a quarry by the 
Luniyas, or saltpetre-makers. They are, no doubt, of very 
early date. 

It is interesting to observe that in two cases the distinct 
statements of the two Chinese pilgrims differ so irreconcilably 
that they can be explained only by the assumption that their 
guides showed them different sites under the same names. 
Fa-hien places the garden of Amrapali where we should 
expect to find it, a little to the south of the city, and he adds 
that it was situated to the west of the road from PataUputra. 

Digitized by 


vaisXli. 281 

He does not mention any stupa or monument as marking 
the site. Hiuen Tsiang was shown a atupa on the alleged 
aite of the garden, which he places a short distance to the 
south of the "stUpa of the last look" (No. 4 of map), and 
consequently to the west of the city. 

A more important discrepancy concerns the locality of the 
famous Council of Yaisali, which Hiuen Tsiang places about 
2^ miles to the south-east of the city. He says that the site 
was marked by a " great stupa,*' of which careful exploration 
will probably disclose remains, although Cunningham's hasty 
researches failed to find them. I have not the slightest 
doubt that Hiuen Tsiang saw the " great stupa" and that 
his guides told him that it marked the locality where the 
Council was held. 

Fa-hien, with much greater probability, locates the Council 
9t&pa close to the Kutagara, or '' double- galleried vihdra where 
Buddha dwelt," and 3 or 4 li east from the stupa of ** bows 
and weapons laid down," or the ^*8tupa of the 1,000 sons," 
as it is called by Hiuen Tsiang. The site of the Council hall 
was therefore, according to the information given to the 
earlier pilgrim, close to the Afioka pillar, which was probably 
erected there for that reason. A council or synod of some 
sort was doubtless really held at Yaisali, although the 
accounts which profess to give its date and the details of 
the proceedings are hopelessly contradictory and incredible.^ 

The fact that the two pilgrims were shown totally 
irreconcilable sites for the garden of Amrapali and the 
Council of Yaisali is of importance, and should be borne in 
mind during discussions of the authenticity of the sites 
described by them. Pious visitors to the Holy Land of 
Buddhism, like Christian pilgrims in Palestine, were, of 
course, completely at the mercy of their guides, and were 
obliged to accept what they were told, and they were not 
always told the same thing. I have proved, or believe 
myself to have proved, that a similar discrepancy exists 

* See my paper on "The Identity of Piyadasi (Priytdar^in) with Aiokft 
Maiirya, and some connected problems, ' in this Journal for October, 1901. 

Digitized by 




between the statements of Fa-hien and Hiuen Tsiang con- 
cerning the site of Eapilavastu. The Eapilavastu of Fa-bien 
18 represented by the ruins at Piprava, 9 miles from the 
Lnmbini Garden, whereas the Eapilavastu shown to Hiuen 
Tsiang is represented by the walled enclosure of Tilaura Kot 
«nd the surrounding ruins, distant about 15 miles from the 
Lumbini Garden.^ 

In all the three observed cases of clear discrepancy I believe 
that the earlier pilgrim, Fa-hien, is right ; that is to say, 
that the genuine sites were shown to him, whereas when 
TTiuen Tsiang made his pilgrimage some 230 years later, the 
legends had been shifted to fictitious sites. I cannot add to 
the length of this already long essay by discussing the 
possible or probable causes of the shifting, and content 
myself with noting that Dr. Stein has recently pointed out 
that sacred sites can be, and often are, completely forgotten.* 
Sites, the true position of which has been forgotten, can be 
easily changed. Dr. Burgess also has shown how freely 
the Burmese priests, in their anxiety to localize sacred 
legends, have invented a system of fictitious geography.' 

A few words are necessary to explain the principles on 
which I have endeavoured to determine the approximate 
limits of the ancient city. 

According to Jain tradition, Vaisali consisted of three 
distinct portions, Vaisali proper, Eundagama, and Vaniya- 
gama, besides the Eollaga suburb. Yaisali proper has been 
sufficiently identified as being represented by Bisalgarh and 
an indeterminate portion of the other extensive ruins. The 
village of Baniya (with the adjacent Chak Bamdas) is 
almost certainly the representative of Vaniyagama. The 
lands of the village contain ** extensive mounds/' and some 
ten years ago two statues of Jain Tirthamkaras, one seated, 

^ '* A Report on a Tour of Exploration of the Antiquities in the Tand, Nepal, 
the Begion of Kapilavasta, during February and March, 1899," by Babu P. G. 
Mukherji, with a Prefatoiy Note by Vincent A. Smith; beine No. xxvi, pt I, 
of the Imperial Series oi Reports of the ArchaBoloncal Suryey of India; 
Calcutta, 1901. I refer especially to pp. 10 and 21 of my Prefatory Note. 

' Indian Antiquary , toI. zxz (1901), p. 96. 

» Ibid., p. 387. 

Digitized by 


VAI8ALI. 283 

the otber standing, were discovered about eight feet below 
the surface, and 500 yards west of the village. Vaniyaganaa 
was the residence of Mahavlra, the great prophet of tlie 
Jains, and this discovery of Jain images strongly confirms 
the identification suggested by the name. The hamlet 
of Bodha also possesses a mound of ruins. The western 
boundary must run to the west of Baniya, nearly as 
I have drawn it. Babu P. C. Mukherji was told by 
a resident Brahman that the principal angles of the 
ancient walls were marked by images of the four-faced 
{chaumukhi) Mahadeo, and was shown one of these images 
buried under the embankment of a large tank, about half 
■a mile south-east of Basar. This image probably marks 
the eastern extremity of the line of the southern wall. 
The Babu says that he found distinct traces of a rampart 
both to the west and north of it. I have, therefore, drawn 
the eastern wall as extending in a straight line to another 
similar image which exists some four feet below the surface, 
near Benlpur. A third Mahadeo of the same kind is 
enshrined in a modem temple north-east of Baniya, and 
is probably near its original position. A fourth Mahadeo 
is said to have formerly stood at Dharara at the south-west 
comer of the fort, but that one, of course, cannot have been 
on the city wall in that position. The northern portion of 
the city must have included the mounds of Pharawal village, 
Ghak Abora, where the house of Amrapall is located, and 
Ohak Bisanpur. The suburb of KoUaga is probably repre- 
sented by the village of Kollua and the group of Adoka 
rains, which must have been without the walls. The 
boundary at the north-western corner of the city is uncertain ; 
it has been contracted in my map in order to agree with the 
traditional accounts of Buddha's last journey. 

The result is a city ten miles in circuit, which agrees with 
the popular local estimate of five kos^ but is somewhat smaller 
than Hiuen Tsiang's estimate of twelve miles, which may 
have included the Eollaga suburb. 

The foregoing discussion will, I hope, have convinced my 
readers that Professor Rhys Davids carries scepticism rather 

Digitized by 




far when he suggests that nobody knows the site of Yaisali. 
" It must," he writes, " have been a great and flourishing 
place. But, though difierent guesses have been made as to 
its site, no one of them has yet been proved to be true by 
excavation. It was somewhere in Tirhut; and just three 
leagues, or say 23 miles, north of the Ganges, at a spot five 
leagues, say 38 miles, from Rajagaha." * 

The distance of the city from the river, as stated by the 
Pali writer, is sufficiently correct; but, if the words "at 
a spot" refer to the position of Vaisali, and not to 
a point on the bank of the Ganges, the alleged distance 
from Bajagaha is little more than half of the true distance. 
Rajglr, the site of Rajagaha, is 40 miles distant in a straight 
line from Patna (Pataliputra) on the south side of the river, 
and the marching distance from Eajglr to Basar (Vaisali), 
through Patna and across the river, must slightly exceed 
70 miles. The distance from Rajagaha to Vaisali was 
therefore approximately ten, not five, yqjanas or leagues of 
more than seven miles each. If the words "at a spot" 
refer to a point on the bank of the Ganges, the statement 
of the Pali author is approximately correct. The statements 
in the Pali books of distances expressed in yojanas are often 
so discrepant, and so far invalidated by doubts as to the 
value of the yqjana used, that they are generally of little 
practical use.* 

* Journal of the Pali Text Society for 1897-1901, p. 79. For the distance* 
stated Professor Hhye Davids refers to '* Dhammapala on S.N. 2. 1.'' 

* The best published discussion of the value of the yojana is that given by 
Professor Rhys Davids in "Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon,'* pp. 16-17. 
He finds that the yqjana used by Fa-hien was approximately equal to 1\ miles, 
and with this finding I agree. Both the Chinese pilgrims reckoned 40 li to the 
yqjanay and their /i, therefore, is equivalent to about f^ of a mile, or, in other 
words, 6^ li go to the mile. Cunningham reckoned 6 /i to the mile. The 
modern Chinese li is about one-third of a mile. Gibbon, with his usual accuracy, 
did not fail to perceive the lower value of the ancient li. "According to the 
present standard,'* he observes, **200 li (or, more accurately, 193) are equal to 
one degree of latitude ; and one English mile consequently exceeiis three miles 
of China. But there are strong reasons to believe tnat the ancient li scarcely 
equalled one half of the modem.'* (Note to ch. xxvi.) 

Hiuen Tsiang records the fact that the yojana had three values, namely : — 

(1) According to the old accounts, 40 li ; 

(2) According to the common reckoning in India, 30 li ; and 

(3) In the sacred books, 16 li (Beal, i, 70). 

Hiuen Tsiang's measurementB in /t, when compared with Fa-hien's in yqjatuu. 

Digitized by 



VAislLi. 285 I 

The vague and contradictory estimates of distance given 
in the Buddhist sacred books cannot, so far as I can see, 
be made by any amount of cross-questioning to disclose the 
site of Yaisali, which, however, is now established, as 
I venture to think, without any room for reasonable doubt, 
even in the absence of the test by systematic excavation 
and survey. 

No site in India calls more loudly for such excavation and 
survey. It is far more promising than the site of Patali- 
putra. Most of the remains of that famous capital lie, as 
I have seen, buried fifteen or twenty feet below the present 
surface, and it is practically impossible to explore them. 
The city of Patna, the civil station of Baukipore, the East 
Indian Railway, and sundry villages and high roads, all lie 
over Pataliputra, and cannot be dug up by archsBologists. 

The site of Vaisali, on the contrary, is in open country. 

always gvre a value of 40 li for the yqjana. I have not noticed in any book 
a dear example of the yqjana containing only 30 lij equivalent to d| miles. 
But examples of the ycjana of the value of three miles, containing only 16 A, 
or an equivalent Indian measure, seem to occur in *the sacred books.' The 
following quotations are from Spence Hardy's *' Manual of Buddhism," 2nd ed. 
Hardy drew his information from Pali authoritiee. 

The distance from Kapilavastu to Anoma river, according to him, was 480 
' milee,' and from the same river to Rajagrha the distance was equal. Hardy's 
* mile ' seems to be the sixteenth of a yojanay and the two distances stated would 
be 30 yojanas each (pp. 164, 166). This interpretation is fully justified by the 
statement (p. 204] that when Buddha commenced his journey he proceeded each 
day sixteen * miles,' and accomplished the distance of 60 yqjanaa between 
Bajagrha and Eapilavastu in two months, that is to sav, in sixty days he travelled 
sixty yqjanas of 16 ' miles/ or li, each. He i&» therefore, alleged to have moved 
at the very leisurely rate of 3 English miles a day. But, even if the yqfana be 
taken at uiis minimum value of 3 miles, the total distance as stated of 180 
miles (60 x 3) between Eaja^ha and Kapilavastu is not nearly correct. The 
position of B&jagrha is certam, and Kapilavastu stood a few miles westward 
&t>m Rummindef, the certain site of the Lumbini Garden. The direct distance 
from Bajagrha to Kapilavastu is about 225, and the marching distance about 
250 miles. The estimate of 60 yqjanas cannot be reconciled with any of the 
known values of the yqjana. 

The distance between Bajagrha and ^ravasti is stated to be 45 yofonas, or 
45 days' journey for Buddha (ibid., pp. 224, 225). But the site of Sravasti is 
nearly 100 miles further from Bajagrha than is Kapilavastu, the distance from 
-which place to Bajagrha is stated as 60 yqjanat. 

From dravast! to Vaisali the distance is said (p. 291) to be 54 yqfantu, and the 
distance from Kapilavastu to Vaisali (p. 354) is given as 49 y<>fana8 ; whereas 
the distance from ^rfivasti to Kapilavastu k known to have been 12| long yqfanas, 
equivalent to 500 li. From such figures it is difficult to deduce any valuable result. 

J.R.A.8. 1902. 19 

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at a considerable distance from the great rivers or any 
town, and has not been extensively built upon. The slight 
exploration which has been effected has been concerned only 
with a few of the Buddhist holy places. The pre-Buddhist 
and Jain associations of the place, which give it such a special 
interest, have been almost ignored. 

At the very dawn of Indian history we catch glimpses 
of Yaisali as a splendid city, the capital of the proud and 
lordly Licchavi clan. The religious ferment which so deeply 
moved the hearts of the dwellers in the Gangetic valley 
during the sixth century b.c. seems to have centred in 

Yardhamana, surnamed Mahavira, who erected the fabric 
of the Jain system upon the foundation laid by Par^vanatha, 
was a noble of Vaisali, a member of the Nata or Naya clan 
of Ksatriyas who dwelt in the suburb Kollaga,^ which is 
probably now represented by the village situated close to 
the Monkey Tank called KoUua or Eolhua, on the eastern 
side of which a large mound exists. In Cunningham's time 
Jain history and antiquities had not attracted the general 
attention of scholars, and the great opportunities offered 
by a study of the remains at Vaisali for the elucidation of 
the story of the rise and progress of Jainism were not 
utilized. The position of EoUua is not even marked on 
either of Cunningham's maps, and its identifications with 
Eollaga cannot yet be treated as an absolute certainty. 
I understand that the village lies to the north-east of Baniya, 
between Vaisali (Basar) and Bakhira. 

Vaniyagama, the mercantile quarter of the city, may be 
confidently, for reasons already stated, identified with Baniya 
village. Exploration of the Baniya and KoUua sites should 
yield materials for the study of Jain history little inferior 
in interest to the discoveries in Buddhist lore which may 

* A convenient sammary of the Jain traditions, with references to the original 
authorities, will he found in Dr. Hoernle's masterly address delivered to the 
Asiatic Society of Bengal on the 2nd February, 1898. As an indication of 
the early pre-eminence of Vaisali, see the curious story about ** the water of the 
tank in Vesuli City where the families of the kings get water for the ceremonial 
sprinkling,** in Jataka No. 465, the Bhadda-Sala (Rouse, transl. iv, 94). 

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confidently be expected from the same localities or others 
immediately adjoining. I expect that Jain and Buddhist 
monuments will be found intermingled, and that considerable 
difficulty may be experienced in distinguishing them, 
because the Jains and Buddhists alike built atnpaa, atUpa 
railings, and torana gateways, and to a large extent used 
the same symbolism.^ 

Kundagama, the Brahman section of Yaisali, may be 
represented by the hamlet called Basukund, but the identi- 
fication must at present remain doubtful. 

At one time there was reason to suppose that I might be 
in a position to attempt a solution of the many problems in 
the ancient history of India on which light would probably 
be thrown by the systematic survey and exploration of the 
Vaisali site; but, as that cannot be, I have written this 
paper in order that it may serve as a rough guide to other 
enquirers ; and I trust that the official advisers in archaeo- 
logical matters to the Governments of India and Bengal 
may be induced by the perusal of these imperfect and 
tentative notes of mine to undertake the adequate ex- 
ploration of the rich field which lies ready before them. 

I understand that the Government of India, as at present 
constituted, is disposed to rely largely on private eflbrt for 
the work of archaeological research as distinguished from 
that of conservation. If that opinion should be acted on, 
the results are likely to be disastrous. Private enterprise 
cannot deal with the gigantic task of Indian archaeological 
exploration. Even the resources of the Government can 
effect but little compared with the vast amount of work 
remaining to be done, but intelligent official direction by 
competent persons can secure at least that wanton destruction 
be not wrought in the name of science, whereas unsystematic 

^ The full proof of this proposition will be found in my work entitled "The 
Jain Stdpa and other Antiquities of Mathura/* now in the press, which will 
be published as volume xx of the Imperial Series of Keports of the Archseological 
Survey of India. Dr. Fiihrer left behind him a series oi valuable plates depicting 
the Jain remains at Mathura, to which I have added a brief descriptive 

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private enterprises will ordinarily in the future, as in the 
past, destroy more than they discover.^ 

Professor Rhys Davids is not far wrong when he writes 
that ''the archaeology of India is, at present, almost an 
unworked field." ^ I need hardly add that the enunciation 
of this dictum does not imply either on his part or on mine 
any failure to appreciate the high value of many of the 
researches conducted by a long line of learned scholars and 
enthusiastic explorers. It means, I apprehend, that earnest 
students of Indian archaeology are the persons most sensible 
of the very small proportion borne by the work properly 
done to that which remains undone. 

^ The prospectus of the India Exploration Fund fully recognizes the special 
interest attaching to the Yaisali site. If that Fund should ever come into oeing 
it will, BO far as I understand, simply result in a small cash contrihntion to the 
ArchsDological Department of the Ghoyemment of India for expenditure on works 
selected hy the managers of the Fund. 

* Jonmal of the Pali Text Society, 1901, p. 79. 

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Art. XI. — Abu'l - *Ald al - Ma*arri*8 Correspondence on 
Vegetariankm. By D. S. Margoliouth. 

It has already been m^itioned ^ that, according to Sa&di, 
a correspondence on Yegetarianism between Abu'l-'Ali 
and a certain Hibat Allah Ibn Musa, due to a line in the 
former's LuzUmiyy&t, was excerpted by YakSt. The first 
volume of Yakut's precious Dictionary qf Liit^ateurs is in 
the Bodleian Library,^ soon, I hope, to be published with 
such other volumes of it as can be found. Yakut, whose 
acquaintance with literary history was unique, tells us that 
a passage in the Falak al-JWa'dni of Ibn al-Habbariyyah' had 
roused in him the desire to get at this correspondence! 
which he reproduces in an abridged form. Abu'l- 'Ala's 
correspondent was a man of some importance, whose grave 
was still shown in Makrizi's time in Oairo,^ where he held 
the post of Chief Missionary. The fact that Abu'l-'AIa 
addresses him with the titles ra*i8 and c^'all shows that 
he held this or some similar post at the time of the 

* Zettert o/AbuU-^AlS, ed. D. S. M., p. zxziz. 

^ Bodl. Or. 763. 

' Ibn al-Habbariyyah appears to have been much interested in Abu*l-*Ala. 
^afadi (Comm. on Lamiyyat aU^Ajam, Cairo, 1305, ii, 189-191) gives a long 
quotation from a Bisalah written by him to Al-Ustadh al-Kha^ Abu Man^tbr, 
in which an idlnsion is made (p. 190, med.) to Abu'l-'AIa's kufr and i^M. 
$a{adi was acquainted with the published collection of Abu*l- 'Ala's Letters : he 
quotes them, ii, 102 and i, 112. In ii, 198, there is an epigram containing an 
allusion to the ^U^ » of which Mr. Nicholson has given such an interesting 
account in this Journal : 

Jl^\ iJLf A...yJ\ ^^J^ ♦ U}\ U\ki5\^pii ^j^^ ^Ly 
The author was <A1& al-din al-Wad&'i : he visited Aba'l- 'Ala's grave in 679» 
« Khi^iti, i, 460. 

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290 abu'l-^alI's coerespondence on vegetabianism. 

correspondence. This must be fixed for 438 a.h., since 
Abu'l-'Ala (who was bom in 363) says that he began 
vegetarianism at the age of 30, and had continued it for 
forty- five years. The " Crown of Princes," to whom Hibat 
Allah ofiers to write to obtain an increase of the poet's 
8<^^> appears to have been Sadakah Ibn Yusuf al-Fallahi, 
who bore the title Fakhr al-Mulk (here given him by 
Abu'l-*Ala), and, according to Ibn al-Athir,* died in 440. 
Suyuti' says he was Vizier to the Fatimide Al-Mustansir 
from 436 to 439. When Abu'l-*Ala says that "after what 
has passed " he could not appear before this person in the 
light of a place-hunter, he refers to Letter xxiii of the 
published collection, in which he refused Sadakah's' ofier 
to help him at the court of a former governor of Haleb. 

The amount of information which these letters convey 
seems to be very considerable, at least for the history of 
the "leading ideas of Islam." The "Chief Missionary" 
at the Academy of Cairo was by profession pledged to 
Shi'ism ; it was his business to instruct and admit converts. 
Yet if orthodoxy was a qualification for the post, Hibat 
Allah seems to have possessed it in a very slight degree. 
He thinks it "bad form" to quote either the Koran or 
the Tradition on such a question as Yegetarianism ; he only 
does so as a rejoinder to Abu'l-'Ala, otherwise he would 
have kept clear of this line of reasoning. He found that 
mankind were of two classes — one of them so stupidly 
fanatical that they would accept ani/ statement; what the 
other class were like he does not say. But he tells us that 
he had defended Abu'l-*Ala at debates in which the latter's 
orthodoxy was questioned, and yet appears quite prepared 

» ii, 377. 

* ^itfft al'Muha4arah, ii, 163. 

> I cannot find the title uy aUumara given him elsewhere. Howerer, his 
succeeeor in the office of Vizier had similar titles to those which Abu*l-*Ala 

lavishes on him: Ju.^ ^•ji^^ J>^^^j^)^^ ^ j ^;aL**ji^\ («l^Ui ^jJJ^UI 

A^^IS — Ij *'^3J^ (Suyn^i, I.e.). The nuhah is wrongly written j<>-lc 

in Ibn lyas. Gf. Wiistenfeld in Abh, Qott. Akad., xxvii, No. 8, p. 5. 





abu'l-^alI's correspondence on vegetarianism. 291 

to hear the other assert the human origin of all professedly 
sacred codes. To him the poet of Ma'arrah is known, not 
as a freethinker, but as the great scholar of the age. He 
supposes that his conduct will be the result of profound 
speculation, and tests him in an easy matter in order to be 
able to approach him on difficult ones. 

And what sort of figure does Abu*l-*Ala cut in this 
correspondence? One that justifies the statement of the 
Prophet that ** poets say what they do not do." * The poet 
had ofiered his services to those '' whose religion and under- 
standing were ailing " : some one who acknowledges to that 
condition asks his aid, and the poet does his utmost to 
explain away his ofier, to make learned quotations serve 
instead of arguments, and to substitute special and personal 
motives for reasons based on universal laws. He does not 
appear capable of distinguishing between mat/ and miMt, 
important though that distinction be. He also, under the 
pretence of being horrified, cites with evident gusto some of 
the most blasphemous lines preserved in Arabic. 

Ibn al-Habbariyyah supposed the correspondence had had 
fatal results for Abu'l-'Ala. It is pleasing to know that the 
correspondents parted friends. Hibat Allah probably had 
too great experience of mankind to be greatly disappointed 
when he found the poet's promise could not be kept. In 
the sources at present open to me I can find no further 
mention of Hibat Allah besides the notice in Makrizi. What 
the purport of the title " the aided in religion " (given him 
by both Abu'l-'AIa and Makrizi) may be is not clear. 

If it were true, as Yon Kremer and others supposed, that 
Abu'l-*Ala was imitating the practice of the Jainas in his 
ascetic regime, we might expect some reference in these 
letters to the Indian doctrine, which, however, is not to be 
found. Moreover, it is noticeable that he tells us his 
asceticism began in his 30th year — not after his return 
from Baghdad, as had seemed probable. Syria does not 
seem a likely place for Jaina doctrines to have been reached, 

» Sura xxvi, 226. 

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292 abu'l-^ala's correspondence on vegetarianism. 

and yet before tbe journey to Baghdad Abu'l-'AIa would 
seem not to bave gone outside its limits. 

We learn incidentally tbe source of Dbababi's account 
of tbe poet's income, and the way in which it was disposed. 
If his journey to Baghdad was really undertaken with the 
object of securing it, this object was realized. 

The Bodleian copy of Yakut is very modem, and contains 
many errors.^ Of these only the most obvious have been 
corrected. Yakut's abridgment was not very skilfully 
made, since the correepoDdents not infrequently quote 
passages of each other's letters which do not appear in the 
compendium. Probably, however, little of importance has 
been omitted. In the translation the compliments have been 

^ The anffular brackets ( ) rignify additions by tbe editor, the iqwar$ 
brackets [ ] signify omtUnda, 

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JsaJI^ ^-^r^^^ ci^y*)^ J::i]^ vl*^ J^ftJ^Ju »yu^ u;^^^ 1*^ ^^^^ 
^jcfUj ^^^ J-^^^ *% f/^' (V-^ ^ J*W' '♦^ ^•s-^ 

J-^ iJ^ 'lnH y< ^ Uli JUJI c:^ ^,;-^ T;-^;. ^lU-:« Jx 
J^ C/<1/^ J^^ v.5^^ ^ ^^ ci^L^^ a«<*aJ !U i^lo^f y JsaJJ 
♦ ^^U; 4D is^l^ J^^JI J^v^^^-^^r*' jrJJb j2-# Jij 

i^Lc i^^ t»A>U jJus^ ^^y^ i<^ ^V^^ O^ W^ J^ ^ ^^ 


would be better. 

* Eetd ar^Lo^b , 

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294 abu'l-^ala's correspondence on vegetarianism. 

ui^; ^^ Jll ujjill^ J^l ^LJj jtUI iUuiy dUt ^j**^>^\ ;^\ 

jy ^ ^^^^ J^ ^j^^ ZJlmo^I 2^Jl^ aJ 5^yu^ lix^l;^ ar^ jLfi ^ 

JUjsII ijliUj ^ <u\ Jlc A-j ^/jyiil ^LyJ \j^ yb U^ u^J^ 

^\ ^j'i\j^ ^^^-^ ^^mJ^ Jj ^ c:^*; ^jli l£p- Jj U i^jJ^^ 
lyi^ if3\y9 Jxsp- ^1 i^ls. j^^ ^ <d!! ^jj\ ^L:m« 1»VC«»^ ^^ arjJb 

^ ^ ^yj ^^^mJ Uj!^ Jjill t jub c^ii^^M^ c^«x& ^ J^ fS^\ \s^ 

£^ arjU^I ip^lJ Lj^ ix JJjJt^ iLsLMJ! ^3j^ ct^ ^->>^ 

C->j^-^lj J/U!\ ^^p-« JlUll ^^;— c ^d^Ju:^ jJS^l^ tAt!^' tW-» 

» Bead <^^^ . 

I I Digitized by Google 

abu'l-^ala's correspondencb on vegetarianism. 295 

jubjjf J LU \ jj^j lyjti UM^ V^^ ^<^^ ^^ "^^^^ ^ ^y^ '«^^ 

j^ yb^ ^y-fl^ ^>r*^ <OyijJ vjJi^ J^^ U^^ ^l^\ ^^^1 'Lj^ 
UJ j^*i«i S^ ' J-^U^^ J ^^^ ljOu^ ^MyLiJ^ L5^^ ^ c;' 

J iLiU ^ idLl 1^\ Jl JljJ^ c:.^ LJ1 ..m-mJ i,j.b .:..;-, J 

km^j^ jUa^^ ^dfi^^ J^'^'^ ^ Ir^r* y^ ^ jli-si5ll ^^ aUI ^j 

1 Perhaps a£JLc . 

' Acoording to Xmom al^Arab, xix, 289, this should he JjmjJ) . 

s Should he Cc *J j^ . 

« MS. lasi\. 

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aJI g?>J\ 'Wi ^< ^ c^iypJl 
^1 jLtl ^jJ\ J jLjfJ\ Jp-Xl ^^^ l3Ju-i D^\ ,^\ ^ fjj 

" 'L^ill ^^ iJLtliU ,^j-**ii Jtf)^ ^ 'L-JJl ui^ ^^ ^jA^ »Aij 
ij^) ^\ Ilu v.-^ ,^^ u^ ^J^^ tr^^f^ vl^^ ^^ A 

^ Bead ^^. 
> Bead jj^l . 

Digitized by 



^ti ^^SjTj JislT ^^^ 1:l^^s1 

j^j^\ \^\j t^-ftJ ^jIi0 lyf J^ ^,li ^jU aI L ji^ JLaaJI ^jLyi 

\o\i >U ^_^^ ^^1 J^ d ^^ ^\^\ J^ '' Jj\ J^ d 
^J^i\ d ^yt^j^ if^L-i 9^Vf»'r\ 9^ ^ \j^ \ fr . vJ ^ ^^ K^^sx ^ ^ 

^^ \^^ -i >iJii *\^ uy, jjji 5^^ ^K «,\ j^. J jJUJ, 

• MS. Jl^» . 
' Probably corrupt. 
' MS. ciJ^jJ . 

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298 abu'l-^alI's correspondbnce on vegetaeianism. 

,j ail^ -«^\ ^Jlc J^af^ ^ L« ^Joi jl>- JlsJ jj^ ^^ jj;!^ i^\^ ^maAX) 

U^ v-r — -T^ (^*^^ ^J^. ^^j ^^ fi^j ^W ^"■'♦^ ^ vj:Jl>- j^U\ 

* *j^LJ^^ ^^^' c;*M u-'^l«-J' Wy^ ^l^' lA-:*-^^ (i)^ (J^ 
\jjb lyj J*«j jj — « iw^y:^^ Jl^ fc^J^ Ljfci M^\ ^j-JJ^' ^^t/^J 

uJiT U^ J:iAj^ '' JAw. J UJbKj c^^Liib ^ cyiJi *f/^' 

^ UU ^U jJ;^ JlySl ^-lUrLljrrUll ujLot^l juJl jJb Uli 

ij «3uj^l J^^^^ L/^l LJju^d Jlc jlJ^ <LiU!\ Jt^i^ ^ c:,.^i«jj 
^^^ ^^^J^ lw«^ <UJsLi^\ <>,,,.clG1 ti^ ^ ^' «*r^^ ^^ cHi*^^ 

» I^L>-1 would be better. 

2 Read j^USl . 

3 These words are corrupt. 

* MS. 9j>/Jl. 

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yU^ ijy'if^^ A£U»- C:.*Ls)l Cji) d^t* J) " L^\ t) iiXjjJui\i 

^^;sjJT 4i,;^ ^IjjvT ^ ♦ Cj;J ^r,l^j <«j^l ^^^.^t aijj 
^uJ^^.^^/>: ^ e^^^T J/u 

• Read lyj jf . 
« Read ^^Ij. 

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302 abu'l-^alI's correspondence on yegetarianism. 

U^ iuLt\ ^jJ\ ^ ^^^ ^^1 yb U* ir^ Jl* ^i^ ^^^ iLi 

iWl^ iyJJ^ ^ OirV?* (*^' (^ y^^ (n^^ ^U^ v>^Ul ^^(i c>l 
5^^ lllT ^j^: »^ Jul! 1^^ jJlw J^ (^ vi J^ ^» i^\ jbU 

\ jl juK^i\ ^^ K^y. liJj iJ i^ ^ JuLS; ^^5 v/j^^^ 

*Jy^ 1j^ AiyLJ iiM^ J^ il ,^U- Ji)!^ ^ ^^1 J^ JU 

Ui 5rtj ^^yuj j^jJl ^ «-->^^ fV^' *^^^ J^ a^ W^ ^^n ff 
*jUj\ U^ *^ j^ J Aj^ ^\^\\ 1^ j^^l lito J j^Ju^l 

•^^yu<j A^^ j^JuJl ^jp-^ <uJj JLi ^^ ^i^ jU-ii^l ^ »jju U^ 

4/oJl c;' e;'^!^' J^' *— ^ vJ^ ^"^^^ c^*^^ e;^ ^^ ilL^l <tc^ 
^^Ljj I^^Im^ ^jlf^ ^\ j^^toi 1^1^ J ^yjJjxc^ u,tt,J <?,;*uil ci J 
i.;.^^-^ LiJ ^i^^ <Ujii3j» 4^juJl .j^l ^^j^ J'*^ ^/^^ ^ 

jJl ^ ^dj^ LtL yb UJ Xiji!^ ^^jV (**^^ i^^ 'J^ ^^ u*tf^ 

> Sura liii, 62. 

> Transpose these words after iCi^ • 

• Snra xyiii, 16. 

* Bead J^. 

Digitized by 



^^^511^ 'UJL. 5H \jufc d-J!^ju-j j»-i*J\ j^j Jjb^ ( J\) ^Lj\ ijjb\ 

J-- juJLi ^1^1 (•Lb « y 1 J^^ 51 ^^\ Jj J^-iU\ u^ 
aj/ i:r* \A^ tr^ lyiJU* ^^ V^ *^\j\ :^\ j)3^ 1 s-^V*'' 
J^l^ JiJi ^l^^i ^^ Ajlso- djU SjU ^K ^U y l:r ^1 IjU 

,^ *^y ci)' t^ (*"' !/^ ^'^ '^^^ ^ A***^ v-XJo^ ^^•^ 

ij^\ *jjb^ JLftJ ^Jtfsr cJIjU ISli-'j *^^^*U^^ \y\ ^ J-ii 
^U d^Ulfe ^^*--«^^ u-^ J ^j^ l^i' ^iub ^< Lijl Jyli ^ Ifljl 
id^ U^ dJU Ur ^^U^'^^Vt ^1^1 ^>i ^\ l3Jwa5 Ul^^^» 

^j/- J ^^ J*^ " JSj^ ^^ c;^-'^ ' JV^^ ^»^' ^l ^ 

cUa^^ ^) Jjj^ JftMi^ O >.n,i2 4>y ^-xui ^ (Jm«^1 cS uJm^^ ij^r^. cA^ 

ijp^ JLl^ ^3*^^ *^^ ^^^ ^ ^ <^' »*4;d U*^ c>'^ j^' **?W ' 
^ Read Cti.^. 

* Sum id, i. 
i.E.A.t. 1902. 

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U^ iULt\ ^jJ\ ^ ^^ Jl:^\ yb U* «^ Jlc ^(i J^ 1£a 

iW\^ ^yJJj cJ!^vP* rv'^ ♦W y^^ fv^^ *jUcvi-j Oj^ \J^ o' 

5^^ lllT ^j^^ '^^ ajll 1^^ jJlw Jj (^ J Jyu ^! ^1 jbU 
\6\ jJ^\ ^j^ \^^y. liJi ij ^ ^ Ji^ ^TrrJ 4/!*^ 
*Jy^ 1j^ Aj^LJ i:^^ J-4» X ,^U- JiJl^ ^ ^^1 ^1 JU 

•^^yu<J A^\ 4^JuJ\ ^jp-^ <Lulj jLi ^ ^J^ jU-2iXl ^^ »JJU U, 

4/JJ< o^ <i)'>!^^ J^' *-^ ^ ^i^i^ c^jJ' e;^ ^^ ^^l' ^uir;. 
i.;.A>-^ LiJ ^i^ ^ ^^'^^ c^JuJI .^XaJI ^^y* J'*^^ ^/^^ ^ 
jJI ^ iXt^ JUL y> UJ iLJl ^^j^, (♦J^ (^^ ifjii ^1 u**/^ 

> Sura liii, 62. 

> Transpofle these words after ij^ • 
• Sura xviii, 16. 

« Read Jij. 

Digitized by 



*1J' u^*^ cT^i^^ ^"^^""^ cthi*^' ^ *^i^' ^-^"^ u^}^ LJjcl. 
<^/A v-^il^ *^jr^. (J^^ *J-1^ ^>^ cH*^' ^ *>?i^^ J*r'^ 

^J 'UJ^ ^ wS^W cT* ^J^ *-^^-^ <J^' ^' "^J^ ^3 MT^. 

^3,^, sf^i^' iUf s^av: *^ Jy ^ jJi iJ;^^ ill 

> Sarm xtiii, 16. 

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304 abu'l-^alI's corsespondencb on vegetarianism. 

^^j Jiu- ^K j^^ l^s\ i^j» ^ |j lJD li ^ j^^-aicji j^ ui^ 

er^ ^y=^ cr^ ^*^ ^^ W cr^ t-iri c^*^ ^ ^ c-^Ur^l 
j^^Uj JUilflCUi aJJI j^^ JJ M\y ^j Vi^ CL^ly^yJl jJU- Ci)l/*^ 

\;.S^i\jJ\ jO^j; |;tju ilii ^; ^j;^ ;uj i; j^T i^L^Ij 
-^Iji \^j\£}\ ;j^ sl^\f ♦ ^ e^^: c^jjTj j^T c^;i ^^; 

» MS. CL^l^Ul. 
> Sun T, 96. 

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Jjjj\ cJCJj ^ '^ ^^ j^lflT (|J) UJU ^\i <jU 4jL j^aar 

^jMMj S J^ ^^^ /J^^ J-^^ c^ c;^ ^ij) ^^^ "^^^ t^^^ 
c>J!/>ij (n-*y^ dlr^ ^^ cT* ttri^H^^'^ *W'' u' ,jl* J»^ 

•UjJI ,J\ tr^l;^' ^*^ J*^ •^^ ij^l^l J-A< ji-y:^ J^ Ui 
w-^^ V-^JbJ^^ \jLyi J^-i jl^ i^-^J |»^\ J-^\ cJpJ ^j;-^ ^U 

' Batd^UJU 
* MS. U. 

Digitized by 



\j\j^'i ^\j c-yJl j\mJU\j *r-«^ ^ Jky-fio-it ^ jC^ ^Jlc 

jr^j L^ L^t^ A^l j^^U.^ jJ^l ^jV'^ ^jJciS cJ^^ (-iall 
Cj^l i:;^ H;^ J^^' ^ J'^f* Cr^ 3j)^ Jrs^y ^ Lj^\ ^ 

^1^ JL- ^j^^l^ isuc;. ^\^-^ ^^ ill J^\ U ^Ail^ l^iU CuJ? aI 

«3umJ1 ^1 Jlc JuJ^ <U^j yjjj) ci iJj^fi, lS"^ ^lJL.£>^1 ^— ^/^ ' 

Ujup*^ JU^oJl ;3l^^ i^Um ij^ i^CUJl^ '5^51 ^U J^Jl 

l^ J idJl lyLw^ >lfiJl JLc^ t-jr-*^^ c-JiP- iJj ti)^ j5>rW 
u^ ju-(j >LJ1 l^U< jJlc i^l il^jJl ^^ '5^X\ Uj aaLJ 

'MS. <i;l^. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 

ABU'l-^ALI^S correspondence on TBGETARIANI8M. 307 

j^jL^ ^ iAxi Jl5 U LIU aJ^ iyili iix?" iiJlj J 

*L^ 4^^ <-=-^^ ^ SjUj;^ fJt ,^^^\; «3Ui Jj ^J 1^ Li J (i 
^^jT^ »,s,^,g.i ^ ^t AiiA^ 4UI |*bl aJLcI ^U jiiu^ AJJ jU«it 

> F^rlktpt f^Jif sZm^ Jj • 
• MS. \^M^. 

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* Add perb^ (»t^*^ * 


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310 abu'l-'alI^s cobrespondbnce on vegetarianism. 

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312 abu'l-*ala's corebspondbnce on vbgetahianism. 

J^ vJ (iK^ err^ ^^ ^j^ Lu\^ ^j\ J c:^J^^yLfiJl^ t^jJl 
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* Sura IxxiT, 46. 
5 MS. dLJjT. 

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I read in the work called the Firmament of Ideas ^ that 
many ignorant persons regard death as an injustice done 
by the Creator, and think it a shame, notwithstanding the 
kindness and wisdom which it displays, and the comfort 
and benefit which it brings. And, indeed, Abu'l-'Ala Ahmad 
Ibn Abdallah Ibn Sulayman Al-MaghribI,' the author who 
is so vain of his attainments, who makes professions sa 
long and broad, who extols and vaunts his wisdom so 
much, says — 

" Thou ' didst forbid murder, and dost Thyself send 
two angels to take the soul: Thou declarest that 
we shall return again. Could not it have dispensed 
with both states?" 

Now this is the talk of a raving maniac who supposes death 
and murder to be identical. When this idiot forfeited the 
pleasure of religion, and the sweetness of the truth, and 
the light of scripture, and the comfort of the verity, he 
would have done better not to pretend to powers of which 
he was utterly destitute, in the verse — 

" Are^ thy understanding and thy counsel ailing? Come 
to me that thou mayest learn the utterances of 
sound wits ! '' 

For God put him in the power of Abu Nasr Ibn Abi 

' An aoeoimt of Ibn al-HabbirijyAh, tbe antbor of tbia work, is giren bT lbs 
Kballikan, ii, 19>21 (Cairo, 1299). He died about 604 a.h., and ia likely 
to baTG beini born aboat tbe time of Abu*l-<Ala*i deatb. The narratiTe qaotad 
bj Ta^ut teems witb inaccuracies. 

' Probably tbe author's mistake for Al-Ma*arri. 

* Often quoted as an example of AbuM-*Ala*s impiety. 

« Lutdtmyyat, Cairo, 1S91, i, 232. In both this and the Bombay editioa 
the first word is wrongly Tocalised iJL^^jS- . 

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314 abu'l-^ala's correspondence on tegetariantsm. 

'Imran,^ Chief Missionary* in Egypt, who said to him, 
'' I am the person of ailing understanding and counsel, and 
have come to thee for medicine, so heal me." A long 
correspondence went on between them, and at last Abu 
Nasr ordered the poet to be brought to Haleb,^ where he 
was promised a large sum from the treasury * if he accepted 
Islam.* Abu'l-*Ala, knowing that the alternatives before 
him were Islam or death, took poison, and died of it.^ He 
had better, then, have been quiet instead of boasting of his 
understanding and uttering absurdities of the sort, such 
as could only suit the case of one who cared not for God. 
When I read this story, I was anxious to know exactly 
what passed between them, and at last I got hold of a thin 
volume, containing a number of letters from Abu Nasr 
Hibat Allah Ibn Abl *Imran to Al-Ma*arrl on the subject. 
Their correspondence, however, ended in both parties 
acquiescing, and there was no suggestion of Abu'l - 'Ala 
having poisoned himself, as Ibn al-Habbariyyah says. To 
transcribe the letters in full would take too long, so I have 
extracted the main points, omitting the verbiage in which 
Al-Ma'arri indulges. 

> He is called by Makrisi (i, 460) Hibat Allah Ibn Mnsa al-A<jami, i.e. of 
the tribe Al-A*jam. 

s The office of iiLejJl ^^^^4> is thus defined by ^alkaehan^, ii, 236 

(Arch. A. Seld. 18) : — ** He came next after the chief ^a^ in rank, and wore 

the same attire. The religious doctrines ( ^.^^1 j^ ) of the people of the 

PtopheVs house were studied with him in a house called the Academy 

( Aju\ j\j), and he gate the oath to those who wished to join their sect." 

The passage is translated by Wustenfeld, I.e., ixr, 1, p. 185. It is also to be 
found in Mal^rizi, i, 391, whose account of the conduct of the mission is' of 
extraordinary interest. See De Sacy, Religion des Druzes, i, Ixxiii scjq. Of 
this •* Academy'* an interesting history is given by Mal^rizi (Xhifaf^ i, 458- 
460) ; it was founded by ^akim in 395, and closed by Al-Afdal Ibn Amir 
al-Juyiish in the sixth century. From Ma^zi's account it appears to hare 
been a hotbed of heresy, with which the character which Hibat Allah gives of 
himself corresponds. 

' Since Hibat Allah was in Cairo, he could not well do this. Ibn al-Habb&riyyah 
was thinking of an apocrjrphal story of Abu*l-*Ala being summoned by the 
Vizier of Ilaleb, and killing fifty men by his imprecations. 

* This is an allusion to another story of Abu' 1-* Ala being offered the contents 
4)f the treasury of Ma'arrah. 

* In this correspondence Abu'l-'Ala appears as a model of orthodoxy. 

* As a matter of fact he lifed eleven years longer. 

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abu'l-^ala's correspondence on vegetarianism. 315 

I. Letter of Ibn Abi 'Itnrdn. 

That you, dear sir, God guide you well, have a tongue 
90 excellently learned that it reduces all besides to silence, 
is generally acknowledged by all who are on the surface 
of this earth; only that learning, to which you are what 
Galen was to medicine, and the keys of whose mysteries 
you control, seems to furnish no great boon for either your 
present or your future life, unless it be winged fame — fame 
which, so long as a man lives, he may hear ringing, and 
of which he may be conscious as an ornament and personal 
charm, whereas when fate has once driven him from the 
outside of the earth to the inside, neither can fair fame 
help him nor iU fame hurt him. This being so, it is 
extraordinary that you, God help you, with your powerful 
intellect, should devote the whole of it to studying the 
rales of the Arabic language, and collecting its words and 
their meanings, thus lavishing your life on what cannot 
profit you, while leaving your brilliantly talented mind 
destitute of reflections on your future ; choosing the labour 
that profiteth not, to be left, when the froth is gone, dry, 
with nothing else. Hence it follows with certainty that 
you, God guard you, must have drunk deep of this sweet 
draught, but must, for reasons of policy, have concealed it. 
And the proof that you have reflected on the future life is 
to be found in your ascetic practice, your abstention from 
all luxurious food, drink, and clothing, your refusing to 
sufier your body to be the grave of animals, to taste their 
milk, or to turn into food any of the creatures whose 
generation and breeding give pleasure to the sources of 
them. Your practice implies the belief that pain inflicted 
on them wiU be avenged, and represents the extreme of 
asceticism. Observing this, and hearing the invitation 
conveyed in a verse ascribed to you — 

" Are thy faith and thy understanding ailing P Come 
to me that thou mayest learn the true account 
of the matter," 

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316 abu'l-^ala's correspondence on yeqetarianism. 

I hastened towards you, as one whose faith and understanding 
are both unsound, unto one who, being sound himself, can 
tell me ''the truth of the matter." I then am the first 
to answer your summons, and to acknowledge my own 
bewilderment. And you must not take me into dark places, 
nor obscure tracks, nor try in what you say to obscure 
the truth with error. My first question will be about 
a simple matter, and if your treatment of it be successful 
I will go on to something serious. What is your ground 
for abstaining from meat, milk, and all other animal 
products, as though they were unlawful? Are Dot, I ask 
you, plants set by nature where the animals will come 
upon them, so that by their existence, their goodness, 
and by a sensitive force which the animals possess the 
latter have power to utilize the plants? Were it not 
for the animals, the plants would be a meaningless and 
purposeless creation. On the same principle the human 
force controls the animals just as the animals control the 
plants, owing to the superiority which man possesses in 
the reason and the power of speech. Hence man utilizes 
the ftniTTifllft for a yariety of purposes, and were it not for 
that, the creation of the animals would be purposeless. 
Hence your refusing to use what is created for you, and 
ordained on your account, destroys the harmony of Kature. 

Your purpose in abstaining from meat must be either 
compassion for the animals, which makes you disapprove 
of doing them violence, in which case you have no right 
to be kinder to them than their Creator ; but if you hold 
that certain men (and not God) are responsible for the 
notions lawful and unlawful, these persons being the law- 
givers, whereas God has given no permission for the 
shedding of the blood of animals and for eating their flesh, 
your doctrine is disproved by the fact that we see before us 
various beasts and birds of prey, created by God in forms 
which are only compatible with carnivorous habits, involving 
the tearing of animals and devouring of them. This fact 
being well established in creation, mankind may well be 
excused for eating meat, and those who allow it to be eaten 

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are evidently in the right. Or, secondly, you may regard 
the shedding of the blood of animals as an onwise ordinanoe, 
in which case your objection will fall on your Creator who 
called you into existence. 

If, then, you would be so kind as to produce a ground 
which I can regard as satisfactory, I shall hope for a cure 
of the malady which I have acknowledged. 

II. Answer from Abu*l'*Ald of Ma*arrah. 

Says God's weak and humble slave Ahmad, son of 
Abdallah, son of Sulayman. I will commence by observing 
that I regard the most noble prince (my correspondent), 
whom God has guided in religion, and whose life may He 
prolong, as one of those who have inherited wisdom from 
the Prophets, while I regard my erring self as one of the 
unlearned. Yon to condescend to write to me ! Who am 
I that one like you should write to one like me ! The 
Pleiades might as well come down to the Earth. God knows 
that I am hard of hearing and of sight, this fate having 
befallen me when I was four years old, so that I cannot 
distinguish between the house and its inhabitant. Then 
to this was added a whole train of disasters, so that my 
figure got to resemble a curved branch, and finally I have 
in my latter years become crippled, and unable to rise. As 
for your questions, I will say a little about the problems 
which vex you. God Almighty condemned me personally 
to privation, and hence I commenced the holy war of 
poverty. The verse that you quote — 

" Are thy understanding and thy faith ailing P Come 
to me," etc., 

was only addressed to those who are in the slough of 
ignorance, not to one who is the beacon and source of 
knowledge. The animals are, as you know, sensitive, and 
feel pain, and I have heard something of the discussion of 
the ancients, and the first point with which they start is 

J.R.A.8. 1902. 21 

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thifl — Supposing any human being were to say : If we were 
to frame a proposition made up of a subject, predicate, 
and two intermediate terms, one negative and the other 
exceptional, viz. " God does nothing but good," this 
proposition must be either false or true. If it be true, 
still we see that evil prevails, and we know that this is 
a mystery. Hence professedly religious persons have at all 
times been anxious to abstain from meat, because it cannot 
be obtained without causing pain to animals, which at all 
times shun pain. Think of the ewe, domesticated, and with 
young; when she has bom the lamb, and it has lived 
a month or thereabout, they kill it and eat it, and want 
her milk. And the ewe spends the night bleating, and 
would run in quest of it if she could. A commonplace 
among the Arabs is the sufiering of the wild beasts, and 
the pining of the wild cow for her calf. One of them says — 

" Ne'er was sorrow like mine felt by a camel-calf's 
mother, though when she loses him she whines 
oft and oft." 

Now an opponent may urge : If God wills nothing but good, 
then of evil one of two things must be true. Either God 
must know of it or not. If He knows of it, then one of two 
things must be true Either He wills it or not. If He 
wills it then He is practically the doer of it, just as one 
might say, ** The governor cut o£F the robber's hand," even 
though he did not do it with his own hands. But if God 
did not will it, then He has suffered what such a Governor 
should not suffer upon earth. If there be done in his 
province what he dislikes, he reproves the doer and 
commands that the practice stop. This is a knot which 
the metaphysicians have tried hard to solve, and found 
insoluble. Then the Prophets tell us that Almighty God 
is merciful and loving. If, then. He be loving towards 
mankind, assuredly He will be tender to other classes of 
living beings which are sensitive to the least pain. And 
He must know that the animals as they pasture are ofttimes 
attacked by the horseman, who transfixes the male ass or 

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ABU'l-^ALI's correspondence on VEGETAHIANI8M, 319 

the female .... How, then, can one who treats them 
thus deserve compassion, they who drink not out of buckets 
nor transgress any written code ? Of ttimes, too, have I seen 
a couple of armies, each of them professing a distinct cult, 
meeting in battle, and thousands falling on each side. For 
which theory does this make P Even study does not make 
it clear. 

I therefore, having heard of these different opinions, and 
having reached my 30th year, begged God of His mercy 
to grant me a perpetual fast, which I never break * during 
month or year save at the two Feasts ; for the rest I let the 
days and nights roll by and break it not. I believed, too, 
that restricting myself to a vegetable diet would secure my 
health ; and doubtless you have looked into the ancient 
works and the sayings ascribed to Galen and others, which 
show that the authors believed in the soundness of this 
regime. And if it be said that the Creator is loving and 
merciful, then why does He suffer the lion to despatch 
a human being who is neither mischievous nor cruel P How 
many multitudes have perished of serpents' bites ! Why 
has He given the hawk and the falcon control over birds 
that are satisfied with pecking grain P Often does the sand- 
grouse start off of a morning, leaving its chicks athirst, to 
find water to bring them in its crop ; when ere she can 
reach them she meets with a kite, that devours her, so that 
the chicks perish of thirst. (He goes on in this style for 
some time, and then says) I pray God I may be saved from 
the utterance of the unbeliever — ^ 

^' Umm Bakr has come greeting, and bid her welcome. 
And how many a noble pedigree and generous 
frame lies in the Well, the Well of Badr ! How 
many a bowl once crowned with camel's hump 

^ This is surely not to be taken literally. The phrase ' a perpetual fast' used 
by Ibn al-Athir in the story of ^allaj (viii, 92) would seem, however, to hare 
some technical sense. 

' These verses are given by Ibn Hish&m (ed. Wiistenfeld, p. 530) as said by 
Shaddad Ibn al-Asw^ after Badr. The texts are very dinorent. See also 
^r. Nicholson's note, p. 93 w/wa. 

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320 ABU'l-*ALa's correspondence on YEGETARIANfSlC. 

lies in the Well, the Well of Badr ! Mother of 
Bakr, bring me no more cups since Hisham's 
brother is dead! No more since his father's 
brother, who was a hero of heroes, a drinker of 
wine. Tell GK>d Almighty from me, please, that 
I give up the fasting month. What, when the 
head has parted from its shoulders, and the 
'companion has had his fill of food, does Ibn 
Kabshah^ promise that he shall liveP And how 
is he going to give life to ghosts and spectres? 
Is there truly a reyelation to the effect that death 
will give back my frame, and restore me after my 
bones are dust ? " 

God's curse, too, be on him who says (said to be Al-Walid 
Ibn Tazid Ibn Abd al-Malik)— 

" Bring it* near me, my friend." .... 

''I am quite sure that I shall not be raised up for 
Hell. I shall teach my people till they embrace 
the religion of the Ass.^ For I find that he who 
seeks Paradise is playing a losing game." 

A plague, too, on Ibn Ru'yan, if it be he who said — 

'' 'T is the first ; they do indeed promise a second, but 
deferred hope makes the heart sick. And if part 
of what they say be true, then He who afflicts us 
also makes us well." 

Another ground that induced me to abstain from animal 
food is the fact that my income is a little over twenty dinars 
a year, and when my servant takes out of that as much 
as he wants, no magnificent sum is left. So I restrict 
mjrself to beans and lentils, and such food as I would rather 
not mention. So now, if my attendant gets what I think 

1 A nmme giTen hj the Pigtns of Mecca to the Prophet. 
' ProbftUy the wine. The Tenes are also gifen in Aghani, ri, 123, with 
* The text of the Aghani, which is ohscene, majhare been altered intentioaalljr. 

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abu'l-^alI's corbbspondence on yegetabianism. 321 

much and he thinks little, my portion is a small fixed 
charge. And I have no intention of increasing my rations, 
or getting fresh visits from ailments. Farewell. 

III. Amwer from Ibn Abi 'Imrdn. 

God preserve you from being of the number of those 
whose religious and intellectual honour is stained by illness, 
and from having answered one who appealed to you, in 
virtue of your verse, in order to obtain relief from sickness, 
with an answer that only makes his thirst worse ! Truly you 
would in that case be an illustration of Mutanabbi's line — 

"The world stirred my thirst, but when I came to 
her to slake it, she rained troubles on me.'' 

I asked you a personal question about your reason for 
abstaining from the meat which strengthens the body and 
produces flesh ; and you give me an answer of which I can 
only say, "Are these the utterances of sound witsP" This 
medicine of yours only makes the sick man yet worse, and 
your words only increase the blindness and deafness of 
him who is religiously and intellectually suffering from 
those ailments. Moreover, all you say is off the point of 
my first question, and has nothing to do with it. With 
regard to your assertion that meat cannot be procured 
without infliction of pain on animals, that has already been 
answered. You need not be kinder to them than their 
Creator. Either He is just or unjust : if He is just, then 
He takes the lives of eater and eaten alike, and His right 
is unquestioned therein ; if He be unjust, then we need 
'not outdo our Creator and be just where He is unjust. 
When you say "Now an opponent may urge, etc.," this 
reminds me of a story how a man lost his Koran, and some 
told him to read "By the sun and its noon," since that 
would enable him to find it ; but the man observed that this 
Sura was in his lost Koran too. Similarly I may say that 

Digitized by 


322 abu'l-^alI's correspondence on vegetarianism* 

thifi difficulty of yours is one of the whole number, all is 
darky and where is the light? My purpose was to learn 
''the utterances of sound wits/' as you express it. When 
you observe, ** Seeing the diversity of opinions, and conscious 
of decline, I besought God to grant me a perpetual fast^ 
and that I might be satisfied with vegetables,'' I am not 
clear whether the God of whom you besought this is the 
one who wishes good only, or the one who wishes evil 
only, or the one who wishes both together. And Fasting 
is an ordinance based on a code brought by an Apostle, 
and an Apostle is connected with a Sender. And about 
this Sender we are in doubt. Does He send His Apostle 
meaning him to be obeyed or not to be obeyed? If He 
wills the former, then His will is overruled ; for more 
disobey than obey. If He means him to be disobeyed, then 
His sending the Apostle is an absurdity, a mere search 
after an excuse for torturing poor men. If, therefore, your 
fasting be based on this, it is useless ; but if it have some 
more valid and clearer ground, I should like to know it. 
When you repeat the words of certain heretics, and ask 
God to protect you from finding fault with His word, 
"Now He destroyed the old Ad and Thamud, and spared 
not," etc., if God created them knowing that they would 
sin, without hope of repentance, surely the "Merciful and 
Loving " had better not have created them to torture them ; 
but if He does not know, nor can tell what a man will do,, 
then He is like ourselves. When you go on to say, "God 
forbid that we should say this, rather let us assent and 
repeat the text, 'Whom God guides, he is in the right 
way ; whom He misleads, for him thou shalt find no guiding 
friend,'" well, if a heretic observes that sugar is sweet 
he is not to be disbelieved because he is a heretic, and 
the argument of our heretic requires an answer. If you 
have an answer, that is what we request ; if not, your 
assent in such a case is assent to the heretic, nothing else. 
When you repeat the verses, " Umm 'Amr has come 
greeting," etc., and rebuke and curse their author, who 
ever suspected you of holding these sentiments ? God 


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forbid! And why need you reproduce such blasphemous 
verses ? 

As for your last remark, that all you have in the year 
is twenty dinars and odd, of which the larger half goes 
to your servant and the smaller remains to you, and that 
you must put up with the provision of the fortune that 
feeds you, which it would be necessary to bear if it were 
heavy, and still more when it is light, I have written to 
my lord Taj al-IJmara, requesting him to offer to remove 
this cause by presenting you with what to him is a trifling 
amount of the richest food, and to see that this is regularly 
given you, that the veil of this necessity may be removed, 
and that your mode of living may be thoroughly comfortable. 
If you are energetic enough to reply, I beg that you will 
excuse me from recherche rhymes and forced figures, as 
what I want is not sound but sense. 

IV. Ahu*l'*Ald*8 Answer, 

(After compliments) I, who confess my ignorance and 
acknowledge my bewilderment, and pray God that He may 
grant me a little of His mercy. [I can only say] what I said 
when I first addressed you, when I mentioned my confidence 
in your ability and my own feebleness and wretchedness 
compared therewith, and how I reckon myself a dumb brute 
and wonder that one like you should seek guidance from 
who has it not — it is as though the moon that travails 
night and day in the service of its Lord should seek 
guidance from a homed beast in a desert, that goes down 
to the water to meet the huntsman who sends an arrow into 
its heart. 

You quote one of my verses in H — a verse written 
to tell others how keenly I strive to be religious, and 
what is my expedient with regard to the text ''whom God 
guides he is in the right way." The first of them runs — 

Digitized by 


324 abu'l-^alI's correspondence on vegetarianism. 

'' Are thy understanding and thy faith ailing P Come 
then to me that thou mayest learn the true account 
of the matter. 

Eat not wrongfully what the water produces, nor eat 
the meat of beasts newly slain." 

Now no one can deny that the creatures that live in the sea 
oome out of the water against their will. And if the reason 
be consulted about it, it will find no fault with the refusal 
to eat fish; for religious men haye at all times abstained 
from things which in themselyes are lawful for them. 

"Nor the white of mothers who meant the cream 
thereof for their babes and not for proud high- 
bom maids." 

The ' white ' means the milk. Now it is well known that 
when the calf is killed the cow pines for it, and keeps awake 
whole nights on its account. Its flesh is eaten, and the 
milk that it should have sucked is lavished on its mother's 
owners. What harm, then, can there be in abstaining from 
killing the calf, and declining to use the milk P Such 
a man need not suppose it to be unlawful ; he only abstains 
out of religious fervour and mercy towards the victim, and 
in the hope that he may be compensated for his abstinence 
by the Creator's forgiveness. And if it be said that the 
Almighty distributes His gifts equally between His servants, 
then what sins have the victims committed that they should 
be excluded from His mercy P 

" Neither fall upon the birds when they are busy with 
their eggs, for robbery is the worst of crimes." 

The Prophet forbade hunting at night. And this is one 
of two interpretations of his dictum '' leave the birds in 
their nests." In the Koran, too, is the text "0 ye that 
believe, slay not the quarry while ye are on pilgrimage ; 
and if any of you kill any on purpose, then he is to pay in 
cattle the value of what he killed," etc. Anyone with the 

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smallest amount of sense who hears this tradition cannot 
be blamed if he tries to win the favour of the Lord of 
heaven and earth by treating lawful quarry^like unlawful 
quarry, though the former be not forbidden. 

** And leave alone the honey for which the busy bees 
went out so early to gather it from the fragrant 

Since the bees fight their hardest to keep the gatherer off 
their honey, there is no harm in a man abstaining from it, 
and desiring to place the bee in the same category as other 
creatures that dislike being killed to be eaten and having 
their means of living taken to feed and fatten women and 
other human beings. The poets have described that to which 
I refer ; Abu Dhi'b thus speaks of the honey-gatherer — 

** When the bees sting him little recks he of their sting, 
but fights on for the house of the honey-bees." 

A story to the following effect is told of *Ali. He had 
a sack of barley-flour, ordinarily sealed up ; only when he 
fasted he would have none of it sealed. And although he 
had great quantities of com, he used to give the whole of 
it away in alms, and content himself with a minimum. 
A certain ascetic also said in a sermon that he gathered in 
50,000 dinars' worth of com in the year (but gave it all 
away). Hence we learn that the Prophets and the original 
authorities stint themselves, in order to bestow of their 
superfluity on the needy. 

You have even suggested that a vegetarian is to be 
blamed. If this principle were to be applied, a man ought 
not to pray except the appointed prayers, for any additional 
prayers lead to unnecessary trouble, which God (forsooth) 
does not approve. Also when a wealthy man has set apart 
the fortieth of his gold for alms, he ought not to give any 
more ; whereas there are many places in the Koran in which 
expenditure is commended. 

This is a sufficient answer for your feeble, humble servant. 

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Were I to appear before your exalted presence, you would 
know that there is nothing left of me to ask or answer. 
For my limbs refuse to act in concert ; I cannot stand up to 
pray, but have to pray sitting, God help me. Gladly would 
I reach the stage of being able to crawl about with a staff. 
(Some verses are here quoted in illustration of his feeblenesa) 
When I lie down I cannot sit up, and have to get assistance. 
When my helper stretches out his hand to raise me, my 
bones, which are bare of flesh, rattle. 

As for the verse of Mutanabbi which you quote, one who 
seeks guidance from so feeble a creature as I am can only 
be compared to one who seeks dates from thistles. You 
can only have been brought to do it by that confidence 
'j which is the mark of a noble nature, of a lofty soul, of 

high breeding, and of a stainless character. 
[ Tour suggestion, too, that you would write to get my 

ji salary increased also is proof of generosity inherited from 

i countless ancestors, beginning with the Earth. I have no 

desire for any increase ; no desire to return to delicacies, 
abstinence from which has become a second nature to me. 
For forty-five years I have tasted no meat, and an old man 
does not quit his habits till he is covered by the grave-dust. 
The most excellent ** Crown of Princes, Pride of the 
Kingdom, Mainstay of the sovereignty, Arms and Glory 
of the dynasty, doubly glorious," is, as I know, the equal 
of all the children of Shem, Ham, and Japhet, and gladly 
would I see the castle of Haleb and all the mountains of 
8yria turned into gold, that they might be bestowed in 
charity by the Crown of Princes and Mainstay of the 
Prophetic dynasty, on whose head be peace, as also on his 
righteous ancestors, without a penny thereof coming to me. 
Andy indeed, I should be ashamed if the Crown of Princes 
were to regard me as one who is hankering after this world, 
after what has passed. And I shall be glad if when I appear 
before God Almighty I am charged with nothing more than 
abstinence from meat. If I reach this condition I shall 
be right blest (He then excuses himself for rhyming with 
the aid of various anecdotes and arguments.) And may your 

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eause always be the winning one, and your power be ever 
in the ascendant. Even as Tha'labah, son of Su'air, says — 

'' Many an evildoer and a man of mischief, whose 
breasts boiled with fallacious fictions, did I . . . . 
to their vexation, and silence their error with 
victorious truth." 

And were you to argue with Aristotle, you would nonplus 
him, or with Plato, he would throw his arguments away. 
God glorify His Code by your life, and help His religion by 
your evidences. GK>d is sufficient, etc. 

V. Answer from Ibn Abi 'Imrdn. 

In addressing you at the first I endeavoured to conceal 
my personality, preferring that the source of the question 
should not be known, so that your answer might be one 
of argument, without respect of persons, and without the 
awkwardness of having to introduce the "my lord" and 
''your excellency," etc., since the matter on which we 
are engaged required that the vanities of this world should 
not be mixed therewith, and because I truly believed you 
to be one who, owing to your contempt of the world, had 
a reach so much wider than mine that I ooidd not hope 
to buy any piece of religious knowledge from you; and 
I know not how the fact was divulged, so that you should 
address me as '' lord " and " excellency." I am your 
superior neither materially nor morally ; I merely direct 
my steed towards you to gain something. If I find a well 
of water, or come to a river or the sign thereof, I shall 
meet it with gratitude for your kindness, and do not pretend 
to dispute your claim to teach. 

I would have you know that I traversed the earth from 
the furthest part of my country to Egypt, and everywhere 
found people divided into two classes. There are the 
fanatical believers who are so enchanted with their religion, 
that if their religious records contained the statement that an 

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328 abu'l-^ala's correspondence on vegetarianism. 

elephant flew or a camel laid an egg they would believe it 
implicitly. They would regard one who thought otherwifle 
as a heretic and a fool, who might be neglected. With 
such persons as these the reason is at a discount. It is 
difficult to awake such a man to the fact that the light 
of reason must have sparkled from the religion which be 
professes ere its collar could have been placed on the neck 
or its bracelet on the wrist. How, then, can it be right 
to give the reason control at the first and to proceed to 
dethrone it? 

When ray fortune brought me to Syria, and I heard 
of your eminence as a scholar and savant, I found that 
on that matter opinions were agreed and the evidence 
established irrefragably. But I found that men were 
divided about your religious position, and distraught about 
it, each speaker taking a view of his own. I attended 
a seance at which the subject was discussed, and all sorts 
of things were said about you. I defended you in your 
absence, saying that your well-known and confirmed 
asceticism cleared you of all suspicion. I was convinced 
that you must have some esoteric religious knowledge, 
which you kept concealed from the rest of mankind. There 
must be something which distinguishes you from people 
who charge each other with heresy. And so when I heard 
the verse ** Are thy understanding and thy counsel ailing," 
etc., my conviction was so much the more strengthened. 
I thought that a tongue that could utter such a claim and 
give vent to such a boast must be a tongue meet to silence 
every speaker, though he were to stand on the highest 
pinnacle of the mount of knowledge. So 1 approached you 
as Moras annroach^d tliA moiintain. honino' to o^t a lis^ht. 

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I thought, was an extra virtue on your part, and what 
might be expected of such a man. Finally, your answer 
resolved itself into the assertion that mankind were all at 
some stage or other of a wandering in the valley of 
bewilderment, stumbling over its edges. One says that 
good and evil are from God, and he is answered with the 
question whether the dangers of travel from which the 
Prophet used to ask deliverance, and all similar things 
from which deliverance is sought, are good or evil. If they 
are good, why should they be prayed against ? If evil, 
but intended by God, then the prayer is as useless as before 
— nay, more so. And the similar question whether the 
poisoning of Hasan and the murder of Husain were good 
or bad; if they were good, then why should their author 
be cursed? If they were bad, but intended by God, then 
the slayer is not to blame. Another says that good is of 
God, and evil of another, and is answered in a manner 
that silences him. With this answer you combined other 
matter, including some blasphemous verses. My answer 
was that I disclaimed all connection with those whom you 
mentioned, and threw myself on you, that the discussions 
of these people had never slaked the thirst, and that in my 
ears they found no assent. I asked you, therefore, to open 
the gate for me to your own opinions, and to give me 
access to your private thoughts. This you did not do. 
Then I asked you why you abstain from meat, and you 
replied that you dislike hurting animals and causing them 
pain. I rebutted your plea, after you had dilated on it, by 
observing that if God empowers one animal to eat another, 
though He knows best what is wise and is most merciful to 
His creatures, you need not be more just and merciful 
to them than their Lord and Creator. You then changed 
your ground, and alleged your inability to procure animal 
food, because of the whole sum which came to you in the 
year the greater part went to your attendant, and only 
a little remained for yourself. This, too, I rebutted by 
pointing to a liberal source, one of those who never taunt 
those whom they benefit with their favours or insult them. 

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330 abu'l-^alI's correspondence on vegetarianisk. 

who would provide you with an ample supply of the 
daintiest food and the most luxurious stores. This, too, 
you declined, declaring in your second letter that you 
disliked it, and would not have it, and could not abandon 
the vegetarianism which you had so long maintained. Tou 
went on to say that I had been seeking counsel from one 
who had none to give, and that the verse of which I had 
taken hold and alleged as my ground for enquiring into 
your practice and principles, was only intended to exhibit 
your religious zeal and your expedient for dealing with the 
text " He whom God guides finds His way ; He whom 
God misleads thou shalt not find for him a guiding friend." 
Therein you combined two contradictory statements in one 
proposition. If the verse is true, then study is useless. 

Next you say that God has secrets that only the saints 
understand. It is just that secret about which we are 
hovering, and round the door of him who knows it that 
we are making circuit. And when we, arguing from your 
verse, suppose that you do possess it, seeing that you profess 
that your own religion and intellect are sound, whereas 
those of other men are ailing, you declare that you have 
no counsel to give! Assuredly in this matter your prose 
contradicts your verse and your verse your prose. So 
what is to be done? 

Then you say that the sense of the verse " Are thy 
understanding and thy faith," etc., is given by the following 
line, " Then eat not," etc. Clearly, then, the sickness of 
faith and understanding must be due to eating meat and 
drinking milk and consuming honey, so that soundness of 
both is to be acquired by abandoning these practices. Tou 
must know that soundness of faith and understanding is not 
produced thereby. Hence the second verse cannot annul 



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for food, for religious men at all times abandon the use of 
certain things that are lawful for them. Now there is no 
animal on sea or land that is more honourable than man, 
the living, the intelligent. He dislikes death, yet he dies. 
He dislikes being eaten, yet the worms eat him in his grave. 
If this proceed from some wise principle, then what you 
say about the sea-animals and the land-animals belongs to 
precisely the same field ; but if it be a case of deflexion 
from wisdom, it is absurd that my Maker should be a fool 
and I, His creature, be wise. When you quote the tradition 
that the Prophet prayed till his feet blistored, and being 
asked about it said " Ought I not to be a grateful servant P " 
this has nothing to do with the present issue. A man may 
say as many prayers as he likes in the times at which prayer 
is lawful, only to the appointed prayers he must not add nor 
may he diminish them. Now this matter belongs to the 
Code, whereas our theme was discussion of matters connected 
with the reason. When you say that the Prophet regarded 
game within the sacred territory as unlawful, so that others 
may treat lawfiil game as unlawful, in order to win God's 
favour thereby, I reply that God only may make things 
lawful or unlawful. 

When you say that *Ali, when the pressed dates were 
brought, asked whether the Prophet had eaten thereof, and 
being told that he had not, refused to eat, this is an 
argument against you, not for you. For it is agreed that 
the Prophet never became a vegetarian, whereas you are 
one all your life. This, therefore, is a plain contrast to the 
Prophet's practice. And had you not quoted the Law 
against me, and not exceeded the scope of the reason, 
I should have spared you this rejoinder, which may trouble 
your mind, for which I should be sorry. 

When you complain of your weakness and difficulty of 
moving, and say you have no strength left to ask or answer 
questions, whether weak or strong you are still one of the 
glories of the age, and one whose praises travellers carry 
with them everywhere. However much fate may have 
wronged you, you have wronged yourself by depriving 

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332 abu'l-'ala's coerespondence on vegetarianism. 

yourself of the pleasures of the world. And if you hope 
for pleasures which will compensate for them, pleasures of 
a better and more lasting sort, then you will have made 
no bad bargain, and the verse of yours which has been 
discussed will have been justified, though you may incur 
the reproach of stinginess in rejecting requests for aid and 
refusing those who ask you. If, on the other hand, you are 
torturing yourself without any clear reason, as you now 
assert, being one of the many who " idly dispute " and 
founder in bewilderment, then you have wasted your life and 
wronged yourself. You will also in the verse that has been 
quoted have made an assertion which you cannot verify. 

The purpose of my questions and answers was my own 
benefit. Since that is not to be had, God has relieved you 
of the trouble of answering me. As for the rhymes and 
my request that we might be relieved of them, it is because 
rhymes are not ideas worth going out of our way to follow, 
and because were I to study the excellence of your worka 
in belles lettres and poetry I should find therein an ample 
field. Would that I could get at the hidden treasures of 
your religious lore as I can at your compositions in prose 
and verse ! But before and after I ask pardon for troubling 
your mind, and wasting your time in reading my letters 
and answering them. For inasmuch as I have done you 
no good I have done you harm. God knows that I had 
no intention save to benefit by your wisdom and fill my 
bucket from your sea. 

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Art. Xll.^-An Unknown Work by Aibirum. 
By H. Beyeridgb. 

There is in the British Museum a Persian MS.» Or. 5,849, 
which is a translation of an Arabic treatise by Albirunl. 
It is a small quarto containing 175 folios, and at one 
time belonged to one of the Oude royal libraries, and has 
several red impressions of seals. It was picked up by me 
in Lakhnau, in 1899. The MS. is a. matena medica, 
and contains accounts of drugs, vegetable and mineral, in 
alphabetical order. Its title is Kitdb-i-^aidanah, and the 
translator discusses at some length the origin of this name. 
Albirunl was inclined to derive it from the Indian chandan 
and the Persian chandal, sandalwood, but this etymology 
is rejected by the translator. There is a long preface by 
the translator, and as it is in very high-flown language, 
and as the MS. is much worm-eaten, it is not very easy 
to understand his meaning. However, we learn from 
p. 2**^ that the translator's name was Abii-bakr, son of 
'Ali, son of Usman Asfaru'l-kasani, and further on we find 
that he came to India in the beginning of Shamsu-d-dln 
Iltatmi^'s ^ reign, or in the last year of his predecessor and 
father-in-law, Qutbu-d-din Aibak, and consequently about 
607 A.H. (1211 A.D.). He speaks of staying in Dihli for 
eighteen months. Though he does not tell us the exact 

' The translator mentions his own name again at p. 108^, under the article 
i^iM, And also at p. 114, nnder the article ^j^, i.e. *talc/ where he seems 
to speak of his having heen in Kashg^ar, and at 132», nnder the article JaJ^ , 
i.e. * cloves.' 

* So spelt by Dr. Rieu; often spelt Altamsh and Altmi^. See Thomas's 
** Pathan Kings,'* pp. 43, 44. Badayuni's explanation that the name was derived 
from Shamsu-d-dln's being bom during an eclipse of the moon may be correct, 
for it Is in some measure confirmed by Redhouse, and Badayuni had means of 
hearing the story of the derivation, for badayun was Shamsu-a-din'sfief, and the 
tradition may have lingered down to Badayunf's time. 

j.n.A.8. 1902. 22 

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year in which he made his translation, it is certain that it 
was before 626 a.h. (1229 a.d.), for he refers to Shamsu-d- 
dln's having a son bom to him in the beginning of his 
reign, and expresses a hope that this will put an end to 
sedition by reducing the rebels to despair. He calls this 
son (p. 4*) Nasiru-d-daniya wa ud-din, and he must mean 
thereby the elder prince of that name, who became governor 
of Bengal during his father's lifetime, and died in 626 a.h. 
After the translator's preface there follows Albirunrs own 
preface, or an abridgment thereof. In it Albiruni describes 
the books he used. One was a compilation giving the 
names of drugs in ten languages; another, which he got 
from Christian physicians, was in Syriac, and gave the names 
of drugs in Syriac, Greek (RumI), Arabic, and Persian ; 
a third, which he also got from Christian physicians, bore 
the name of Lexicon. He also acknowledges his obligations 
to a distinguished physician named Abu Hamid, son of 
Ahmadu-1-bashafi (P). 

The descriptions of the drugs give first their localities 
and characteristics, and then their remedial action. I have 
looked in vain for any interesting autobiographical details, 
though there are several references to AlbirunPs travels 
Thus, under the account of the drug goz gandam (p. 148**) 
there is a reference to what he had seen in the country 
of Jurjan, and in the account of the orange (ndranj), p. 165, 
we are told what the old men of Bast (in Afghanistan) said 
about the seeds having been brought into their country by 
a strange bird, which they found lying dead in a river bed 
after there had been a long drought. Albiruni adds that 
the Indian name for the orange is J^3^ kirand. Apparently 
this is the Sanskrit karund and Hindustani karnd, which is 
a name for the pummeloe. Opium is one of the drugs 
described, and its use by the people of Mecca is spoken of, 
but nothing is said about its use or cultivation in India. 
Albiriini generally gives the name of each drug in several 
languages, and under opium, a/pun, he quotes one Firazi 
as stating that the Sindh name for the drug is ras-i 8tr 
Bhamy (?). Firazi is again quoted under tubal (vitriol?), p. 47*. 

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The last article in the book is zambut or the carob-tree, and 
the one immediately before it gives an interesting account of 
jasht, or jashm, i.e. *jade.* Galen's description of it is 
quoted, and we are told that the Greek name for jasht 
is ^^\L»\ osphdtda. Probably the copyist has written ds 
by mistake for om, and the word (j**jb\su>\ is apparently 
a corruption of ofjt^Tireo)^, the genitive of ofufMrlrr^, which 
is Galen's name for green jasper. (See Kiihn's ed., Leipsic, 
1826, vol. xii, pp. 206, 207.) Albirunl says that the Greek 
word means snakestone, and it appears from this remark and 
from the rest of the description that he or his authority has 
mixed up two drugs described by Galen, one ophites or 
snakestone, and the other omphatites, which last I have 
not been able to find in any Greek dictionary. 

Albirunl's work is mentioned by Haj! Khalfa, Fluegel's 
ed., V. 110, No. 10,263. It is there called Ettab-as-saidalat, 
which is translated by Fluegel as "liber botanicae theoreticae." 
In Dozy's Supplement, p. 856^ iJJu-o naidalat is given as 
meaning drugs. Possibly the translator of the work is the 
"Abu Bikr-es Saiddani " of Haji Khalfa, IV. 417 and V. 461. 
In the first of these references Abu-bikr is described as 
a lawyer, but in the second he is entered as a lexicographer 
and grammarian, and this tallies with the translator's pre- 
dilection for verbal questions, as shown by the disquisition in 
the preface about the etymology of saidana. Unfortunately 
Haja Khalfa evidently knew very little about him, and does 
not even give the year of his death. 

As pointed out by Dr. Sachau (Introduction to the Arabic 
text of the chronology of ancient nations, p. 48), the Saidalat 
is not mentioned in Alburuni's own list. That list was made 
in 427 H. (1035), and Alblruni lived for thirteen years after- 
wards, dying on 2nd Bajab, 440 h. (11th December, 1048). 
He must therefore have written the Saidalat between 1035 
and 1048. 

The MS. was copied in 1190 a.h. (1776) by Khwaja 
Muhammad Samr of Dihli. 

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Art. XIIL— 7%^ Eisdlatu'l-Qhufrdn : by Abii'l-'Ala al- 
Ma'arri. Part 11, including Table of Contents with 
Text and Translation of the Section on Zandaka and 
of other passages. By Reynold A. Nicholson. 

{Continued from p, 101.) 

As for Salih b. 'Abdu'l-Sluddiis,^ though his zandaka has 
become notorious, he did not avow it (and knowledge 
belongs to God alone) until he was convicted out of his own 
mouth. The following verses are ascribed to his father, 
•Abdu'l-Kuddus : 

Hoio many a visitor hath Mecca brought to perdition ! Mau 

Ood raze Mecca and her houses ! 
May the Merciful refuse sustenance to her living inhabitants, P 148. 

and may Mercy roast her dead [in hell-fire'] ! 

Salih had a son who was charged with zandaka and im- 
prisoned for a long time. These verses are said to be his : ^ 

We went forth from the world, though we belong to it ; and we 

are neither the living in it nor the dead. 
Whenever a visitor comes to inquire for us, we rejoice and say, 

''Here in one from the world! " 

His recanting, when he perceived that his execution was at 
hand, was a piece of trickery. And God bless Muhammad, 
for it is related of him that he said, *' / was sent tvith the 

^ A contemporarr of Bashshar. They were put to death in the same year, 
167 A.H. See Weil, OetchickU tUr Chalifeny ii, 106 eeq. 

2 Ibn Khallikan, Trantlationt ii, 465, attributes them first to AbuU-'Atahiya, 
and then to Sali^ himself. 

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338 al-ka8sIr and al-mansur. 

sword, and weal is with the sword, and weal is in the sword, and 
weal is by the sword^ And in another hadith, ^* My people 
shall not cease to flourish while they bear swords J' 'T was the 
sword that impelled galih to affirm the truth and caused 
him to renounce his pernicious belief. This is one of God's 
signs, which is only revealed to the miscreant soid when her 
time has indubitably passed by and her profession of faith 
will not be accepted at this juncture. She believed not before.^ 
Folly has its light drizzle and its heavy rainfall. 

With regard to al-Kassar,^ he was a fool in the block and 
a fool in the chips.^ Had he pursued an attainable truth, 
he would have been saved from the poison that he swallowed, 
but our natures are ranged against us * and none may avoid 
the appointed doom. He whose name is connected with 
chests^ is held to be a zindtk, I suppose that he is the 
person, known as Mansur,^ who appeared in 270 a.h. and 
made a long stay in Yemen. In his time the singing-girls 
used to play on the tambourine while he chanted : ^ 

thou, take the tambourine and play, and blazon abroad the 

virtues of this prophet ! 
The prophet of the Banu Hdshim has departed, and the prophet 

of the Banu Ta'rub has arisen. 
No more is it behoving to run at Safd or to visit the Tomb at 

When the people pray, do not thou stand up, and if they fast, 

do thou eat and drink, 

» ^or. vi, 169. 

' ^amdQn ^asgar (ob. 271 A.u.) may possibly be meant. He was tbe chief 
of those §uf!B who call themselves Malamatis, and ^ve his name to the sect of 
^ass&ns ('Attar, To^. al-Auliyd, Brit. Mus. MS., f. 196 sqo. ; NafaMtuH' 
Unty p. 67). But one wotdd hardly expect to find him in this company or 
described in these terms, and I regard the proposed identification as doubtful. 

* j^UUpl.ofjS^. 

B His name was jls^^ 9 the carpenter. See below. 

• See Kay's Toman, p. 191 sqq. and p. 323. Ibnu'l-Athir, viii, 22, calls 
him Rustam b. al-Husain b. Haushab b. Dadhan al-Najjar. 

' In Kay's TanuM, p. 199, these verses are ascribed to Mansiir's colleague, 
*Ali b. Fa4l. 

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And do not deny unto thyself any believer, whether he be near p 150^ 
akin or remote. 

For how, being lawful to that stranger, hast thou become for- 
bidden to thy father ? 

Does not the tree belong to him who nourished it and watered it 
in its year of drought ? 

And wine is free to use, like rain. my mistress, what an 
excellent creed ! ^ 

Now may the execration of all who join in execrating 
evildoers light upon the adherents of this gospel ! This 
class of men (God curse them !) seek by various methods 
to enslave the vulgar. They are eager to claim divinity, 
without substantiating their pretensions ; nor do they shrink 
from what is abominable, but when they know that a man 
is distinguished * [by intelligence] they invite him to that 
which, in the abstract, is worthy of praise. There was in 
Yemen a man who retired to the seclusion of his castle, 
employing as intermediary between himself and the people 
a black servant whom he had entitled Gabriel. One day 
this servant murdered his master and went off, whereupon 
some irreverent wit remarked : '' Blessed is God in His 
height. Gabriel has fled from iniquity, and he whom ye 
assert to be a Lord lies murdered on his throne/' It is said 
that he was urged to this deed by the shameful services 
imposed on him. When one of this sort aspires, he is not 
content with being an imdm or a prophet. No ! he mounts 
upward in falsehood, and his drink is the foul water beneath 
the film. 

The Arabs of the Ignorance were not guilty of such 
criminal and disorderly practices. Rather did their minds 
lean to the opinion of the sages and to the wisdom of the 

' Kay renders, *'aiid its use is now hallowed by the kw.** But this is 

impossible for metrical and other reasons, i^ ^ 1, ^":.V.^ ^ c£. Harfrl 
(ed. De Sacy), p. 639, 1. 2. 
' L^ and • f^ are distinctly written in the MS. In a passage below (p. 165) 

the forms * ^7 and ^^mO^ occur, and perhaps they should be restored here. 

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ancient books. For most of the philosophers were without 
belief in prophecy and paid no heed to those who affirmed 
it. Babra b. Uraayya b. Khalaf al-Jumabl had an a£Pair 
with Abu Bakr al-Siddik (may God have mercy on him !)» 
in consequence of which he fled to Rum, and it is related 
that he said : ^ 

P. 161' I fled to the land of Mum, undisturbed by the abandonment of 

evening and midday prayer. 
But do not omit to bring me a morning-draught of wine ; fot* 

the purest ofunne is not forbidden by Ood, 
If Taim b. Mnrra * has been given the command among you, 

there is no good in the land of Hydz or in Egypt. 
And if my 'isldm' is^ the truth and the right u?ay, lo, I renounce 

it in favour of Abu Bakr* 

Men showed themselves so versatile in error that at last 
they considered the claim of divinity allowable. That was 
to push infidelity to its extreme point and to collect sin 
in the largest bottles. The people of the Ignorance only 
rejected prophecy : they went no further. When 'Umar 
b. al-Khattab (God have mercy on him!) cleared out the 
* Covenanters ' from the Arabian peninsula, the emigrants 
were sorely distressed, and it is said that one of the Jews 
of Khaibar, known as Sadid b. Adkan, spoke these verses 
thereupon : 

Aba Hafs attacks us with a whip. Not too fast ! A man now 
rises, now sinks, 

^JJ^ i^^\j^ \z (Marginal note in MS.). 
2 From whom Abu Bakr was descended (Wiistenfeld, Oeneahgitehe Tabellen, R.). 
* -fc is the Ju^uJl 1,4 r (Wright, Grammar , ii, 265). 

* I.e. <' he is welcome to it : much good may it do him 

f »» 

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It would seem that you never followed the loaded camels of a hard 

driver,^ that you might get your fill. Verily ^ provision 

18 a fugitive thing. 
Had Moses told the truth, ye would not have prevailed against 

us ; but empire [^has its day\ then goes. 
And tee anticipated you in falsehood. Recognize, therefore, that 

to us belongs the dignity of the first liar, who is the worst? 
Ye walked over our tracks in the way that we went, and your 

desire is to domineer and to make yourselves dreaded. 

And Yemen, ever since it existed, has been the home of 
those who cultivate religion as a means of livelihood and 
make a fair show in order to fill their pockets. I learn 
from travellers to those parts that certain sectaries are to 
be found there at the present day, every one of whom asserts 
that he is the expected Ka'im and receives a tithe of 
property to gratify his base ambitions. And I have been 
told that the Karmatis have a house at al-Ahsa,^ from 
which, as they pretend, their imdm will come forth, and 
they keep a saddled and bridled horse standing at the door 
of that house, and say to the common and vulgar, " This 
horse is for the Mahdi's stirrup : he will mount it when he p. 162 
appears with a marvellous truth." Their object in all this 
is to cajole and amuse with vain promises and manoeuvre 
themselves into power and lead men astray. And one of the 
most wonderful stories that I have heard is this : — ^Long 
ago a chieftain of the Karmatis, when his time was come, 
gathered his followers round his deathbed and began to say 
to them : ** I am now resolved to depart. I had already 
sent Moses and Jesus and Muhammad, and I cannot but 
send another." Be he accursed ! He committed the greatest 
infidelity at the moment when it behoves the infidel to believe 
and the traveller to return to his final bourne. 

^ The camels driven at full speed would be likely to spill a portion of their 
cargo. Mdkit is explained below (p. 166) as meaning 'one who runs from 
to^ to town/ But here it seems rather to be derived from the phrase 

* The proverb is iJa?l ^jUU v—xJjJ *jJ^ (Freytn?, ii, 879). 
' In Babrain. ^ 

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As regards Walld b. Yazld, his mind was that of an infant^ 
although he had reached a vigorous manhood. A haughty 
will availed him nothing, nor did his violets profit him,^ 
and he was diverted from the wine-flagon by the sin of his 
erring soul.^ He was thrust into Hell-fire, and does not 
draw water in cupfuls. Yerses are attributed to him that 
brand him with disgrace, e.g. : 

my friends^ bring me a youthful alave,^ for I am assured that 

I shall not be raised from the dead for the sake of \_betny 
cast into"] a fire. 
Let those who seek Paradise lose their labour ! Men are ill- 
trained indeed that they follow the religion of the ass ! 

Surely 't was an amazing time that made the like of him 
an imam and invested him with imperial power ; and though 
it may be that other monarchs hold the same, or nearly the 
same creed, they keep it hidden and fear [to divulge it]. 
These verses are also ascribed to him : ^ 

/ boast mtjself to be JFalid, the Imdm, trailing my striped robe 
and listening to words of love. 

1 drag my skirt to the chambers of my mistress, and I heed not 

those who blame and rebuke me. 
There is no pleasure save in listening to a singing-girl and in 

wine that leaves a youth intoxicated, 
I do not hope for the houris in the next world. Does any man 

of sense hope for the houris of Paradise ? 
When a lady gives thee her hand, requite her surrender like one 

who makes a liberal present, 

P. 158. And it is said that when he was surrounded, he entered the 
pavilion and locked the door, and said : ^ 

> The manuscript reading is almost certainly corrupt. I have no example of 
i^js^w as the plural of -/** . , but analogous forms occur. 

' I.e. his sins in this world deprived him of the joys of Paradise. 

3 For tsar = down (fovXoi) sec De Slane*s Introduction to Ibn KhallikSn, p. 36. 
If the text is sound, ** Jul-L stands for *IJl-L , 

* The first two couplets are cited in Agkiamy vi, 122. 

« Agh. vi, 139. 

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ABU 'ISA ibnu'l-rashid. 343 

Le€m me Hind and aURabab and a few bot/8 ^ and a singing- 
girl : that is wealth enough for me ! 

Take your kingdom {may Ood not stablish your kingdom /), for 
after that it is not worth a camel-rope. 

And let me go ere the eye can wink,^ and do not grudge me 
a merry death ! 

And from that high estate he fell ^— oh, what a fall ! and 
some chroniclers relate that his head was seen in the mouth 
of a dog. God exacts the wages of sin. Helpless is man in 
this world of sorrows, which disables citizen and wanderer 
alike. It was due to the Caliphate that it should come to 
a person of famed piety, whom no contingencies would turn 
from the right way ; but affliction was created with the sun, 
and why should those be exempt who sleep in the grave ? 

As for Abu Isa b. al-RashId,* he is not the praiser [of 
God] nor the praised [of men],* and if the reports concerning 
him are true, he has thereby separated himself from his 
ancestors and shown his enmity to the religious. The Lord 
cares not whether His servants keep the fast through fear or 
whether they break it, but men grow desperate, and often 
those who are, or feign to be, foolish utter a statement 
although their hearts are familiatr with its contrary. I say 
this in the hope that Abu 'Isa and his fellows did not accept 
the false teaching of their chiefs,^ and that their real 
thoughts are not such as they outwardly profess. Verily 

» This is the reading of J^, For the name Fartani, preserved in the 
marginal correction, see Addenda et Emendanda to Tahari, i, vOv. 

• See Lane under ^ , and Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, ii, 249. 
9 Literally, ' returned.* 

• Son of Harun al-Ra^id hy a foreign mother. He died in the reign of 
Ma'miin. Save the fact that he was an excellent singer, I cannot find any 
corrohoration of Abii'l- 'Ala's remarks about him, but it will be remembered 
that similar charges were made against Ma'mun himself. 

^ This rendering is conjectural. 

• S'\j^\='Ji\Aj^\, 'their erring chiefs.' See Wright, Grammar, 
u, 202. 

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the dead have admonished them.^ A certain one dreamed 
that he saw 'Abdu'l-Salam b. Ra^ban, known as Diku'l- 
Jinn.^ Seeing him in good hap, he reminded him of the 
distichs rhymed in/, which include this : 

They have this worlds and they rejoice in [the prospect of'\ 
another, but when a person whom you cannot trust says 
•* / will pay to-morroiv,'* it is fatal. 

Sawaf = haldk. The poet answered : " I said that merely 
in jest: it was not my belief." And perchance many who 
are notorious for these follies secretly fulfil the obligations 
F. 154. of the Law and find abundant pasture in its fertile meadows, 
since the tongue is rebellious and does not submit to the 
reason. And the aforementioned Abii 'Isa was accounted 
an excellent poet in the quatrain and sestet. Al-Suli quotes 
in his Nawddir : 

My tongue concealeth its secrets, but my tears betray and publish 

what I would hide. 
And but for my tears I should not have revealed my passion, 

and but for my passion I should not have shed tears. 

And if he fled from a month's fast, peradventure he may fall 
into everlasting torment, though unbelievers alone despair 
of the divine mercy. 

As regards al-Jannabl,' if a town were punished on 
account of its inhabitants, Jannaba might well be chastized 
on account of him, but the ordinance of the Kor'an is more 
fit and proper, that no burdened soul shall bear the burden of 
another.* His treatment of the sacred comer-stone is variously 
related, those who pretend acquaintance with him asserting 
that he took it to worship and glorify, because he had learned 
that it was the hand of the idol which was made in the 

* Cf. Freytag, Arabum Proverbial iii*, 43: 

^'\y,i\ J\>J1 ^\^\ ^1 

^ Brockelmann, i, 85. 

> Ibn Ehallikan, Translation^ i, 426. 

* Kor. Ti, 164, etc. 

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THE 'ALID of BASRA. 345 

likeness of Satum»^ but others say that he made it a footstool 
in a privy ; and these versions cannot be reconciled. Be he 
accursed, in any case, while Thabir ^ stands firm and clouds 
scatter rain! 

The 'AUd of Basra,' according to one story, used to 
mention before his revolt that he belonged to 'Abd Eais 
and to the subdivision of Anmar.^ His name was Ahmad, 
but on declaring himself he took the name of 'AlL False- 
hood is abundant, inexhaustible. He was a lofty peak in 
sagacity,^ yet the truth in his possession was like the pebble 
that is trodden by the feet of the disobedient. These verses 
ascribed to him are famous : 

profession of the crippled, may ruin light upon thee / Shall 

I not escape from thee when the [^last] gathering brings 

[mankind'] together? 
Surely, if my soul is content with teaching boys for ever, I am 

content with indignity. 
Can a gentleman take pleasure in teaching boys, when he has 

considered that the means of life abound in the world ? 

1 do not gainsay that love of vanities may have instigated P. 166. 
him so that he sank in a full sea, where he will swim as long 

as the heavens and the earth endure, unless thy Lord will 
otherwise. Verily, thy Lord doeth what He please th. 
Some verses, which go to prove that he was devout, have 
been attributed to him, but I allow that they may have been 
forged in his name; for those who know the world pronounce 
it to be wicked and false and endowed with qualities that are 
far from honourable. The verses follow : 

* The Ka*ba is said to have been originally a temple of Saturn. The Black 
Stone was called by some the ri^ht hand of God on earth (Sale, Prelimitwry 
IHseourse, p. 161). 

' A mountain near Mecca. 

» The chief of the Zanj, »Ali b. Muhammad b. *Abdu'l- Rahman (Weil, 
Oeschichtt der Chalifen, ii, 462 sqq.). 

* See Wiistenfeld, Omealogische Tahelkn, A. 9, 14. 
» Cf. below (p. 161) : UJl J jv^-\ . . 

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/ sletr others because I was anxious to save myself, and I amassed 

my wealth by the sword, that I might be happy, not 

Whoever beholds my grave, let him then re/rain from doing 

wrong to any creature ! 
But when I die, woe is fne to think what fate shall be mine 

before God — whether eternal life under Ood*s protection 

or whether I shall be cast into His fire. 

And a certain individual quoted to me some verses in the 
'long' measure and with the same rhyme as this, which 
have been attributed to 'Adudu'l-Daula.^ It is said that 
one day when his illness took a turn for the better he wrote 
them on the wall of his room. They are modelled on those 
of the Basrite, but I bear testimony that they are fictitious, 
the work of some impudent fellow, and that 'Adudu'l-Daula 
never heard of them. 


As regards Husain b. Mansur, his cable is not drawn 
tight.^ A whole people has often worshipped a stone : how, 
then, should the man of judgment be secure from calamities P 
Wishing to set error revolving on its axis, he left his cotton 
to take care of itself. Had he turned his mind to the 
manufacture of cotton,^ no page would have preserved his 
1. 167. name, but the workings of Destiny are bewildering to 
contemplate. It were comelier in a man to be a pebble or 
a rock than to be made a laughing-stock, but they fly to 
delusion and have a thousand highways to mischief. How 
many are the inventions concerning al-Hallaj ! Falsehood 

1 Ibn Khallikan, Tramlation, ii, 481. 

2 I.e. he is not a person of strong intellect. Cf. a similar phrase on p. 140 : 

' For the exact meaning of Jrj see Glossary to Tabari. 

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is rich in rain-olouds. All the extraordinary things attributed 
to him are fiction and fable : ^ I would not believe them in 
a dream ! One of the forgeries against him is this : that 
he said to his executioners, '' Do you imagine that you are 
killing me P You are killing the mule of al - Madarani/' ^ 
and that the mule was found slaughtered in its stall. There 
are Sufis at the present day who exalt his state and rank 
him with the stars. And I have been told that some people 
at Baghdad who expect him to rise again stand upon the 
shore of the Tigris where he was crucified, looking for his 
appearance. This is not a unique example of human folly ; 
nor [would a parallel be wanting] even if the gazelle had 
been worshipped in its lair. Fortime has lighted on an ape 
ere now and caused it to obtain the place of honour, and 
the people cried, *^ Bow to the ape in its season ! " ' And 
I shrink from the sin of mentioning the ape which the 
governors, it is said, used to come and salute in the time of 
Zubaida ; and Yazld b. Mazyad al-Shaibani ^ came into the 
crowd of saluters and kissed it. And there is a story that 
Yazld b. Mu'awiya had an ape which he mounted on a wild 
she-ass, and started the latter along with the racehorses.^ 
As regards the verses in y : 

myBtery of mystery^ so subtle that Thou art beyond the 

description of any living creature, 
O visible invisible One that from everything revealest Thyself to 


* Is v^^j ^^ the Syriac fZo;Oi>i = jugglery ? 

' Cf. Ibnu'l-A^ir, yiii, 94, second line from foot, and sqq. I do not know 
who is meant by al-Hadarani. The name of Ibrahim b. Abmad al-Madarani 
occnrs in the reign of Mul^tadir (Weil, Oeschiehte der CkaH/ettf ii, 660, n. 2). 

' Freytag, Arabum Proverbia, i, 662, and iii*, 199. 

« Ibn Khallikan (Wiistenfeld), 830. 

' For more about this ape, which was called Abu Kais, cf . Mas^udi, Muri\JH /- 
Dhahah, v, 157 seq. JuWl ™ay ^ an ©""or for li^\= starting-post. See 
Lane and Glossary to Tabari under li>. , 

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all in all, Thou art mine own kin : ^ how, then, should I plead 
for myself loith myself? 

the composition does not lack power, but the word ilayy ia 
a canker in the verses. If he used takyid, according to some 
authorities that is not allowed in this kind of metre, but if 
P. 168. he pronounced the y with kasra, that is thoroughly bad and 
a foul blemish. 

The following lines are quoted as belonging to a con- 
temporary of al-Hallaj : 

If the doctrine of incarnation is true, my Ood is in the glass- 
merchant's wife. 
P. 169. She appeared in an embroidered dress between the house of the 
druggist and that of the seller of ice. 
What they laid to my charge is not true. No ! it is the 
invention of our Shaikh, al-Halldj. 

Such beliefs are of old date. One age hands them down 
to the next. It is said that Pharaoh held the doctrine 
of the Hululis, and on that account claimed to be Almighty 
God. And it is related that one of them ^ in praising Gt>d 
used to say, " Thy praise is my praise and Thy forgiveness 
is my forgiveness." This is frenzy supreme. The man 
who says this is numbered among the beasts, and never 
realized the nature of divine beneficence. Another said: 
'' Certainly I am Thou. Praise to Thee is praise to me, and 
offence to Thee is offence to me, and pardon from Thee is 
pardon from me ; and, my Lord, why should I be flogged 

^ This is perhaps an adequate rendering of ^jLfi Jjbl ^ " ^^n ^ • Cf. 
Dlvani Shamsi Tabriz^ xxxii, 7 : j^Si^Xi ^_ -- •'* y Lsj- y .Jo • .jL« 4^^ 

* Bayazid of Bistam said lj\ 5| u\ 1 i^\ L)l ^\ and U ^<3laCU» 
J U2* ^ihsS (* Attar, Tadh. al-JiiUf/d, Brit. Mas. MS., ff. SOa and 82tf). 

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when I am accused of fornication ? " Mankind is without 
aenBe, and this is a thing that is taught by the adult to the 
child, and is a most fruitful source of perdition.^ Dost thou 
imagine that the greater part of them hear or understand? 
They are even as the beasts of the field ; yea, they are further 
astray,^ The following lines are attributed to a member 
of this sect : 

/ sate my Lord walking, tcith his shoes on, in YahyoHs bazaar,^ 
and was near jumping out of my skin [with joy']. 

I said, " Art thou eager that we should be united ? " He 
answered, ** Alas ! fear hinders it** 

Had Ood decreed our alliance in hve, there ivould have been 
nothing more than bowing to the earth and gazing. 

This sect inculcates the ancient doctrine of metempsychosis, 
which is held by the Indians and is now much in vogue 
among a party of the ShT'ites. We pray God to assist and 
protect us. These verses by a NusairT * are quoted : 

Ma)*vel, our mother, at the accidents of Time, that made our 

sister dwell in a mouse. 
Drive these cats away from her and let her have the straw in 

the sack. 

Another Nusairi said : 

Blessed is Ood who relieves affliction, for He has shoum us thejf^ iqo. 

wonders of Time, 
Our neighbour AbU^l-Sakan has been converted into the ass of 

Shaibdv, the Slmikh of our city. 

* Literally, *' a rain-cloud that roost amply fulfils its promise in respect of 

» Kor. XXV, 46. 

* In the Shammasiya quarter of Baghdad. See Guy Le Strange, Baghdad, 
pp. 199-201. 

* See Rene Dussaud's Biatmre et Religion des NoMirU. It should be 
remembered that Ma'arra lay just outside the Nusairi country, which is enclosed 
on the north and east by the Orontes. AbuM-'Ala must have had many 
opportunities of conversing with members of this sect and of informing himself 
at first-hand about their curious beliefs and superstitions. Unfortunately he does 
not mention the Xusairis again, though he may allude to them in two anecdotes 
which contain a further reductio ad ahmtrdum of the theory of metempaychoni^ 
(pp. 164-6). 

J.K.A.S. 1902. 


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He has had to exchange walking in his clothes for walking with 
girth and leading-rope} 

P. 161. Some people profess a belief, without conviction, as a means 
of acquiring worldly vanities, which are more deceiving than 
a foolish prostitute. In the West there was a person known 
as Ibn Hanl,^ an excellent poet, who used to exaggerate so 
much in his panegyrics upon al-Mu*izz Abu Tarolm Ma'add* 
that he said, addressing the umbrella-holder : 

thou who tamest the parasol wherever he proinenades, terribly 
indeed under his stirrup thou art rubbtng shoulders with 

And concerning him, when he had stopped at a place called 
Rakkada,* he said : 

The Messias alighted at Rakkdda, there alighted Adam and 

There alighted God, the Lord of glory, save whom everything 

is empty wind. 

A poet known as Ibnu'1-Kadl recited in the presence of Ibn 
Abi *Amir,* the regent of Spain, a poem beginning : 

What thou wiliest, not what Fate wills ! Decide, for thou art 
the One, the Omnipotent.^ 

He continued in this blasphemous strain. Ibn Abl 'Amir 
was disgusted with him, and gave orders that he should be 
flogged and banished. 

^ I omit here the tale of an Indian prince who burnt himself alive on losing 
his beauty through an attack of smallpox, as well as another Indian story, yery 
prettily told, illustrating the same custom. 

* Brockelmann, i, 91. 

3 The Fa^imite Caliph (341-366 a.h.). 

^ In the province of Africa, not far from Kairawan. 

^ Regent on the accession of Hisham al-Mu'ayyad-billahi (366 a.h.)* See 
Gayangos, History of the Mohammedan Dynasties in Spain^ ii, 178 sqq. 

« JKor. xii, 39, etc. 

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Though al-Hallaj is magnified by some disreputable^ 
Sufis, his writings indicate that he was a miracle-monger, 
a man of dull wit and slow intelligence. 

As to Ibn Abi 'Aun,^ he proceeded from one extravagance 
to another. Poor wretch ! he was beguiled by Abu Ja'far.* 
He did not put his milk in a large skin. Sometimes you 
may find a man skilful in his trade, perfect in sagacity 
and in the use of arguments, but when he comes to religion 
he is found obstinate, so does he follow the old groove. 
Piety is implanted in human nature; it is deemed a sure 
refuge. To the growing child that which falls from his P. IW. 
elders' lips is a lesson and abides with him all his life. 
Monks in their cloisters and devotees in the mosques accept 
their creed, just as a story is handed down from him who 
tells it, without distinguishing between a true interpreter 
and a false. If one of these had found his kin among the 
Magians, he would have declared himself a Magian, or 
among the Sabians, he would have become nearly or quite 
like them. When Reason is made guide, it does a good 
turn to the thirsty traveller by quenching his thirst. But 
where is he who will patiently submit to the laws of Reason 
and polish his intelligence till it attains a perfect lustre? 
Alas! that quality belongs to none upon whom the sun 
rises or who lie rotting in their graves, unless there be 
one unique among his kind, marked by completeness of 
superiority. Many a time have we met a man who was 
versed in philosophy and followed some ancient tradition, 
and have found him sanctioning vile principles and ready 
to act like one whose moral sense is obscured.^ If a shameful 

^ SjlAJ^ appears to mean < consideratioii/ 'repute.' I do not find it in the 

' Ibrahim b. Al^mad b. Abi 'Ann was put to death in 322 a.h. See Ibn 
^allikan's article on Ibnn'UMolpEiffa'. 

^ Ibnn'1-Shalmai^ani, generally known as Ibn Abi'l-'Az^pr. 

^ I take il:u^ = .^w«a^ , but we may perhaps keep .^^ijc^ and translate 
* bringing sound intelligence to naught.' In this case c-^yX— Ii— *— ^ ^ 
C-^ i^2Jcj = L^^S^l (see Glossary to Tabari under 1 J^). 

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deed is in his power, he will commit it, and if he recognizes 
that something is a duty, he will brash it aside, as though 
annulment [of obligations] were the sage's ideal; for his 
tenets are the worst possible. And if he is entrusted with 
a pledge, he will prove dishonest ; and if he is questioned 
as a witness, he will lie; and if he prescribes for a sick 
person, he does not care whether his prescription doubles 
the invalid's sufferings or kills him outright. No ; his sole 
object is gain, yet he poses as a philosopher. And often 
one who foolishly scoffs at religious people is himself 
inwardly smitten with the most grievous malady. Truly, 
men are even as th^ Kor'an says : Each party rejoices in its 
aum.^ Some devout individuals hold the Imamites guilty 
of an unpardonable sin, because they rub their faces in the 
dust when they approach [the Imam]. And congregations 
P. 163. are attended by impious rascals, seeming to seek the truth, 
whilst, God knows, they are innovators and impostors at 
heart. Who will be responsible to you for the use of 
cymbals in divine worship ? * How many a one, professing 
to stand aloof while he is face to face with his foe, asserts 
that the Lord will cast all created [for Hell], not to speak 
of their worldly goods, into fire without end ! Nevertheless, 
he continually saddles himself with monstrous crimes, which 
must land him in blazing ovens. He inveighs against 
inunorality and lewdness, yet himself goes heavily laden 
with a damning cargo ; he curses those who believe in 
* compulsion,' yet leans upon the * Compeller's ' servant ; * 
day and night are not too long for his own misdeeds, yet 
he thinks that the 8haikh of the Mu'tazilites is a person 
of foul character. He has made disputation a trap, and 
composes by means of it a poem of error. I have been 
told concerning an Imam of these reprobates (who was 
venerated and had disciples, though he was, one might say, 
' a paradise of folly ' *) that he used to sit with the drinkers, 

* Kor. xxiii, 66 ; xxx, 31. 

' Abu'l-*Ala is probably referring: to the §uftK. 

^ I.e. Muhammad. 

^ Literally, * ao abode conBistiiifi^ of i^or»nce.* 

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aod when the intoxicating, flowing beverage ^passed round 
and the cup came to him, he would drain it to the dregs and 
call those present to witness that he repented of his choice. 

If an Ash'arite is examined, he will be found base coiu.^ 
cursed by the solid earth and by the heavens. He resembles 
a cruel shepherd, wandering at random through the dark 
moonless night, taking no heed for his flock against a sudden 
onset or that he should bring it to rich pastures.^ And 
serve him right, if he leads it among wolves that will make 
themselves answerable for its annihilation ! He is one of 
those whose intelligence is at fault, just as if they were 
placed in the dark, unless they are saved by conformity with 
the early tenets of Islam and by submission to the established 
duties of religion. And I pronounce an infidel whoever 
asserts that our Lord God has two corporeal hands, without 
knowing when He clapped them in sport.^ If such a one 
makes verses, he invests the Eternal^ with his own idle 
fancies ; for he pins his faith to a delusion. And if he 
searches the mystery and scrutinizes it, he proves utterly p. 1^4 
incapable of grasping its essence. 

The Shrites maintain that 'Abdu'llah b. Maimun al- 
Kaddah,^ who belonged to Bahila,* was among the honoured 

' JjS\ A^\i J>j'i\ ^^ Jj^^j:^^ c^J lX4\ ^^\ yi\ Jli 

l^U\ i:^ JiizJ (Kdmil, 221, 1. 12). 

' I.e. he cannot defend his statement except by showing that the divine and 
human natures are analoji^ou!^. The passage is corrupt, and my restoration only 
sngi^ests a }K>s.sible way of taking it. 

* The text has d\^ ^^J^f-^^ A5 jxJ^ ^J^ . ^jr^ ^^ "^* ^ ^^ lexica, 

but cf. J»jli '^ •i_a>_jj (p. 159), unlesH this is a vulgar use of <t .:i^X MJ i in \U 

theological sense. If we point ^.j-V^ 1 ^ we must read juiil for -*^ and 

render, * If he marks (a beast for sacrifice) ' or * If he puts a ^^^aJLmi (*o 
a knife) * ; but it is diiSicnlt to see what either of these metaphors could mean. 

* Fihrtst, 186-187 and notes od he. 

* Concerning the low esteem in which this tribe was held cf . Ibn ^allik an^ 
Tramlatumt ii, 518. 

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friends of Ja'far b. Muhammad ^ (on whom be peace !), and 
that after relating many things on Ja'far's authority. he 
apostatized. But one of their Shaikhs informed me that 
they still cite him as an authority, saying, '' 'Abdu'Uah b. 
Maimun al-Eaddah related to us a most excellent tradition," 
i.e. before his apostasy. And these verses are quoted : 

Come^ give me wine to drinks wise one, for I am not of opinion 

that I shall be raised to life. 
Seest thou not how the ShVites are distracted and beguiled by 

Ja* far from their religion ? 
I was seduced by him for a while; then a secret revelation 

appeared to me. 

And they quote also : 

I went to Jafar fof* a time, but I found him treacherom and 

Draunng the chief power to himself and pulling everyone to his 

own side. 
But if your pretensions had been true,^ your murdered ancestor^ 

would never have been dragged [in the dusf]. 
May none of you gain experience by age, and may your lives be 

short, for your misfortunes are sufficient ! 

The Hululis are next door to the doctrine of metem- 
psychosis. I had the following story from one of the leading 
astrologers in Harran, who stayed some time in our city. 
One day he went out with a party of pleasure. They passed 
an ox ploughing, and he said to his friends, '' I am sure 
that this is a man who was known in Harran by the name 
of Khalaf," and began calling to him, " Khalaf ! " The 
ox happened to low ; whereupon he said to his companions, 
" Don't you see, I told you the truth P " 

And it was related to me, concerning another believer 
in metempsychosis, that he said : " I saw my father in 

^ Shahrastani, 124 seq. 

" Xn ironical reference to Ja*far'8 title, * al-Sadik.* 

' Hosain. 

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a dream, and he said to me, * my son, my spirit has P. 165. 
been transferred to a one-eyed camel in so-and-so's troop, 
and I long for a water-melon.' " The narrator continued : 
"I took a melon and made inquiries about this troop 
of camels, and I found among them a one-eyed camel. 
When I approached him with the melon, he took it like 
one who desires ardently." You see, my dear sir, with 
what a want of discrimination these men are cursed, and 
how they apply to a special case that which does not admit 
of such a restriction. 

As to the Damigh)^ I think it turned the head of him p. 166. 
alone who composed it and claimed for it an impious 
succession. Among the Arabs there is a man known as 
Damighu'l - Shaitan ; ^ but this man [Ibnu'l - Rawandi] is 
like dried- up gossamer. The scand^dous fact that it is 
famous for its oaths ^ indicates a weakness of mind on 
the part of its author : does anyone listen to a screecher ? 
Md g hf^ is derived from the phrase ma gh atVl'hirra, * the cat 
miaued.' ^ 

He flung in my face a thing of which /, and my father too, am 
clear ; and he flung from inside the well? 

^ Hontsma, Z%tm Kitabu'UFihristy Vieima Oriental Journal, 224, where it ia 
described as: 

It was written to prove by its superiority of style that the Kor'an is no such 
miracle as Bf ubainmadAiis generally consider it to be. 

' I.e. harebrained, crazy. The form of the sentence seems to imply that 
a particular indiyidiial is referred to, but the author can hardly mean this. 
If, howeyer, the statement refers to a typical individual one would expect 

' It is doubtful whether the MS. reads ij\^\ or <0U1 . For this use of 
A see Wright's Orammar, ii, 165 C. 

* —Up «"i<i *'\^ ^^ ^<>t^ '^^ io *^ sense, but not jo\^ , which is used of 
a chicken. 

^ I.e. he hurt no one but himself. See Freytag, Arahum Froverbiaf i, 556. 

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May his stone recoil on himself and his woe in the next 
world long endure ! Evil is that which is referred to 
Rawand ! For who can disparage ^ Dabavand P ^ He only 
rent his own garment and exposed his empty paunch to 
▼iew. Heretic and churchman, conformist and nonconformist, 
are agreed that the Book brought by Muhammad (on whom 
be God's blessing and peace !) is a book that overcame and 
disabled and caused his enemies to shiver when confronted 
with it. It was not formed upon any model, and it excelled 
the most marvellous works of imagination.' It was neither 
in poetical measure nor in the commonplace doggerel of 
the camel-driver. (The mdkit is he who runs from town 
to town.) I am told that a similar claim is made on behalf 
of a woman at Eufa. 

I have heard it related that some partisans of Ibnu'l- 
Bawandr declare him to have been the abode of deity 
and to have been divinely inspired with knowledge. And 
they falsely attribute to him many superhuman qualities, 
which the Creator and all reasonable men attest to be silly 
inventions. But, for all this,^ he is an infidel and not 
reckoned among the noble, the pious. The following lines 
by him are quoted (no God-fearing instructor is he !) : 

P. 167. Thou didst apportion the means of livelihood to Thy creatures 
like a drunkard who sJwtcs himself churlish, 

' Or perhaps rather, ** Who can kindle a fire in Dabavand ? '* i.e. attain to 90 
•::reat a neigh t. Cf. Arabum Froverbia^ ii, 518. 

' The well-known mountain near Teheran. 

' The above passage forms a strange comment on the fact ** that AbuM-*Ali 
took up the challenge of the Kor'an, and wrote a rival work, which he thought 
only required * to be polished bv the tongues of four centuries of readers ' to 
be equal to the sacred volume^* (Margoliouth, Introduction, p. 36). It is 
almost impossible to believe that this censure of Ibnu*l-Rawandi was penned by 
one who had already committed the same impiety ; unless it is to be regarded as 
a sin^arly inept and ungraceful palinode : for why should 'AbuM-^Ala sit in 
the chair of Satan rebuking sin P If the work in question was later than the 
(t'ht^ran (which seems unl&ely), he must have known that he already stood 
condemned by his own words. But such a violent revolution of opinion in a man 
of three -score, though far less damaging to bis character, is also lees credible 
than the alternative nypothesis that he used Ibnu*l-Rawandi as a scapegoat to 
divert popular indignation from himself. Either view is beset with difficulties, 
and one would like to end the matter by declaring that Abu'l-'Ala must be the 
victim of a calumny. The evidence, however, is strongly against this solution. 

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Mad a man niade such a divufion, we should have said to him, 
** You have swindled. Let this teach you a lesson ! " 

If these two couplets stood erect, they would be taller in sin 
than the Egyptian pyramids in size.^ If the man of keen 
intelligence died of grief, he would not be blamed. For 
where can the sage find a refuge from ordained misery? 
Is not^ every deceit the signal for a whole volley of 
infidelities ? {masddi' means 'arrows'). And when madness 
seizes any outrageous pretender, does he not always meet 
with fools to lead astray ? {'awd = *atafa). 

There once appeared in the village known as Nairab, near 
Sarmln,' a man called Abii Jauf, who did not hide his folly 
with a khauf. (The Idiauf is a little leathern izdr, of which 
the lower edges are split, worn by young girls.) He 
claimed to be a prophet and made ludicrous revelations, 
and displayed therein the obstinacy of a quarrelsome 
woman. He had some cotton in his house. " My cotton," 
said he, " will not burn " ; and he bade his daughter 
apply a lighted wick to it. It caught fire, and the 
women ran out of doors, while the neighbours gathered 
to try if they could extinguish the flames. I was told by 
eye-witnesses that he used to laugh immoderately, without 
any cause and though nothing surprising had happened. 
On being asked why he laughed, he answered to this effect, 
that men rejoice in a brief separation [from the celestial 
world] : how, then, as regards union with the grace of God P 
He was evidently mad; his imbecility is not concealed. 
And he found disciples in the foolish, and denied the 
revelation of the . prophets until he was put to death in 
Halab (God be her guard!). This took place after the 

* Similar versea of his are cited by Houtama, Zum Kitab al-Fihrist, p. 233. 
» ^ ^ \^\ , The foUowing t« nwy account for the omission of the negative. 

Cf . Olossary to Tabari under t« j , 

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execution of the patrician/ called Dukas,^ in the town of 
Afamiya. The inciter thereto was Jaish b. Muhammad b. 
Samsama. Reports that came in led him to communicate 
p. 168. with the Sultan of Halab, saying, " Kill him, or I will 
have him killed by an emissary." The Sultan was holding 
him cheap on account of his contemptible character, but 
a single ewe may bring forth a large flock. ( Wakir^katVu^l- 

Some Shrites relate that Salman al - FarisI, along with 
a few more, came seeking *Ali b. Abl Talib (on whom be 
peace!), but did not find him at home. Meanwhile there 
was a flash of lightning followed by a thunderclap, and 
lo ! *Ali had descended on the roof of the house with 
a bloodstained sword in his hand. ** Two angels/' said he, 
** had a quarrel. I mounted to heaven to act as mediator.*' 
Those who tell this story believe that Hasan and Husaiu 
are not his sons. May grievous torment encompass them ! 

P. 174. And when a man is superstitious he is always in trouble.^ 
If he sees a swallow, he thinks it a poison ; or a dove, he 
fears death, as the Ta'ite * says : 

Thei/ are doves (hamam), bui if you pronounce with * kasra,' 
drawing an augury from their h, they are death (himam). 

And if a snub-nosed woman crosses his path, he does not 
feel secure against evil. ** I dread," says he, " a comrade 
who will leave me iu the lurch and an event that will cover 
me with disgrace." And if it is a wild cow, his heart 
shrinks for fear of the sons of the jinn. And if he sees 
her approaching on his left hand, he will strike one of hi» 

^ I.e. the Greek general. 
« 'f = dux. Cf. ^j»Ji!^ = comes. 
3 Cf. the Persian ^j^^A^ l <\^ . 
* Abu Tammam, author of the Hatndsa, 

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ribs in apprehension, exclaiming : *' There have been men 
amply endowed with intelUgence, possessors of camels and 
horses, who used to augur ill from that which approaches 
on the left, and to fear that it involved the loss of the lucky 
arrow." And if, by fate's decree, she comes on his right 
hand, he will behold in her the spear-thrust that inflicts 
a mortal wound, saying: "Were not the owners of steeds 
and she-camels wont to dread mischief from that which 
comes on the right?" And if he meets a man called 
Akhnas, it is just as though he met a stalking lion. 
"What security," he says, "have I that he is not like 
A^nas * of the Banu Zuhra who fled with his confederates, 
though he had nothing to complain of,^ when the slaughtered 
men were thrown into the well?"* And if one crazy 
about such matters comes face to face with a dust-coloured 
antelope, he expects to be rolled in the dust [of abasement] ; 
and if he espies a gazelle streaked with grey, he is sure 
that blood will be shed ; and if a horse strikes him on ^- 175, 
the forehead with its long tail, it seems to him like a proud- 
stepping lion — "How near I am," says he, "to suffering 
a humiliation that will render rebuke unnecessary ! " And 
if he sees an ostrich in the desert, when he is with the 
travellers on camel-back, instead of taking it as a blessing,^ 
he regards it as being responsible for his perdition — "It 
is wicked and vile," he cries ; " its first syllable is na% 
which is derived from na^lyy (announcement of death)." 
And if a male ostrich appears in the waste,^ that is grievous 
torment. " Would that I knew," he exclaims, " who it is 
that will wrong me! Will he seize my property or deal 

^ He persuaded the Banu Zuhra to desert from the Kurai^ on the march to 
Badr and return home. (Ihn Hisham, 438.) 


* Or perhaps = ^ <>j ^^^ * while he had the opportunity.' Cf. the usaj^e 

of Mjna in Latin. 
' Cf. the verses on p. 141. 

* I.e. hy connecting it with Jjx) . 

* See Lane under 'sl^I , It is not necessary to read •i'r^^ , 

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me a wound?" And if he looks at a sparrow, he says: 
'' Copious blasts of calamity, for it is well off all its days, 
yet it cannot escape death." The same tendency induced 
Ibnu'l-Riiml to derive ja\far from jauh (destruction) and 
Hrdr (flight), whereas, if he had been rightly guided, he 
would have connected it with aUnahru* Ujaxcar (the deep 
river), because m\far is a stream abounding in water. 

And rae thinks I see you, when the scattered parties of 

P. 107. pilgrims raise their voices to cry ** Labbaik ! " musing on 

the ialbiyas of the Arabs.^ There are three sorts: (1) with 

rhyme but without metre, (2) metrical, each verse consisting 

of two feet, (3) metrical, each verse consisting of three feet.* 

An example of the first sort is, ** Labbaik ^ our Lord^ 
labbaik ! All good is in Thine hands,'* 

The second sort has two varieties : (a) rajaz, (b) mnnsarih. 
The following is an example of rq;az : ^ 

Labbaik! Thine is the praise and the kingdom. Thou hast 
no companion, save a companion that belongs to Thee. 

Thou art his lord and the lord of what the father of girls at 
Fadak possesses,^ 

This is a talbiya of the Ignorance. In those days there were 
idols at Fadak. 

' The followina: passage, with which I conclude the present article, is of great 
interest. Yu*kubi (ed. iioutsma), i, 296 seq., gives a number of talbiffoa, but 
none of these, with two partial and trifling exceptions, will be found here. 

2 The first kind of rajaz contains six feet : when four are dropped, the verse is 
called manhuk ; when three are dropped, mashtur. 

3 This talhiya, except the last line, occurs in ShahrastanI, 434 ; Wright's 
Reading-book, IT)!. \a*kiibi, i, 296, cites 

as the talbiya of Kuralsh. 

* I.e. lord of the female children buried alive as a sacrilice to the idols. 
Fadak is a place in the ^ijaz. (J2j\ij %i\ seems to refer not to the father of 
the victims, but to the god, who may equally well be called their Isither according 
to Arabic idiom. 


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Another example [of rq/az] is : 

Labbaik, giver of plenty ! Lahbaikfrom the Banu Namir ! 
We come to Thee in the year of dearth^ hoping for an abundant 

rainfall that mil make the dry watercourse a rushing 


(A) MunsariA. Of these there are two kinds: (a) the two 
final letters are quiescent, e.g. : 

Labbaik, Lord of Hamddn ! Whether' distant \^frmn Thy 

shrifie] or near. 
We coine to Thee with swift she-cameU^ easy to manage. We 

come seeking Thy bounty, 
Traversing the valleys towards Thee, hoping for the grace of 


(fi) Two quiescent letters are not combined, e.g. : ^ 

Labbaik from Bafila, the honoured, the powerful (a fair tribe 

is she ! ), 
That brings to Thee an intercessory offering in Iiope that Tfiou 

wilt make her prevail ! 

And in some cases difierent rhymes are used: e.g., in the 
talbiya of Bakr b. Wa'il they relate as follows : P 198 

Labbaik in very truth, in devotion and abasement ! We come 
to Tfieefor counsel, we come not for gain. 

The third sort has two varieties : (a) rajaz, according to the 
opinion of Khalil ; e.g., in the talbiya of Bakr it is related : 

Labbaik ! Were not Bakr Thy defender, men would give Thee 
partners and would deny Thee? Bands [of pilgnms^ 
from our tribe come to Thee always. 

» Ya*kubi, i, 227, cite^i : 

i^^Sjij-Mi^^ app. = 4«-$o ^^jJmu , though it may be translated * make 

Thee a partner with other ginis.' Examples of -A-i with the accusative occur 
in proee. 

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Google II 

362 'talbiyas' of aeab tribes. 

(b) SarV, of which there are two kinds : (a) two quiescent 
letters meet; e.g., they relate in the ialbiya of Haradan: 

** Lahhaik ! " [we cry\ along with every troop of clansmen that 
keep Thy commandment, Hamddn of kingly race 
invoke Thee. 

They have left their idols and turned again to Thee. Hearken^ 
then, to a prayef* touching the whole community. 

Labbuk means ' kept thy commandment ' ; * those who read 
labbauk commit an objectionable fault in rhyme. ()8) Of 
that variety of the third sort in which two quiescent letters 
are not combined the following is an example : 

Labbaik from Sa*d and her sons, and from the women whom 
they leave behind ! 8a*d goes towards the divine mercy 
to gather it. 

The Arabs hold that metrical talbiyas must always be in 
rqjaz.^ None is in regular verse. There may, however, 
have been such talbiyas^ although tradition has not 
preserved them. 

^I.e.c4iS = ^1^. 

^ I.e., whether the metre is rajaz^ mumarih, or sari* no verse must be 
without a rhyme, whereas in regular poetry only the second verse of each 
couplet is rhymed. 

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Art. XIV. — On the Authority (Prdmdnya) of the Buddhist 
Agamas} By Louis de la Vall^b Poussin, M.R.A.S. 

The well-known history of Buddhism by Taranatha — ^not 
to mention here the book of I-tsing — ^is filled with tales 
of the controversies between Buddhists and ' orthodox ' 
teachers of the Mimamsa, Nyaya, or Yedanta schools. 

The Tibetan chronicler affirms, to say the truth, that the 
noble (arya) Acaryas were armed with all the weapons 
magical art could afford ; their adversaries used the same 
weapons, and it was by the striking effects of miracles 
that the Rajas were made generous or favourable, or were 
converted. Those tales are confirmed by legends of which 
the Sankaras and IJdayanas are the heroes.^ I do not 

^ A lecture giyen at the meeting of the R.A. Society, 11th June, 1901. 

^ See, for instance, the Samkfepaiamkaravyaya (Cat. Aufrecht, Oxford, 
fol. 254*), where is narrated, with Yanants, the legend elsewhere attrihuted to 
Udayana : *' . . . . ya^ patitva gireh Srngad avyayah, tanmataih dhruvam 
. . . . yadi vedab prama^am syur, hhuyat ka cin na me k^ti^.'' The 
Buddhists do not accept this ordeal : '* saugatas tv ahruvann : idaih na prama^aih 
matanimaye, maidmantrau^adhair evam deharak^a hhaved iti/' The king does 
not yield to this (rather conclusive) argument, hut he manages a new experience, 
asking : '* What is hidden in this oasket P " The Buddhists do, of course, know 
that there is a serpent. But a divine voice is heard : *' This serpent is not 
a serpent, hut Vi?nu.*' Therefore the king gives orders for the slaughter of the 
heretics (vadhSya ^rutividvi^am). 

The story of the serpent in the basket is well known from Taranatha. 

The legend of Udayana — Brahmin and Buddhist falling from the top of 
a mountain — is interestmg from its conclusion. The Naiyayika conqueror, being 
a murderer — for the benefit of the creed — is not approved of by the priests of 
Jagannath, and he does not conceal his anger. ** Ihe following couplet, which 
has not been traced beyond oral tradition, at once illustrates the irreverence of 
the Hindu mind and shows that the Nyaya is prized as the stronghold of theism. 
The verses are reported — falsely, it is hoped — to have been uttered by Udayana 
Acarya : aidvaryamadamatto 'si, mam avaifiaya vartase : upasthite^u bauddne^u 
madadhina tava sthitib .... but let the Bauddhas show themselves, and 
upon me will depend thy very existence." (N. Nilakaij^ha Gore : ** A rational 
Refutation of the Hindu Philosophical Systems,*' p. 6, note. Mr. C. H. Tawney 
has given me this curious reference. See also Barth, Bulletin, 1899-1900, 
2, 32, n. 4 ; J.B.T.S., iv, 1, p. 21.) 

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believe them to be only a fiction, but they must be looked 
upon as of little historical importance. The war is really 
elsewhere ; it is between the philosophical systems (dartona), 
not between the magicians (mantra-vid). 

The doctrinal debate is essentially a philosophical one : 
the magister dixit argumentation cannot be used, and it 
appears that Dignaga's adversaries have been obliged ta 
submit to his controversial axiom, that is to say, '' a doctor 
cannot be beaten, except by such way of reasoning as i& 
in accordance with his own point of view." ^ 

We do not fully trust the legends on the Indian 
St. Barth^lemies, ruled over by Sahkara and his fellow- 
workers ; but we know that the prize of the fight was an 
important one. The defeated doctor had to accept his- 
winner for a guru (master).^ The conversion or apostasy, 
it must be added, was not very hard. Brahmins and 
Buddhists, those freres ennernis, are the products of parallel 
intellectual evolutions ; they had many points of agreement ; 
and the Dubious Truth's kingdom, that is, the sphere of 
the sathvrtisatya (vyavahara^) , is large enough to allow easy 
metaphysical concessions. 

However, the importance of those logical and oratorical 
contests is beyond any doubt. The prosperity of Buddhism 
in India seems to have varied with its doctors* fortune — 
luxuriant with its hundreds of scholar-monks in the large 
universities of the catholic Saihgha, when the Dignagas, 
Oandrakirtis, Gandragomins, were giving the Good Law 
a high degree of authority ; falling almost into decay under 
their anaemic successors, mean magicians, and of a poor 
dialectical training. Therefore, one must insist on the 
special interest those disputes would ofier to the Indianist, 
were it possible to know them with some details. The two 
schools, then in the full strength of their maturity, were 

* The law of controversy according to Dignaga, see Madhpamakavrttit fol. 9^, 
ed. Calcutta, p. 9 init. : Slokavdrtika, p. 250, ef. p. 372 ; Sadagiro Sngioim, 
** Hindn Logic as preserved in China and Japan,'* p. 34 (Un. of Pennsylvania, 
Series No. 4). 

2 Of. the history of Sabhika. MafMva^ttu, id. :>89 foil. 

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fighting each other ; philosophical questions of capital 
consequence were being discussed. The Buddhists, so to 
speak, champions of the "free examination" (libre examen), 
are distinguished from the other sects by the indelible 
character of a definite creed, and by the somewhat 
revolutionary appearance of some of their essential dogmas. 
Bat, up to the present time, we have had nothing to base our 
conclusions upon except hypotheses. Taranatha, like many 
a chronicler, prefers the marvellous stories to the doctrinal 
expositions. On the Buddhist dar^anas we knew almost 
nothing but what Golebrooke, the first and no doubt the 
greatest of Indianists, taught us some sixty years ago. The 
Sarvadarsana and the famous commentary on the Brahma- 
sOtras were the only authorities to draw from. On the 
Buddhist side the Sanskrit documents are very few; they 
were left a long time untouched or unknown. The courageous 
explorations of Schiefner, Wassiliefi', and others, interesting 
as they are, throw little light on the momentous matter. 

But things are going now another way. Not to speak of 
several collections, the BibUotheca Indica, the Vizianagaram 
S.S., the Chawkhamba S.S., give us in a handy form the 
works of the high masters and the commentaries of their 
pupils — ^honest, eloquent, and learned men — the Sridharas, 
Parthasarathimi§ras, Yacaspatimisras. 

We find in the Bhdmatl the whole of a quotation from 
the Salistambasutra ; in the Nydyavdrttika we find a precise 
reference to some old canonical definition of the pudgalavada.^ 
Ankara mentions the famous text, " What does the Earth 
rest upon ? . . . . What does the Wind?"' In a chapter 
of the Nydyaratndkara are twenty quotations ascribed to the 
* Bhiksu,' fourteen of which, at least, are to be read in the 
fifth chapter of the Pramanasamuccaya by Dignaga. The 
Tdtparyatikd and the Madhava's well-known compilation 
show their high value by numerous passages extracted from 

1 Bouddhisme, Notes et Bibl., p. 43, n. 1 (from the Mos^n) ; J.R.A.S., 
1901, p. 308. 

s ^a&kara, 2, 2, 24; Abhidharmakoiav.y 13» (Burn., Introd., 449) ; Madhya- 
maJcavfiti, ad vii, 26. Cf. Aitarrya Br. 11, 6, 4. 

J.R.A.8. 1902. 


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Prama^aviniiicaya of Dharmakirti. And lastly, Dhannottara 
and his Nyayabindu were both known to Vacaspatimifira.^ 

How could we doubt it P Those books are circumstantial 
books, books of polemic. So says VacaspatimiSra : " Vatsya- 
yana has written a commentary on the Nyayasutras; but 
that commentary (bhasya) has been discussed by Dignaga ; 
and it was to answer that powerful antagonist that Uddyo- 
takara made his new commentary on the same Siitras 

Not less rich, indeed, in precious references is the Jaina 
literature, as the learned pandit E. B. Pathak has con- 
scientiously established. 

It seems unquestionable, if we trust Taranatha — and 
a short examination of Tandjur confirms the Tibetan 
chronicler — that Dignaga and Dharmakirti were fortunate 
enough to endow their co-religionists with a complete new 
set of philosophical principles. Thanks to those doctors, 
the canonical dogmas of ''universal momentariness " and 
of ** no existence of a soul " (ksanikatva, nairatmya) were 
provided with a logic, with a psychology, with a theory 
of the understanding. Since Brahmins and Buddhists start 
from directly opposite tenets, no wonder is it to find them in 
manifest conflict concerning the definition of perception, 
the essence of individual and universal, the normal use of 
reasoning, the final emancipation. But not to speak of the 
historical meaning of those strong though subtle conceptions, 
we shall find abundant food for our curiosity in the varied 
turns of a war in which every blow is warded ofi*, in which 
each party, if uncertain to win, is, at least, sure not to be 
irremediably conquered. 

The above prolegomena seem necessary, firstly, to show 
with a full light how much needed are the researches to 
which we venture to call attention (those researches, it must 

1 See the transl. of the Sarvadan'. s., Mus^n, 1901. Tdtp. (. 339; Slokavart. 
397 ; Nyayab, f, 16. 4. Professor Harapra^d ^^stri, in his last report (1895> 
1901), haB given a short bnt interesting notice of two little treatises by Ratnakirti, 
Apohoiiddhi^ Kfanabhangatiddhi. 

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be admitted, will not get their full value before the Tibetan 
translations of i^stras and Yrttis have been duly studied) ; 
secondly, to make any mistake impossible : for the question 
I shall endeavour to develop is certainly not to be neglected, 
but it is only one of the many doctrinal topics the Acaryas 
of both parties have explained. 

The question bears on the authority of the Yedas and 
of the Buddhist Agamas, or, to use the technical word, on 
the * authority of the Verbum,' the ^abdapramanya. 

The problem is a difficult one, for it implies the investi- 
gating of a more general question, namely, the question of the 
prama^ya, or the validity of the means of proof ^ — the very 
nncleus of Kant's or of Descartes' philosophical systems. 
We shall not investigate here this last question, which would 
carry us too far. 

As far as the i^bda is concerned. Sir John Muir, in the 
third volume of his "Original Sanskrit Texts," has given 
a complete survey of all the texts published up to 1873'; 
Professor Co well just touches it, but throws a great deal 
of light upon it in his translation of the Jaimini-dardana ^ ; 
Dr. G. Thibaut, in the introduction of his Arthasamgraha, 
led us to hope he would some day examine the opinion of 
the Mimamsakas on the matter ; Mahadev Bajaram Bodas 
treats it in a few words in his ample commentary on the 

I can only point out the final result of a long scholastic 
elaboration. There are two orthodox systems, not to dwell 
on the minute divergences, that of the Yedantists and 
Mimamsists on one side, that of the Naiyayikas on the other.^ 

^ See SMnkaradipviJaya, Anand. S.S., Comm. ad Tiii, 81. Safikara was 
paying a Tint to the Mimamsaka Mandana ; as he asks some washing- women 
the way to the a^rama, they give the following answer: '< Where yon shall 
hear the birds singing : svatab pramai^aih, paratal? pramanam . . . , there 
is the honse.** 

On the philosophical problem, Advaitabrahmasiddhi, p. 185, is interesting. 

' Sansbrit Texts, second edition, 1873. 

> Sarvadardanatatk^raha, transl. 1882. The so-called <* second edition" 
(1894) is only a repnnt. 

♦ Bombay 8.S. It. 

^ On the SamkhyaH, Garho, Samkhya, 115; Deussen, Yedanta, 94. 

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The latter, champions of theism, establish by reasoning 
the existence of God (idvara), maker and ruler, good, and 
by his own goodness obliged to reveal to the creatures the 
way of salvation. That God, "who never can mislead or 
be misled," has revealed the truth.^ And where is that 
revelation to be found if not in the Veda, mould and pattern 
of the sacrifices, of the castes, of the social and cenobitic life? 

For the former (Mimamsists and Yedantists) the Yedas 
are eternal ; they have no personal author (apauruseyatva). 

The Sabda, that is, the Yerbum or Yeda, is a means of 
proof quite different from that our senses, or reason, can 
furnish us. Its object — be it either the Brahman, the 
endless and boundless substance, as the Yedantists believe, 
be it the Dharma, or the sacrificial law, as the Mimamsists 
contend — is above any common or worldly pramana. 

The Yedantists call the smrti, or tradition, inference 
(anumana), and for them the word perception (pratyaksa) 
has the same meaning as druti (revelation),^ which has a self- 
authority, this authority being recognized by an internal 

The Yedas are eternal and the origin of knowledge. 

Against the opinion of all the Yeda-followers (vedavid), 
Mimamsists or Naiyayikas, the Buddhists maintain that 
the dabda or aptopade^a (the word of a truthful witness) 

1 Yacaspatimi^a, Nyaya vdrtika tatparya^ikdy p. 300 : ** It shall be established, 
in the fourth book of the s&tras, that from the existence of created things (karya), 
Tiz. the body and the world, can be logically demonstrated the existence of 
a creator of these creatures, able to create them, knowing the essence of every- 
thing, unpolluted by the impression of the matured passional action, and endowed 
with a supreme pity. But, when this compassionate Being sees that the creatures 
are ignorant of the method to realize their own welfare and to avoid bad destiny, 
that they are consumed by the fire of numerous sufferings, he must be grieved 
by the sufferings of the creatures. Being so ^eved, knowing the way of 
salvation, is it possible that he did not teach this way, or that he did teach 
this way erroneously P Therefore, this compassionate Being, after having 
created the earth and the four classes of human beings, did certfdnly teach 
them the way to attain happiness and to avoid the reverse : he cannot stay 
without teaching it (na by anupadi^ya sthatum arhati). And the teaching of 
this father-like compassionate Being is accessible to the Devas, to the Rsis, to 
the men ; it must be accepted by the four classes ** 

* Deusseu, p. 96 : " Das Offenbarte ist ihm (Sankara) das Offenbare.*' 
Cf. Safikara, 1,1,2 (An. S.S., p. 34) ; Bham. Objection of the Mimamsakas, 
1, I, 3. 

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caanot be distinguished from the vulgar pramanas. Udayana 
and Vacaspatimii^ra bring forth Dignaga's dilemma : — 

"Where is the aptopade^'s strength to be found? In 
the witness's undoubting trustfulness, or in the specific truth 
of his learning? In the first instance, it is a case of 
inference.^ (Witness is to be relied upon, for he knows 
the facts and he does not lie.) In the second, the evidence 
comes from an actual perception. (The truth of the teaching 
is made obvious by its accordance with the facts.) " * 

Let us see, however, if the dissidence is as deep as it 
seems to be. On the one hand — the Brahmins do not deny it 
— the eternity of the Vedas or the existence of God, the Veda- 
inspirer, has to be established by proofs.* On the other 
hand, the Buddhists consider their own sutras as eternal, 
and one of the most commonly used names for Buddha is 
the Omniscient. Both make an equal use of '' Faith resting 
on Reason," and the polemic, apart from the logical dispute, 
grows up unchecked on the solid ground of fact. 

"The Buddhists," says Kumarila, " give the Veda a human 
origin ; on account of the principle of the universal 
momentariness they deny its eternity ; but, strange to say, 
they claim eternity for their own books (agamas) ! " such 

^ AptaYakyayisamYadasamanyad anumanata c= Prainof^Msamueeaya^ ii, 5, 
fol. 6*, 4 (Tandjur, Mdo, xcv) : 

yid-ches thsig ni mi-bslu-ba 

spyi-las rjes-su-dpag-pa-nid. 
Cf. iii, 2 (fol. 7S 2) ; Tatp. 138. 2 ; Vdrttika, 61. 13; Nyayat. i, 1, 17. 

' " Ab it has not a specific object, the Sabda is not a specific pramana. Things 
are perceptible or imperceptible: the first ones can be known by perception 
(pratjrak^), the second ones by means of the linga . . . .** Nyayas. ii, 1, 46 ; 
Vari. 260 ; Tatp. 286. 3. See Slokavdrt., pp. 61-53, the characteristics of the 

' Sankara, of course, establishes by purely rational arguments the principles 
of his system ; but, as well s:iid by Anandagiri, "If it is possible to show by 
logical process that there is a cause of the world, we are altogether unable to 
ascertain by common pramanas the nature of this cause, the unity and the 
other characteristics of Brahman.'* Sankara says: **The true nature of the 
cause of the world, on which final emancipation depends, cannot, on account of 
its exoessive abstruseness, even be thought of without the help of the holy texts ; 
for it cannot become the object of perception . . . , and as it is devoid 
of characteristic signs, it does not lend itself to inference . . . ." (Thibant, 
i, p. 316.) jJankara, 2, 1, 11; see 1, 1, 4 (p. 47. 2); Bham, 294. 11; and 
Vedantakalpataru . 

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assertion of Eumarila being supported by quotations from 
old Agamas. " Through hatred of the Vedas, admitting the 
eternity to be a proof of veracity, jealous of any superiority 
in the Yeda, they insist on the eternity of their agamas ; at 
the same time, to exalt their master, they glorify him for 
haying discovered the doctrine of the ahimsd (respect for 
living beings)." ^ " The Buddhist Agamas, they say, are 
eternal ! But in what language are those books written P 
In Prakrit, a barbarous dialect ; worse, if possible, than the 
Apabhramto ! " ' and Kuroarila does triumph ; for the 

> TantravareikOy 169. 11: 

yatha mlmadtsakatrastal? 6akyaTaye9ikadaya^ 
nitya eyagamo 'smakam ity abul^ danyacetanam, 
pradye^ad, yedapftryatyam anicchantaV katham cana, 
tanmaiare 'pi ca bh&yi^i^ham icchantab satyayadit&m .... 
ahimsady atatpiiryam ity ahua tarkamaninah. 

170. 2 : 


aho]^ syagamanityatyam ^arayakyanukari^lti .... 
tatra fiakyai^ prasiddhapi saryak^anikayadita 
tyajyate, vedaaiddhantaj jalpadbhir nityam agamam. 
dharmas tenopadi^^o 'yam **anityam saryasamekrtam, 
k^apika^ sanrasamskara asthiranam kuta^ kriya, 
buddhibodhyam trayad anyat samskftam k^anikam ca tat.'' 

tobdadifu vina^yateu vyayaharab kya yartatam P 
'' sthitai^a dbannatety " etad artba^unyam ato yaca^. 
e^ety api na nirdes^m dakya k^ai^ayinii^ini, 
kirn uta sthitaya sakam e^ety asyaikayakyata. 

tenanityafebdayadinam agamanityatyanupapatteh .... 
163. 2: 

6akyadayo 'pi by eyam yadanty eva : ** yatbotpadad va tathagatanam aniit- 
padad ya stbitaiyeyam dbarmanityateti." 

Tbe line : K^a^ika^ saryasamskara .... is quoted, Bodhicaryavat. t, 
251, 27. Cf. Bhamatly 361 . 3, and tbe Nydyabindupurvapahfay a yery interesting 
little tract by Kamaladila, Tandjur, Mdo, cxi, fol. 118^. Tbe foUowing one is 
to be fonnd, ^ankara, 540, Comm. Slokavdrt, p. 735. The three * aaaiiiakyta * 
are weU known. 

See for tbe quotation 163. 2 tbe SarvadarL «., p. 21, 1. 8, and notes to the 
translation (Mos^on, 1901-2). 

As concerns the abimsa, see Atmatattvaviveka (ed. 1873), p. 121 in fine. 
There are some curious obseryations on tbe matter in Rhys Davids' ** Dialogues," 
p. 166. 

» MimdmatantravdrL (Ben. S.8.), p. 171. 9: 

Asadbui&abdabbuyiftbab Sakyajainagamadayah 
asannibandhanatyac ca ^astratyaih na praliyate. 

Magadbadfik^i^atyatadapabbramtoprayasadbuiSabdanibandhana hi te | mama rihi 
bbikkbaye kammavacca isi saye | tatha ukkhitte lo^ammi ukkbeye atthi kanuj^am 

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Prakrits were, at his time, considered as recent degenerations 
of the Sanskrit. 

That philological argument is capital ; but Kumarila goes 
on, for it is of interest to overthrow Buddhism in the 
very core of the Good Law, in the dogmatic conception of 
the Teacher. "This word of Buddha," so he says, "is well 
known : ' May all sins done in the world during this iron 
age fall down upon my head ; but may the world be 
saved ! ' " In that saying we find the whole of the Great 
Vehicle's glory. But Kumarila shows how absurd is that 

6 pa^ane ^atthi kara^am | atthy ubbhaye kara^am ime sakka^a dhamma sambha- 
vanti salLarai^a, akura^a vi^asanti apupyattikarai^am ity OTam adayab. 
Tata^ oasatya^abde^u katas te^y artbasatyata 
dnt^pA^l^^t&^P®9u kaiham va syad anadita. 

173. 19 : Sakyadigrantbe^u punar yad api kirii cit sUdbutobdabbiprayei^a- 
10 yina^^buddbya prayuktam, tatrapi prajnaptiyijnaptipa^yatati)^(batadiprayapra- 
yogat kim cid eyavif>lutam labbyate. 

JCim uta yani prasiddbapabbra^tadetobba^abbyo 'pi apabbra^tatara^i bbikkbaye 
ity eyamadini, dvifiyabahuyacanastbane by ekarantam prakftun padam dr^^am, 
na pratbamababuvacane sambodbane *pi ; samskrtaiabdafltbane ca kakaradyaya- 
15 aamyogo, 'nasyaralopab> pran^karapattimatram eya prakftapabbrami^efu dr^^m 
na ukarupattir api | so 'yam samskf^a dbarma ity asya sanrakalam syayam eya 
pratifiddbo 'pi yina^b l^fta iti asadbu^bdanibandbanatyad ityantena betona 
vedatyalqrtakaiiastrantara^ankanlyrttib .... 

I am indebted to Mr. F. W. Thomas for tbe reading of tbe India Office MS., 
to Mr. A. C. Woolner for tbe readings of tbe Oxford MS. 

Line 3, Oxford bas mama. line 4, Oxford, kammayacasi, ukbittai, ukbeye; 
printed text, lodasmi uyye ; F. W. Tbomas, no doubt rigbtly, ukkbeye, dc for 
nbbbaye yia ubjaye. Line 6, I.O., padune (=patane, du might be ddu), accbi 
nttaye ( = ubbhaye) ; Oxford, ajihadbhaye (jjba can be tthyu) ; printed text, 
a^ubbaye, samkada ; Oxford, sakkaijla ; I.O., sakyada. Line 6, Oxford, anu- 
pattikaranad ; I.O. a^^rees with printed text ; F. W. Thomas's suggestion 
anuprapti*^ and the readmg ^^karai^ad might be right ; Oxford, eyamadiriipa^. 

Line 12, Oxford, kim punar. Line 13, Oxford after bhikkaye bas sakkada 
dhamma ity eyam^. Line 14, Oxford, samskftapadastbane. Line 16, Oxford, 
na by u°. 

This tenet of Buddhist schools alluded to in the Prakrit quotation by Kumarila, 
viz. that vino* a is ahetukaf is known from yarious authoritiee. See, for instance, 
aiokavdrtika, 736. 1: '*ahub syabbayasiddbam hi te yina^am ahetukam," and 
Comm. : " syabbayiko gha^adinam yinaiab * te hi syabetubbyo yina^yara eya 
jat&b : janityaiya pradhyamsyante, kim atra karaneneti." Bhdmati (1891), 
360.18: ** yaina^ikair akara^m yina6am abhyupagaccbadbhib." Abhidharma- 
koBOv.f Paris MS., fol. 269<> 6: <<utpattyanantarayina^apam cittacaittayat : 
akasmiko hi bhayanam yina^ iti ; akasmadbhaya akasmikab, ahetuka ity 
artbab." Madhyamakavftti, 7. 16 (Buddh. T.S.) ; Nydyabindu, 106. 3; 
Nydyakandan, 78. 8. 

We baye, therefore, to read : 

ITdbbaye asti karaijiam patane nasti karanam. Asti udbhaye karai^am : 
Ime samskfta dharmab sambhayanti sakara^ab 
akara^a yina^yanti [syayam ?] utpattikaranat. 

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incompreheDsible pity (karu^a) : " Can we for a moment 
believe that a Ksatriya, a member of the royal caste, after 
deserting the duties of his own caste to make himself 
a teacher and a boon-receiver, thereby intruding on the 
rights peculiar to the Brahmins alone, can we believe 
that such a man could teach the true teaching? He 
boasts in putting aside his own duty (svadharma) ; he is 
praised for his altruism ; but how could he be both the loser 
of himself and the saviour of others? Indeed, Buddha's 
disciples, despising revealed as well as traditional precepts, 
are conspicuous by the unlawfulness of their life." ^ 

But to go further, Buddha is omniscient.^ Where are, 
then, in Buddhism all those treatises, those laws, metric, 
grammar, astronomy, those Vedangas (members of the Veda) 
which are the hereditary possessions of the Brahmins P 

The Buddhists answer, not without some wit : *' Be it 
so; Buddha is not omniscient, but he knows the Dharma 
(Religious Law). It has been said : 'What use is it for us 
that Buddha knows or knows not the number of the insects, 
that he be far-sighted or not, since he knows the truth 

^ Tantravart. 116. 13: STadharmatikramei^a ca : yena k^atzivei^a sata pra- 
vaktrtvapratigrahau pratipanoau, sa dbarmam aviplutam upadek^yati iti ks^ 
sami^Tasal^ ? Uktam ca 

ParalokaTiraddhani kurra^am duratas tyajet 

atmanam yo 'tdsamdhatte 'nyasmai syat katham hita P iti. 

Buddhade^ punar ayam eva yyatikramo *lamkarabuddliau sthita^ ; yenai- 
vam aha: 

Ealikaln^akftani yani loke 

mayi nipatantu, yimucyatam tu loka ! iti. 

Sa kila lokahitartham k^triyadbannam atikramya, brabma^avittam pra- 
vaktrtvam pratipadya, prati^edhatikramasamartbair brabmai^air ananuiistain 
dbannam babyajanan anu^san dbarmapidam apy atmano 'ngikftya, paranu- 
grabam krtavan iti ; evamyidbair eva gunail^ stiiyat^ ; tadanu^^^oosari^a^ 
ca sarra eva drutiBiiirtiTihitadbarmatikramena yyavabaranto viruddbacaratrena 

' On the sarrajfiatva of Jina and of Buddha, see the very interesting lecture 
of K. B. Pathaky Th^ Fotitum of Kumdrila in Digambara Jaina JAteratvre 
(Trans. Congr. London, pp. 186-214); also Sarvadari. «., Jaina chapter; and 
Xyayabindut (112. 17, 114. 3, 116. 16, 117. 2 foil.), a handful of syllogismfl on 
sarvajnatya, yaktrtya, ragadimattya. Of. Kandali, 397 fine ; Bhdmatl, 322. 4. 

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that we want P ' ^ And we shall prove that Buddha knows 
the Dharma. This Buddha's saying, 'AH compound is 
momentary/ and any other texts dealing with ascertainable 
matters, are easily shown to be exact ; therefore, the dogmatic 
principles, or tSrit^s de foi, those, for instance, that bear 
on the worshipping of relics or caityas, must needs be 
exact, since they have been said by Buddha himself." 

Eumarila answers : " The way you reason does not make 
the authority of Buddha certain ; on the contrary. That 
Buddha, in matters of common experience, might have said 
the truth, no wonder; but as soon as his teachings pass those 
limits, where does his authority come from ? Since you 
appeal for a certainty to your own examination, you make 
Buddha's authority useless. Shall I show you with a more 
striking instance how irrelevant is your reasoning ? I shall 
use your own syllogism : ' Buddha is not omniscient, since 
I say he is not ; for the fire burns when I say it does.' To 
affirm safely that Buddha is omniscient, one must needs 
be oneself omniscient." 

Then Kumarila: ''Buddha, you say, has made himself 
a teacher. What for P For his own, or for other people's 
advantage? In both cases he is led by rdga^ by desire, 
or some irdOo^ ; and an omniscient being cannot be 
TraOrfTLKo^ {rdgavdn). Do you not also affirm that Buddha 
is completely devoid of any vikalpa ? ^ He must, therefore, 
keep himself absolutely motionless ; he gave no teaching, 
and his Dharma was taught by some one else. Will you 
say [in accordance with one of your sutras] that Buddha 
stays motionless, as does the Miraculous Jewel,^ but that 
by his presence alone he gives all things around him, and 
even the walls, the teaching power P You will not make 

* Cited by Parthasarathimifira ad Slokavart,, p. 83 : 

Kitasamkhyaparijnanain tasya na^ kvopayujyate 
dtiram padyatu ma vasau tattram i^^m tu padyati. 

2 This word is diflSctdt to translate. It would be rather dangerous to under- 
stand "any discriminatiye operation.*' The paramarthasatya (true Truth) is, 
of course, above expression and thought ; there is not thought without vikalpa, 
*' falsche Vorstellung " (P.W.). 

» Cf. Bodhio&ryS^, ix. 37, 38. 

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US believe in whatever teachings walls can give ! Those 
are devilish games ! (pi^ca). Go and tell such tales to 
anyone you will find ready to believe them." ^ 

Besides, to study the question closely, the Buddhist 
Agamas must have been derived from the Yedas. Kumarila 
does not mention the Puranic hjrpothesis of the Buddha 
avatar of Visnu, that is, avatar of malevolence ^ or of pity, 
according to the way it is looked at. More clever still, and 
with a sort of anticipation of Professor Herman Oldenberg's 
theory, he thinks that the Yedas, misunderstood, contain 
the germs of all heretic systems : " The doctrine of the 
non-existence of the external world, that of the universal 
momentariness, and that of the non-existence of a soul, 
are derived, he says, from the XIpanisads." ' Therefore we 
have to recognize the authority of those nihilistic doctrines 
only so far as they lead us to dislike the sensible world. 

But, " That indebtedness to the Veda is fruitless for those 
heretic leaders (tirthamkaras) : they give the Veda up since 
they are rationalists." " Sakya does not teach the Dharma 

^ Slokavdrt. 86. 10 (Comm.) : **..., tasmin niiryapare 'pi tatsam- 
nidbimatre^aiva ku^yadibhyo 'pi de^ana nibsaraniiti cet . . . ." See the 
sutras quoted Bodhicarydv . t. 276: '^tasmin dhvanasamapaime cintaratnairad 
astbite | micaranti yathakamam ku^yadibbyo 'pi de^anal^ | tabbir jijnasitan 
artban sarvan jananti munava^ | . . . ." And: *'te tatbagatamukbad 
Qr^akodad u^ni^ad gbfijiim nidcarantam ^rnvanti . . . ." Qi. Sik^amuceaya^ 
... yadi buddba na bbavanti gaganatalad dbarma^bdo 
k^ebbya^ ca." 

n tbat Buddba did not speak after be bad attained tbe Sambodbi 
imbbava) is tbe higbest Trutb (paramartbasatya), cf. Madhya- 
3.T.S. 15. 11), and Zankdvatdra, 17. 15: maunas .... 
it is wortb wbile to contrast tbe Aryatathagataguhyatutra and 
We read in tbe Noi-tbem Sutra (Madh. vftti, fol. 109»>, 
am ca . . . . ratrim tatbagato 'nuttaram samyaksambodbim 
yam ca ratrim upudaya parinirvasyati, asminn antare tatba- 
api nodabftam . . . / ' Tbe same pbraseology Itivuitaka, 
lanffalavildsint, Intr., § 44, and no doubt elsewbere, but witb 
'erent conclusion, 
itara (Vi^^upur.). 

Bl . 20 : sarvatra bi tadbalena pravartate taduparame coparamatiti 
^abbanganairatmyadivadanam apy upanifatprabbayatvam vi- 
m ragani nivartayitum ity upapannam sarre^am prama^yam . 
kalantarapbalatvad idunim anubbaYasambbavas tatra vedamulata. 
to identify tbe quotation from tbe Upani?ads.— Similarly the 
intain tbat Buddba, when teaching tbe Sunyata, was directed 
K>licy (upuyakau^lya) . 
. tdtp, t. 415. 21. 

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without surrounding it with a complete net of proofs " ^ ; — 
and all those Vedabahyas, or strangers to the Veda, as 
Manu has said, despise the tradition. They approve the 
teaching of the outcasts (dudra), the building up and the 
worshipping of the caityas, things unheard of and against 
the Smrti. 

This last is the main objection, the only one, it seems, 
that proved to be of any historical moment. On the side 
of the Brahmins we find the perennial constitution of castes 
and rites, and the universality of honest people. 

In vain does Dignaga claim for his own side the 
• mahajanaparigraha ' ^ ; Vacaspatimi^ra,' after having, in 
beautiful words, possibly inspired by Buddhist theism. 

^ Tantravdrt. 117. 13: <<Sakyadayad ea sanratra koira^ dhannadefana m | 
hetajalanninnuktaih na kada cana kurvate." Tliis rationalistic side of 
Uaddhism is illustrated by the formula : *' }at kim cit sabba^itam tad buddha- 
vacanam" {Aiiguttara iV. iv, 164. 7; Bodhic. ^ 284. 1; Sikf&t, 16. 19). 
Minayeif (Recherches, 86) gives reference to the Bhabra Edict: ** . . . • 
e kecni bhamte bhagavata oudhena bhosite save se subhasite va . . . ." 
The meaniDg is quite different ; the new sentence can be a tendencious recast of 
the old one 't 

Cf. Majjhima N, 1,71. 20 : ** Yo . . . . evam vadeyya : . • • .• 
takkapariyahatam sama^o Gotamo dhammam deseti Yimamsanucaritam sayampa^- 
bhananti, .... nikkhitto evam niraye." 

* See the curious stanza (Subha^itavali, 3487) ascribed by Vallabhadeva to 
Dignaga (three of the four MSS. mention Dignaga) . As observed by P. Peterson, 
the stanza occurs in Mahabharata, iii, 312, 116 (ed. Protap) = Bohtlingk, 
Spriiche, 2505 = Mbh. iii, 17,402 = Subha^itar^ava, 163. I cannot agree 
with P. Peterson : *< It is impossible to contend that its attribution here to the 
well-known Buddhist writer .... may not be a cop)rist's error.** Our 
stanza in the Mbh. episode occurs in an answer of Tudhi^pira to some Tak^a. 
Cf. the closely connected story (of Bahubhav^Al^) in the Gomm. to Dhammapada, 
141, and the Devadhammajataka {J&taka 1, 1, 6 (p. 126)). 

The stanza runs as follows : 

tarko 'prati^^hab 6rutayo vibhinnu 
nasau munir yasya vaco {sic) prama^am 
dharmasya mulam nihitam guhayam 
mahajano yena gatab sa pantha. 

In the Mbh. : naiko r^ir yasya matam prama^am, dharmasya tattvam 

Tarko 'prati^^hab : cf. Sankara, ad ii, 1, 11 (Deussen, Vedanta, 97) ; Maha- 
j ana = dharmaparo loko brahmanadib = Manvadib. Cf . Slckavart. 75 ; Tatparya^, 
301 ; Atmatattvav, 121. 

• Tatp. f.f pp. 300 flf. ; see tupra, p. 368, n. 1. — There are many strong 
arguments against the authority of the Vedas. See, for instance, Comm. to 
Nyayasutras, ii, 1, 66 (or 57). ''When it is said 'svargakamo yajeta' we 
cannot ascertain the truthfidness of the precept ; but we see that the putre^^'s, 
the karlrya's, rites for promoving mundane fruits, do not realize the expected 
fmits ; therefore ....*' 

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defined the personal God and defended revelation, breaks 
down, stone by stone, the whole of the Buddhist edifice. 
" None of those saviours (samsaramocaka^), Buddha or Jina, 
is omniscient ; Suddhodana's son is evidently neither the 
creator of the world nor the maker of the human body. 
The Buddhist agamas did not regulate the laws of caste 
and of the Brahmanic life ; they know nothing of the rites 
of life from the cradle to the grave. Those agamas, of 
which the authority is vainly supported, depend for all 
that concerns the practical life upon the Sruti, the Smrti, 
the Itihasas, the Puranas. Buddhists themselves do not fear 
to say, * It is the custom (samvrtam etat),' and they follow, in 
practical life, Revelation and Tradition. The Vedas, and the 
Vedas only, are observed by the three castes. In order to 
keep their meaning unaltered, the Rsis, one after the other, 
have written the several limbs of the Vedas and the Treatises 
(Sastras). Buddha's words do not, in fact, interfere with 
the every-day life of men. They are heard and obeyed by 
nameless people only (manusyapasada), by foreigners, by 
tribes who live like beasts (pasupraya). They can have no 

» Cf. Petavatthu, ii, 1. 

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Art. XV. — Buddhist OnosticUm, the System of Basilides. 
By J. Kennedy. 

** Up from Earth's centre through the seventh Gate 
I rose, and on the Throne of Saturn sate ; 
And many a Knot unravePd by the Road ; 
But not the Master-knot of Human Fate.'' 

Two questions, the early contact of Buddhism with Christi- 
anity, and the origins and character of Gnosticism, have 
attracted much attention of late. Although these questions 
are independent of each other in the main, they happen 
to join hands in the case of the great Gnostic Basilides. 
I propose to show that the famous scheme of that arch- 
Gnostic was an attempt at fusing Buddhism with Christi- 
anity, and thus to throw some light upon the one question 
and the other.^ 

The universal charity enjoined by the Buddha, and the 
occasional parallelisms of doctrine or story in the Buddhist 
writings and the Old and New Testaments,^ have awakened 
much curiosity regarding the possible contact of the two 
religions. So much so, indeed, that the Gongr^s Inter- 
national d'histoire des religions has called attention to the 
matter by a special resolution.^ Moreover, such speculations 
are not devoid of a certain historical basis. Asoka states 
in an inscription, four times repeated, that between 260 

1 Basilides occupies a considerable place in all works dealing with early Church 
history or the Gnostics. For the special bibliography regarding him see 
Bardenhewer's Patrolog^e, and the admirable article on Basilides by Dr. Hort 
in Smith's Diet, of Christian Biography. 

* A useful collection of paraflel texts will be found in " Christianity and 
Buddhism," by Dr. T. Sterhng Berry fS.P.C.K., London). 

' Upon the motion of M. CamerlyncK, of Amiens, the Congress agreed to the 
following resolution: ''That at the next Congress attention be drawn to the 
relations which may have existed, at the commencement, between Buddhism and 

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and 256 B.C. he despatched preachers of Hhe law' to five 
Greek kings.* At the other end of the chain we have the 
proselytizing efforts of Nestorian and Buddhist monks in 
Central Asia between the fifth and twelfth centuries a.d., 
which resulted in that curious syncretism of religious 
ceremonies and legends ascribed by the good Abb^ Hue 
to the machinations of the devil. The widespread story of 
Barlaam and Josaphat is the earliest literary proof of this 
syncretistic activity. But Barlaam and Josaphat were 
unknown saints before the seventh century a.d. Prior 
to that date we have nothing certain, although much has 
been conjectured.^ Unfortunately these conjectures seldom 
conform to the historical conditions of the problem. And 
three reasons may be adduced to show that before the birth 
of our Lord any considerable importation into the West 
was an unlikely thing. Firstly, Indians and Arabs kept 
up a lively exchange across the Indian Sea, but Indian 
merchants and sailors were not to be found beyond the 
shores of Arabia and the Persian Gulf; while the trade 
by land was chiefly in the hands of Bactrians, and the 
Bactrians were zealous Zoroastrians until converted to 
Buddhism by the Kushan kings in the first century a.d. 
In either case direct intercourse with Alexandria and the 
Roman Empire was practically niL Secondly, the agents 
who might be supposed to carry Buddhism to the West 
were few. We have none of the soldiers, the officials, the 
women and slaves who spread the rites of Isis and Mithras, 
and for that matter Christianity itself, throughout the 

* Epigraphia Indica, toI. ii. The latest transliteration and translation of the 
text with wnich I am acquainted is given in McCrindle's ** Invasion of India by 
Alexander the Great," pp. 372-374. I understand that it was supplied by Ui'e 
late Dr. Biihler. 

3 Some of the Celtic eods are occasionally represented as sitting cross-legged in 
an attitude resembling that of Buddha. These rude representations probably date 
from the first or the beginning of the second century a.d. ; and are in any case 
posterior to the time of Julius Caesar. The resemblance is limited to the general 
attitude ; the figures themselves with their symbolism are purely Gallic, and they 
cannot have been borrowed from Buddhism, since figures of Buddha are unknown 
in India until the first century a.d. (v. pis. xxv and xxvii, *'La Religion des 
Gaulois/' par M. A. Bertrand, pp. 314 and 318). The swastika and the aureole 
were not peculiar to Buddhism, and the swastika travelled to Gaul before Buddha 
was bom. 

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Empire. Hindoo merchants and sailors alone visited the 

West, and of these the merchants only were Buddhist. 

Thirdly, down to the battle of Actium India received much 

of its civilization and its impulse from the West, from 

Persia first and foremost, and in a lesser degree from the 

Bactrian Greeks. It was the long peace with the Parthians 

inaugurated by Augustus, and the destruction of Aden and 

of the Arab monopoly of the Indian trade, in the time of 

Tiberius or Claudius, which first opened up those direct j 

communications between India and the Empire that lasted } 

with such brilliancy for two centuries.* Therefore, although i 

it would be unsafe to deny the possibility of an earlier I 

contact between Buddhism and Christianity, the probability J 

of it is exceedingly small. We must look to the two j 

centuries succeeding Tiberius for the earliest fruitful 

contact between the two jeligions, and it is precisely to 

this era that Basilides belongs. 

If Buddhism was to influence Christianity, Gnosticism 
might be supposed to furnish the most likely channel. 
Gnosticism was anterior to Christianity, and was open to 
Indian influence. In the period immediately preceding and 
following the commencement of the Christian era Syria, 
Mesopotamia, and Babylonia became a breeding - ground 
of religious ideas. The ferment was primarily due to 
Hellenism, which had weakened or destroyed the national 
religions and stimulated thought, but it stimulated chiefly 
through the antagonism it evoked. And in this fermentation, 
which aflected Essenism and the later developments of the 
Zoroastrian religion as well as Mithraism, and the Syrian 
solar cults, and sowed the germs of the future Kabbala, the 
Jewish and the Syro-Babylonian religions were the strongest 
elements and took the leading part. Their disintegration 

^ I have discussed the earliest communications between India and the West in 
an article oh " The Early Commerce of Babylon with India," in J.R.A.S., 1898, 
p. 241 S.; and I gave a sketch of its subsequent history in a lecture delivered 
Mfore the Royal ^atic Society in March, 1900. I hope some day to deal with 
the whole subject in a more extended form. For the opening up of the 
Egyptian trade with India under Augustus, y. Mommsen's masterly account in 
the "ProTinces of the Roman Empire/' vol. ii, p. 298 ff., Eng. trans. 

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and their contact created a religious syncretism which strove 
to unite Judaic monotheism and the problems of the Fall 
and the origin of sin with Babylonian ideas of the spirit 
world, of destiny, and the future life. The process was 
a natural one, the work of nameless men, and it took many 
forms and created many schools,^ Jewish and pagan, some 
of which took the name, and all received the collective 
designation, of Gnostic. Morally this syncretism was apt 
to run into those extremes of asceticism and libertinism so 
characteristic of the Syro- Babylonish cults. Intellectually 
it followed two main tendencies. It took from the ancient 
religions a theory of the spirit world which was essentially 
magical. The disembodied soul wandered by the dark path 
or the bright, through many realms and among many perils, 
from which the magic word alone could save it. Magic is 
essentially cosmopolitan, and it was this magic which in 
after days gave popular Gnosticism its vitality, when it 
was transported to the West, and its polypous faculty of 
assimilating strange religions. The Syrians, Babylonians, 
and Egyptians, the peoples who held the belief in a future 
life with the greatest earnestness and plenitude of know- 
ledge, were the peoples among whom Gnosticism flourished 
longest. The second great subject of Gnostic speculation 
was the Fall, the origin of man, and the origin of sin — 
questions which reveal their full significance only from the 
monotheistic standpoint. Hence the important part which 
theories of the flesh, of cosmogony, of emanation play in all 
these Gnostic systems. 

In this fluid mass of primitive Gnosticism it is possible to 
find many Indian analogies. We have similar theories of 
emanation, the same threefold division of souls, the same 

1 We must not conceive of the Gnostic schools either now or afterwards as in 
any way akin to the Stoa and the Porch or the other schools of Greek philosophy. 
They are of the Oriental type, the religious family, the Mohant and his Chelas, 
the master and his disciples. The only Hellenic thing ahout Gnosticism is the 
approximation, hy certain schools in later days, of the Gnostic mysteries to 
the Greek. But the Greek mysteries had borrowed most of their contents from 
the East ; they were mainly Oriental themselyes, even the Eleusinian, and they 
represent the most Oriental aspect of the many-sided Greek intellect. Here, 
therefore, a rapprochement wa^ easy. 

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belief in transmigration, and an almost identical scale of 
ascent for the soul after death. Emanation theories are not 
peculiar to India, the threefold division of souls is natural, 
the belief in transmigration may have been derived from 
India, but has nothing specifically Indian, and was moreover 
always subordinate to Chaldaean astrology and planetary 
fate; but the resemblance between the Indian and the 
Ghiostic history of the soul is striking. According to the 
Chandogya Upanishad the soul of the ascetic — the initiated 
— travels upwards by the way of the Gods through ever- 
increasing spheres of light. From death it passes to the 
sunlight, from the sunlight to the region of day, from 
the day to the bright half of the month, and thence to the 
summer, when the sun travels north ; further on it passes 
through the world of the Gods, of the sun, of the lightning, 
to enter the world of Brahma, from which it will return 
no more. Virtuous souls that lack initiation travel by the 
darker path — the way of the Fathers. Through the smoke 
of the funeral pyre they ascend to the night — ^the dark half 
of the month, the winter of the year, the world of the 
Fathers, the aether and the moon, where the Devas feed 
upon their spiritual substance; and they descend again to 
earth by the way they had trodden.^ All this corresponds 
closely to the ascent of the Gnostic soul, and the soul of 
the simple, by the right-hand path or the left through the 
Archon-guarded spheres of light. By the right-hand path 
the Gnostic attains the eternal silence — the diviue pleroma — 
and will never return. The obscure path on the left — 
the dishonourable hand — leads the simple through the 
intermediate worlds, where the Archons feed themselves 
by sucking out his light, and he is presently returned, 
shorn of his brightness, to the earth. Now whether these 
coincidences be accidental or not, they have nothing 
Buddhist. The ordinary Gnosticism may owe something 
to India, with which it was in contact, but what it owes 

1 ▼. Professor Rhjs Dayida* article on **The Soul in the UpaniBhtds," 
J.B.A.S., 1899, pp. 79-80. 

j.K.A.B. 1902. 25 

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is due to popular mythology and to the Vedanta ; Buddhism 
contributed nothing to it.^ 

Original Gnosticism had two great divisions, the Jewish 
and the pagan, and the pagan schools were either magical 
or ascetic, as the speculative element or the moral tendency 
prevailed. Judaic Gnosticism first came into contact with 
Christianity, but it was the pagan Gnosticism which 
most materially affected and was affected by it. In reality 
neither the Judaic nor the pagan Gnosticism underwent 
any fundamental change. The popular Gnostic schools, 
however fluid, assimilative, indeterminate in details they 
might be, always conformed to one or other of a few 
main types, and these types essentially Eastern. But 
in the commencement of the second century a.d. we 
come upon a new phenomenon. Christianity had entered 
the world as a mighty vivifying power, but it wanted 
a philosophy. Basilides and Yalentinus, then Marcion, 
and later still Tatian and Bardaisan, supplied it with one 
on a so-called Gnostic basis. These men were endowed 
with fresh and vigorous minds, in no ways inferior to their 
contemporaries, and if Tatian be excepted, the intellectual 
equals of Plutarch, Epictetus, and Dio. They were each the 
founder of a philosophic school, their influence was far- 
reaching, and some of them had illustrious successors; but 
their philosophy was far above the comprehension of the 
commonplace vulgar that took their name, and it has come 
down to us only in detached fragments preserved by Clement 
or Origen and others, or in imperfect precis, which often 
represent the average belief of the common Gnostic rather 
than the teaching of the founder. Here, then, we have 
a twofold task, to reconstruct the system and to explain 
the phenomenon. Are we to say that Christianity had set 
out to conquer the Hellenic world, and that the Hellenic 

^ Lassen's attempts (Ind. Alter., iii, p. 379 ff.) to connect Gnosticism with 
Buddhism have not met with general acceptance; v. Garhe, ''Die Sankhya- 
Philosophie," p. 96 ff. The resemblances are, some unreal, some superficiaJ, 
and others are more easily accounted for otherwise. The emanation theories 
of the Gnostics are totally opposed to eyerything Buddhist. 

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world required a philosophy P But these philosophies were 
presented, not to outsiders, but to Christians. Is this 
Gnosticism, then, an intrusion of Hellenic philosophy into 
the Christian faith P These arch - Gnostics were men of 
learning and of culture, they had the Hellenic spirit in so 
far as they were philosophers, and the method, the form, 
the symmetry, above all, the inward necessity they felt 
for a philosophy, is Greek. But the substance P The 
controversialist Fathers of the Church, men of Hellenic 
education, and unacquainted with Oriental theosophy, gave 
various answers. The majority declared that the arch- 
heresiarchs had borrowed and disguised ideas from every 
Greek school of thought, as Plato and Aristotle in turn had 
stolen their ideas from Moses and the Hebrew Prophets. 
Others stoutly put down everything to the religion of 
2ioroaster. The opinions of the modems are equally divided. 
It is undeniable that Valentinus and Marcion largely 
employed Oriental elements, but Basilides is usually held 
to have been " steeped in Greek philosophy,*' although 
a few, on the strength of the " Acta Archelai," have claimed 
a 2iOroastrian origin for him. It is the purpose of the 
present essay to prove that the system of this supposed 
coryphaeus of the Greek philosophy was Buddhist pure and 
simple — Buddhist in its governing ideas, its psychology, its 
metaphysics ; and Christianity reduced to a semi-Buddhist 
ideal for result. The moment we apply this key every 
fragment takes its place, the system is complete, and we 
can reconstruct the whole. If the form is Greek the 
positive Greek element is altogether wanting. Christianity 
was represented to the Hellenic world as a " barbarian 
philosophy " ; and the first attempts at its intellectual 
comprehension, the first efforts of dogma, were based on 
a philosophy profounder and more venerable far than the 
juvenile wisdom of the Greeks, a wisdom which the Greeks 
regarded with the reverence of ignorance. Gnosticism is 
not pure Hellenism, as some say ; it is rather pure Orientalism 
in a Hellenic mask. If the *true Ghiostic* of Clement is 
a Hellen, the genuine Gnostic of Basilides and Valentinus 
is a thorough Oriental. 

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Let me state at the outset what I consider it is that I have 
to proTe. I assert^ then, and shall try to show, that Basilides 
had opportunities of becoming acquainted with Buddhism ; 
next, that pessimism and transmigration, the two basal 
dootrines of his philosophy, are held by him in specifically 
Indian forms, which cannot have been derived from any 
other quarter ; and lastly, that the system is developed on 
Christian-Buddhist lines with many Buddhist coincidences, 
^reat and small. And the correctness of this view is proved 
by the fact that the master key of Buddhism effects what 
no other key has done; it resolves difficulties, reconciles 
conflicting opinions,^ assigns each fragment to its proper 
place, and gives us a complete, synmietric, and intelligible 
whole, a revivification and restoration of one of the greatest 
of Gnostic philosophies. 

Basilides flourished at Alexandria under Hadrian (117- 
138 A.D.), and is said to have been the disciple of Glaucias — 
the *' interpreter of S. Peter." ^ He belonged therefore to 
the second generation after the Apostles, and to the great 
age of the Gnostics (Clem. Strom., vii, 17. 106, p. 325). 
Possibly he was somewhat senior to his contemporary, 
Yalentinus, and his death occurred before or soon after the 
accession of the elder Antonine.^ His great work, the 
"Exegetica," in twenty-four books, is said to have been 
" a commentary on the Gospel " ; and Origen says that 
he composed odes — probably like those of the Gnostic 
Yalentinus and of Bardaisan. The doctrines of Basilides 
were to be found not only in his own " Exegetica,*' but in 
the numerous writings of his son and chief disciple, Isidore. 

* According to Baur, Basilides laid special stress upon free-will, according to 
Neander npon fate; Dr. Hort finds nis psychology ** curious"; some hold 
Baailides for a Pantheist, others find dualism m him. These and other hypotheses 
are all justified, explained, and modified by the Buddhist theory. 

' Clement affects to doubt the tradition, but apparently omjr from a general 
suspicion of such claims. There are no chronological difficulties, the tradition 
was accepted by the Basilidians in Clement's time, and as they professed to base 
their doctrines on the secret teachings of S. Matthew and not of S. Peter, they 
had no reason to invent a fable. 

' A comparison of Clem. Strom., vii, 17. 106, and Justin Martyr, Ap. i, 26, 
makes this almost certain. 

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And when we have said this, we have said all that is 
known with certainty regarding him. 

But we may advance a little further by conjecture.^ 
Epiphanius will have it that he was a Syrian, but Epiphanius 
wished to connect him with Menander, and made other 
^fincong guesses about him. And as Basilides named his 
son Isidore after the great tutelary goddess of Alexandria,^ 
we are probably correct in considering him a Hellenized 
Egyptian. Basilides had a perfect command of the 
ordinary Alexandrian Qreek and wrote it with vigour, but 
his predilections, if not his training, were mainly OrientaL 
Eusebius and Theodoret tell us, on the authority of Agrippa 
Oastor, that Basilides bad a special regard for the prophecies 
of Barcabbas and Barcoph and other barbarous apocryphal 
writers.' His son Isidore wrote a commentary on the 
Prophet Parchor, and quotes the prophecies of Ham, and 
although Isidore knew something of Aristotle, he studied by 
preference the poems of Pherecydes, the singer of the wars 
of the Titans and the teacher of Oriental metempsychosis 
to the Greeks (Clem. Strom., vi, 6. 53, p. 272). It is clear 
that father and son took their stand on the wisdom of the 
East, and that the sources of their knowledge were unfamiliar 
to the Christian writers and historians. 

Alexandria, the home of Basilides and Yalentinus, was 
the second city of the Empire in the age of Hadrian. It 
was famous for its situation and its sky, a marble-fronted 
city rising from the sands that fringe the shallow Egyptian 
sea. It was a city of harbours and dockyards, of broad 
streets and echoing arcades, of palaces and shady gardens. 

' A very ingenious persou might conjecture that Basilides is merely a trans- 
hrtioii of Rajput. The conjecture would be on a par with a good many others 
ihat have been hazarded. But unfortunately the Rajputs are not heard of in 
India for five centuries after this. 

' Egyptians usually retained their heathen names after their conyersion to 
Christianity, otcu although the name was taken from a god. Ammonias, 
Serapion, Pachomius, are instances in point. But I am not sure that they 
gaTe heathen names to children bom after the conversion of the parent. Isidore 
must have been bom when his father was a comparatively young man, and 
probably before Basilides joined the Christian Church. 

» Eoseb. H.E., iv, 7, and Theodoret, Haer. Fab., i, 4. 

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The architectural magnificence and the variegated splendours 
of the royal halls and piazzas which lined the shore and 
overlooked the moving waters at their feet, fell not short 
of the subsequent glories of Venice ; the Pharos and the 
Serapeum were accounted among the wonders of the world ; 
and the town could boast of the tomb of Alexander and 
the mausolea of the Ptolemies. A city of commerce, of 
philosophy, of bustle, and of pleasure. Greeks, Jews, and 
Egyptians streamed noisily from their separate quarters to 
view the horseraces and the pantomimes; and charioteers, 
harpers, and flute-players, male and female, like the jockeys 
and the divas of a modem capital, were the idols of a witty 
and turbulent populace. Filthy cynics lay outside the 
temples or in the streets, exchanging coarse repartees with 
the jesting crowd. Dignified philosophers discoursed in 
private lecture - halls or wrote books (which have rarely 
survived) in cool libraries. But the chief occupation, 
although not the chief passion of the city, was trade. Dio 
Gbrysostom calls it the world's agora, and Hadrian, or the 
pseudo-Hadrian, says that among the innumerable sects and 
cults which congregated there, one only was supreme — the 
worship of 'hard cash.' The great corn ships for Rome 
were laden at the quays, and the piers were crowded with 
merchant craft from the .^gean and Syrian seas, and from 
the distant Euxine. The bazars were filled with motley 
crowds, rough mariners, inquisitive Greeks, bearded Jews, 
and tattered Bedouin. Blear-eyed Egyptian boatmen and 
peasants thronged the canals. But being above all the 
great emporium of the trade with the East, Alexandria 
was the chief resort of Oriental merchants, and Dio 
Chrysostom, in an oration which he delivered to the 
Alexandrians in the reign of Trajan, when Basilides was 
a youth, gives us the following enumeration of them : 
'* I see among you not only Hellenes and Italians, and 
men who are your neighbours, Syrians, Libyans, and 
Cilicians, and men who dwell more remotely, Ethiopians 
and Arabs, but also Bactrians, Scythians, Persians, and some 
of tJie Indians (IpB&p ripa^), who are among the spectators. 

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and always residing here." ^ This colony of resident Indians 
must have been a colony of merchants from the west coast 
of India — probably from Ceylon or Barygaza, the chief 
dep6ts of the Alexandrian trade. Colonies of this sort have 
been dotted along the shores of the Arabian Sea and Persian 
Gulf from the earliest days of intercourse with India, and 
we have literary evidence of the existence of similar colonies 
in Soootra and Armenia in the first and second centuries 
A.D. We can therefore form a fair estimate of the character 
of this Alexandrian colony. Now Indian merchants, as 
a rule, have always been Buddhists or Jains. Buddhism 
was a merchant religion par excellence ; there are few 
parables or birth-stories in which a Buddhist merchant does 
not figure,^ and Ceylon and Barygaza were head-centres of 
the Buddhist faith. If we find that Basilides was a Buddhist 
philosopher it is easy to discover the source from which he 
learned his philosophy. 

Before proceeding with my exposition of Basilides' 
teaching, it is necessary that I should advert to, although 
I need not discuss, a question which has evoked much 
literary criticism. It is universally admitted that the 
accounts given us by Clement and Hippolytus are irrecon- 
cilable with those given by Irenseus and Epiphanius; 
and it is very generally, but not universally, admitted that 
while the former state the doctrines of Basilides himself, 
the latter are reporting the opinions of the later Basilidians. 
Personally I have no doubt of the correctness of this view, 
and I might shelter myself behind the authority of the 
greatest names.' But it will be found that the question 
solves itself. If I discover Buddhist pessimism and trans- 
migration in Clement, Buddhist metaphysics in Hippolytus, 

» Dio Chrysos., Orat. xxxii, ad Alexandrinos (Teubner ed., toI. i» p. 413). 
I haye said something of these Indian merchant colonies in ** The Early 
Commerce of Babylon with India »' (J.R.A.S., 1898, p. 269 f.). 

' Mrs. Rhys Davids eives a namber of examples in her essay ^^Economie 
Conditions in Northern India** (J.R.A.S., 1901, p. 859 ff.), and it would be 
easy to extend the list. 

> Baur, Mansel, Hort, and others. 

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and Buddhist psychology in both, it is eyident that both are 
describing a single system — the system of the master.^ 

It must also be borne in mind that Basilides was a sincere 
Christian, utterly ignoring Buddha and all Indian mythology. 
If we forget this, we shall utterly misunderstand him. He 
adopts the Buddhist philosophy, but not the Buddhist 
religion; the Buddhist faith is nothing to him. And it is 
as a metaphysic, not as a religion, that Buddhism first 
penetrated to the West. 

I now proceed with the main subject of this essay — the 
exposition of Basilides' teaching. I shall first consider the 
general presuppositions which lie at the root of all his 
doctrines. I shall then consider his Psychology, next his 
Metaphysic, and lastly his Theology. 

I. Presuppositions. 

The Basilidian system is based upon certain fundamental 
conceptions of the nature of sin, of suffering, and rebirth. 

1. The universality of suffering is for Basilides the 
cardinal fact of the world. ** Pain and Fear are as in- 
herent in human affairs {Tot9 trpdrfficuri^v) as rust in iron." * 

^ The literary question is fully discussed in Dr. Hort*s article. Clement wrote 
his ** Stromata** at Alexandria some sixty years after the death of Basilides, 
and had excellent opportunities for knowing the facts. He gives extracts from 
the ** Exegetica** ana from Isidore's works ; he repeatedly refers to or summarises 
the opinions of Basilides and the Basilidians, using the terms usually as synony- 
mous, and sometimes interchanging them. In one passage he pointeoly contrasts 
the degenerate teachings of the later Basilidians with the doctrines of their 
master. Clement's object was ethical and practical, while Hippolytus dealt with 
the speculatiTe part of the Basilidian philosophy. The two therefore seldom 
deal with the same subject, but where they do they agree. They also agree in 
undesigned ways, as, for instance, in the use of terms which had a technical 
signiticance in the Basilidian teaching, e.g., ^v\0Kplyri<riSf iLiroKardrrairtSf etc. 
The extracts given by Hippolytus are evidently from the •* Exegetica," although 
Hippolytus does not give the name of the work. Moreover, Hippolytus exprcMiy 
distinguishes in one passage a work circulating among the later ^asilidians from 
the works of Basilides and Isidore. The only serious objection to the general 
opinion is the Greek character (so-called) of the Hippolytian extracts, but if they 
torn out to be not Greek at all, but Buddhist, this oojection vanishes. 

' Clem. Alex. Strom., iv, 12. 90, p. 218. Clement denies the doctrine oOxirt 
ohf 6 ir^yos Kol 6 4t6fios &x airol (i.e. the Basilidians) xSyovaw iwiav^tfieuw^ 
TM wpdyfuurtp its 6 lbs r^ <n8^py, &Xx', etc. 

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Buddha laid the same foundation — "Birth is suffering, old 
age is suffering, sickness is suffering, death is sufiering, 
io be united with the unloved is suffering, to be separated 
from the loved is suffering, not to obtain what one desires 
is suffering. In brief, the conditions of individuality and 
their cause, the clinging to material form, sensations, 
abstract ideas, mental tendencies, and mental powers involve 
suffering." ^ The universality of suffering is the fundamental 
&ct, the extinction of suffering the goal, of the Basilidian 

2. But Basilides' pessimism takes a distinctively Christian 
cast. If suffering accompanies all action, it is especially 
the concomitant of sin. This theory lies at the bottom of 
Basilides' famous paradox — "the Martyrs suffer for their 
sins " — a paradox which shocked the conscience of the 
Church, and was utterly perverted by Basilides' followers.* 
Basilides thought no scorn of martyrdom ; it bad its 
-consolations and was a good {tovto to ar/aOop). But still 
the martyrs suffered for their sins, although they might be 
unconscious of them, or like the new-born babe might be 
innocent of actual transgressions. But why must the infant 
suffer? Why must the martyr have committed sinP Because, 

^ From the Baddha's First Sermon, translated in ** Buddhist Suttas." 
Compare Dhammapada, 186 fP. 

* Basilides' views on martyrdom were grossly misrepresented. The extracts 
given hy Clement (Strom., iv, 12. 83-86, p. 217) from the 23rd book of the 
"Exegetica*' show this clearly. **For 1 say that all those who undergo the 
aloresaid tribulations have unaoubtedly sinned, though they be ignorant of it 
{Xay$dvoprts), in other ways ; but are led to this particular good by the goodness 
of Him who^ects (them), being really accused of other faults (toan those they 
have committed) ; so that they suffer not as malefactors for confessed iniquities, 
nor as the murderer and adulterer reproached by all, but as Christians — a fact 
so consoling that they appear not to suffer at all. And even granting that the 
sufferer is entirely innocent of actual sin (which rarely happens), yet not even vrill 
this man suffer by the design of any (evil) power, (the orthodox held that 
persecutions wer« the work of the devil), but he will suffer as suffers the infant 
M)parently innocent of sin.'' Further on Basilides says that as the infant, 
alinou^h obviously incapable of sinning, *' suffers because he has a sinful nature, 
and gains the benefit of suffering," so the perfect man, innocent of actual sin, 
puffers for his evil propensities. According to Clement, Basilides admitted that 
bis argument applied even to the Lord Himself, although in the extract Clement 
gives us Basilides will not mention Him by name, toking refuge in the text 
*'none is free from stain." Dr. Hort has some excellent remarks on the whole 

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BO Basilides says, suffering is the consequence and the proof 
of sin, if not of actual sin committed in this life, yet of an 
inherited tendency to sin ; otherwise we accuse the Divine 
Constitution of the world. " And I will admit anything," 
he cries, '' rather than admit that the Divine Constitution 
of the world is evil " (irdpr €p& ycLp fiaXXov fj kokov to 
wpopoovp €p&), (Strom., iv, 12. 84, p. 217).^ 

3. And this leads us to the keystone of the Basilidian as 
of the Buddhist system — the fatal law of transmigration 
which governs all things in heaven and earth. Every act 
produces fruit, so every life bears the burden of its 
fruitage in the following rebirth. '' Basilides lays down 
(t^) BaaiXelS]^ 17 inrodeaLs:) that the soul has previously 
sinned in another life, and endures its punishment here, 
the elect with honour by martyrdom, and the rest purified 
by appropriate punishment " (Clem. Strom., iv, 12. 85, 
p. 217). And again, "If any, then, of the Basilidians, by 
Wrty of apology, should say that the martyr is punished 
for the sins committed before this present embodiment 
{irpo TTiaie t^9 ivarcj/jLardaeco^), and that he will hereafter 
reap the fruit of his doing during the present life, for thua 
has the constitution (of the world) been ordained, then we 
would ask him," etc. (Clem, Strom., iv, 12, 90, p. 218). 
Origen says that Basilides interpreted Romans vii, 9 as an 
apostolic reference to transmigration,^ and he complains in. 
his Commentary on S. Matthew iii that Basilides *' deprived 
men of a salutary fear by teaching that transmigrations are 
the only punishments after death." ' The Basilidians inter- 
preted the phrase ** unto the third and fourth generation 
of them that hate Me " of this series of rebirths (Clem. 

' The Divine Providence {ri irpSyoia) plays a great part in the Stoic and 
rhetorical literature of the secona century a.d., but it always applies to the 
universe, and not to the individual. With Basilides, Providence in the ordinary 
sense is an impossibility ; he means by it the constitution of the world ** involun- 
tarily willed" by ** not-being God." 

^ Origen expressly mentions transmigration into beasts and birds. " Dixit 
enim, inquit, Apostolus, quia ego vivebam sine lege aliquando, hoc esset, 
antequam in istud corpus venirem, in ea specie corporis yixi quae sub lege 
nou asset, pecudis scilicet vel avis.** 

» Dr. Hort 


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Alex. Frag., 28, p. 338) ; and Basilides was logical when he 
aaid that the only sins which can be forgiven are involuntary 
sius and sins of ignorance (Clem. Strom., iv, p. 229). Every 
act is fruitful, and every sin of commission bears its fruit in 
a future life. 

4. We shall presently see that the Basilidian soul is not 
a simple, but a compoimd composed of various entities. 
These warring entities influence the actions of the man ; and 
as some of them have the character of animals and others of 
plants (Clem. Strom., ii, 20. 112, p. 176) they explain how 
rebirth in another than a human form is philosophically 
conceivable. I notice more especially the transmigration 
into plants, because this is a specifically Indian doctrine, 
although found occasionally among savage tribes of the 
Eastern seas.^ 

5. Man is enthralled in the fatal bondage of rebirth, but 
during the present life his will is free. This is stated in the 
clearest manner. " If I persuade anyone that the soul is not 
a single entity, and that the sufferings of bad men are 
occasioned by the violence of the ' appendages ' (a technical 
word of which more hereafter), then the wicked will have 
no small excuse to say I was compelled, carried away, 
involuntarily acted, nor did I will my deed, although the 
mun was led by his lust for evil, and did not struggle against 
the compulsion of the 'appendages.' It behoves us to rise 
superior by virtue of our rationality, and to appear triumphant 
over the baser creature within us" (Clem. Strom., ii, 20. 
113, 114, p. 176). And again, "Only let a man will to 
achieve the good, and he will obtain it '* (Clem. Strom., iii, 
1. 2, p. 183). Man's will is free to act, but the consequence 
of his action is inevitable : that is the sum and substance of 
the doctrine. 

6. With the freedom of the will comes the possibility of 
salvation, but the elect alone are saved, and the mass of 
mankind will remain bound everlastingly in the endless cycle 

* Tylor (" PrimitiTe Culture,'* 2iid ed., ii, p. 6) says that thej may poadbly 
have been influenced by Indian ideas. Ovid mentions transmigration into plants, 
hat this IB the only instance I can remember among Western writers. 

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of oausation and rebirth — a subject which I shall discuss at 
leugth in connection with the Basilidian theology. 

These are the fundamental tenets of Basilides, and they 
are also the foundations which the Buddha laid. The 
inherency of suffering in existence, its cause rebirth, the 
freedom of the will, the salyation of the few, and, (if I may 
anticipate,) nirvana form an essential and the most important 
part of both their systems. There is, however, a divergence 
from the outset in one point, and in one point only. The 
Buddha had a practical end in view ; he wished to discover 
and to preach the mode of liberation. For Basilides the war 
of salvation had been found in Christianity, and his purpose 
is purely philosophical. The burden of existence weighs 
upon him ; how shall he harmonize the constitution of the 
world and the universality of suffering, how "justify the 
ways of God to men." 

But granting the identity of Buddha's and Basilides' 
ideas of suffering and transmigration, it may be urged that 
the coincidence is natural and accidental, that the origin 
of sin formed the starting-point of every form of gnosis, and 
that transmigration was a theory known to Hellenes and 
Egyptians. I reply that pessimism, the inherency of evil 
in all action, was alien to Greek modes of thought, and 
was never the basis of any Greek philosophy ; while it haa 
always been a marked peculiarity of Indian speculations. 
And I next proceed to show that the Basilidian theory 
of transmigration is exclusively Indian. I have already 
pointed out that Basilides adopted that rare form of 
metempsychosis, transmigration into plants, universal in 
India, but sporadic elsewhere. But let that pass. It ia 
with the various stages in the transmigration theory that 
I wish to deal. 

It is usual to confound two very different sets of ideas, 
a series of rebirths and the temporary or permanent 
lodgment of a spirit in a foreign body. Most nature- 
religions assume that the gods can take the form of men 
or beasts at pleasure, and that certain men can change their 
shape into that of the inferior animals. Apollo and Athene, 

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changed for the nonce into birds upon a tree, overlook 
the windy plains of Troy ; or the transformations of Procris, 
of Narcissus, and of Daphne may serve for Greek examples. 
The much-imperilled soul of the ancient Egyptian had to 
put on many an animal shape and many a disguise to escape 
its ghostly enemies on the road to the blessed fields of Arn. 
Men everywhere believe in lycanthropy, the wandering of 
the soul in sleep, the power of witches to assume the shape 
of animals. In magic the process is reversed. Spirits no 
longer assume inferior shapes alone : they have the power 
of putting on the higher forms of gods and demons ; but 
with this we are not here concerned. Suffice it to say that 
such temporary embodiments of the spirit in foreign forms 
refer to a totally different line of thought from a series of 
rebirths. They belong to animism — to the savage philosophy 
which distinguishes only between animate and inanimate, 
and which accounts for the travels of the soul in trance 
and dreams. They have nothing to do with the belief in 
a future life. 

Metempsychosis properly so called is of three kinds. Men 
have at all times and everywhere believed in the rebirth of 
a departed spirit. The soul of the deceased returns to earth 
in the person of a new-born infant of the family, whose 
looks and ways recall a thousand times a beloved memory. 
Or the soul may come to earth again in some stranger, the 
double of the dead. But this return of the soul is occasional 
and sporadic; it has not been systematized into a theory 
of the future life. It is a floating semi-conscious belief. 
Among the great nations of antiquity only two advanced 
further on this path — the Indians and the Gauls. Both 
held the doctrine of a future life with firmness, they knew 
it in detail, and with both of them transmigration is the 
universal law of humanity.^ It is no part of the common 
Aryan tradition (if such tradition or stock there ever was), 
nor does it occur in the earlier Vedas. The Greeks first 

^ For Oallio and Celtic beliefs v. *' La Religion des Gaulois/' par A. Bertrand, 
p. 270 ft., and Rhys Davids, Hibbert Lectures, 1881. 

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learned the doctrine from Pherecydes and Pythagoras ; and 
these great doctors doubtless learned it from the Cymri or 
Cimmerians of Asia Minor, who taught them other Gallic 
lore. But there is a third stage in the history of the 
doctrine. From the universal belief of India the Brahmans ^ 
evolved a profoundly philosophical theory peculiar to them- 
selves. In the popular belief each successive transmigration 
is occasioned by, but is not the result of, the previous life. 
The Indian philosophers introduced the law of causality; 
causes are equalled by their effects ; and each rebirth is 
the exact resultant of the preceding life. Transmigration 
is for them the reign of causal law in the spiritual world ; it 
has the rigour, the universality, the invariability of Fate; 
it is the self-made destiny which overshadows man from the 
cradle to the grave : and it is this law which enabled 
Buddha, and Basilides after him, to explain the origin of 
evil, and the method of salvation.* 

II. Psychology. 

From this digression, necessary to avert any suspicion of 
a non-Indian origin, I proceed to consider the Basilidian 
psychology. The Buddhist doctrine of personality has 
mightily puzzled modern scholars, and the Basilidian theory 
of the soul was equally puzzling to Clement. He compares 
it to the Trojan horse which was full of warriors, and a little 
further on he says that the Basilidians, like the Pythagoreans, 
believed in two souls (Strom., ii, 20. 113, 114, p. 176). 
Three passages contain all that we know of Basilides' 
psychology. The first consists of Clement's summary. The 
Basilidians "are accustomed," Clement says, "to call the 

^ Or more probably the Khshatriyas. 

' On the Indian ideas of transmigration v. chap. xiT of Dr. P. Denflsen's 
excellent work **Die Philosophie der Upanishad's** (Allgemeine Geechichte der 
Philosophic, toI. i, pt. 2), and Garbe, ** Die Simkhja- Philosophic, ' p. 174 ft. 

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passions Appendages/ stating that these are certain spirits 
which have a substantial existence, having been ' appended * 
to the rational soul in a certain primitive turmoil and con- 
fusion, and that again other bastard and alien natures of 
spirits grow upon these, as of a wolf, an ape, a lion, a goat, 
whose characteristics (say they) create illusions in the region 
of the souly and assimilate the desires of the soul to the 
animals : for they imitate the actions of those whose 
characteristics they wear, and not only are they familiar 
with the impulses and impressions of the irrational animals, 
but they even ape the movements and beauties of plants, 
because they likewise wear the characteristics of plants 
appended to them. Moreover [these Appendages] have 
properties of a particular state like the hardness of a 
diamond." 2 (Strom., ii, 20. 112, 113, p. 176.) According 
to Clement, then, there is a rational soul (17 XoyiKt) '^ux'^)' 
There are also certain appendages {irpoaaprrjiiaTa) adhering 
to it. These parasitic appendages are the various affections 
(tA iraOij) which have a substantial entity of their own 
(TTvev/Mard nva kot ova lav inrap'xelp). They are intermixed 
with the rational soul by a priraseval confusion, intermixed, 
be it noted, and not intermingled, since the whole process of 
evolution is to disentangle them. These entities, as well as 
the rational soul, remain always separate and distinct. 

The second passage is the extract (Strom., ii, 20. 113, 114, 
p. 176) from the work of Isidore "On the Attached (or 
Parasitic) Soul " {irepl 7rpoa<f>vov<: V^ux^O* already quoted in 
connection with free-will. From it we learn that the soul is 
not a simple entity, that it suffers from the violence of the 
parasitic appendages, and that it can rise superior to them 
by virtue of its rationality. 

These extracts find their explanation and complement in 
the statements of Hippolytus (Haer., vii, c. 15, cf vii, c. 12), 

> wpoaaffHifjMTa, a technical word employed b^ Basilides and by Isidore. 
Tertimian tianBlates it as * appendices* (** ceteris appendicibus sensibus et 
affectibuB^' Adv. Marc, i, 26) ; and Dr. Hort also refers to M. Aurelius, xii, 3, 
with Gataker's note, rh wpoffoprfifiara might be translated as parasites which 
attach themselves externally. 

^ I have adopted Dr. Hort's translation with a few alterations. 

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Basilides held that there were five separate entities in Jesas^ 
(and therefore in all the eleot who are the sons of God). At 
His death the Sonship ascended into what, by anticipation, 
I shall call Nirvana ; another part ascended to the Firma- 
ment, a third to the Aether, a fourth to the Air, and the 
corporeal part which suffered and died reverted to Formless- 
ness, i.e. to matter. It would seem, therefore, that Basilide» 
conceived of the elect, if not the natural man, as a compound 
of five entities — the highest being the rational part (alsa 
called the subtle part and the Sonship), the lowest the 
material body. The resemblance of this conception to the 
Buddhist theory of the Skandhas is remarkable. Man is 
a compound, say the Buddhists, of five Skandhas — or 
* aggregates ' as Professor Khys Davids translates the word. 
The highest is reason, the lowest the material body. The 
other three, in an ascending scale, are the Sensations, 
Abstract Ideas, and Potential Tendencies. So far as one 
can judge, the Basilidian analysis of man is identical with 
the Buddhist. 

Did Basilides go further? Did he, like the Buddhist, 
deny the existence of the soul P We cannot say. Clement 
certainly talks of ' the rational soul,' as he naturally would ; 
but Isidore neither mentions nor implies it, and he employs 
TO XoyiariKov when we should have expected ij Xoyi/cfj '^X'i' 
We learn from Hippolytus that the proper region of the 
^vxn w^ ^^® sir ; and in Basilides' fivefold division of 
man there is no room for a soul in the ordinary sense. 

I may here note the employment of two technical expres- 
sions, Ignorance and Formlessness (17 wyvoia and 17 afAop(f>ia), 
The Great Ignorance which (as we shall see) makes the 
world content to exist without a thought of Nirvana is 
a translation of the Buddhist Avijja (Avidya). Avijja 
has a double aspect.^ It is at the root of all desire for 
a sensuous existence, and is therefore the origin of all eviL 
On the other band, take consciousness away and there is 

^ For the double aspect of Avidya, v. Deussen, '^Die Philosophi6 d«r 
Upanisbad's,** p. 217 (Aligemeine Gescbiobte der Pbilosopbie). 

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left neither knowledge of Nirvana nor feeling of sufiEering. 
It is with this latter connotation that Basilides talks of ' the 
great ignorance/ 

The second word is Formlessness {^ afwp(l>la), used six 
times in Hippol. Haer., vii, o. 14, 15, as an equivalent for 
the hlind material world. Now the words Bupam and 
Arupam, Form and Formlessness, play a great part in 
Buddhist psychology, but with a different signification. 
Natural objects when present to perception have form ; 
ideas presented to the reason are formless.^ The Basilidian 
afJLop^ia is different, it corresponds more closely to the con* 
ception of Prakriti — nature unperceived in consciousness. 

III. Metaphysics. 

Whether Basilides postulates a soul or not, he certainly 
postulates a God. But his God is the most abstract, the 
most remote that ever was imagined. Like Philo and the 
Alexandrian Jews, the Gnostics, and the later Kabbalists, 
he declares the Absolute God to be unknowable and 
unutterable, unpredicable, inconceivable. But no one has 
equalled Basilides in the energy of his expression. He 
strains negations to the utmost. ' Not-being God ' (ou/c iiv 
Beo^) is Basilides' name for Him. He will not use the article, 
6 ovK &p Oeo^, although Hippolytus does so. To assert that 
God exists is to affirm a predicate, and He who is unknowable 
is above all predicates. But there is an earlier stage than 
* not-being God.* " Was when was nothing,^ nor was that 
nothing any kind of entity, but in plain, unreserved, 
unequivocal language, there was altogether nothing. And 
when I say ' was,' I do not assert that ' there was,' but 
I merely indicate my meaning when I affirm that there was 

^ T. '*A Baddhist Manual of Psychological Ethics*' (traiislation of th« 
Dhamma Sangani), Or. Trans. Fund, to), xii, hy Mrs. Bhys Davids: Inirod., 
p. zlilf. 

' ^¥ 5tc ^y oMp, etc. (Hippolytus, Haer., vii, c. 8). 

j.B.A.t. 1902. 


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altogether nothing." Absolute existence is absolute nothing, 
said Basilides, anticipating Hegel. 

From nothing one passes to the germ of something. 
Beside * not-being God' there exists the world conceived 
as a seed-mass, posterior to Him in thought, but co-eternal 
with Him in reality. This seed-mass (17 Trav<nr€pfiia) is 
eonoeiyed both as an ideal cosmic germ (to xoa-fAucov air^pfia) 
and as a mass of individual seeds, the world of actuality 
(^ wavtnrepfila rov atapov), precisely as Prakrili bears the 
same double signification in the Sankhya philosophy.^ The 
relation of not-being Ood to the cosmic germ is described 
as follows : — " When there was nothing, neither matter, nor 
substance, nor entity, nor simple, nor compound, nor 
incomprehensible, nor imperceptible, nor man, nor angel, 
nor a God, nor anything that has a name, or can be 
perceived by sense, or conceived by mind, or what is of 
more subtle still, when every [predicate] has been removed, 
not-being God without or act of mind or sense, without 
l^n, without purpose, without affection, without desire, 
willed to make the world. And when I say willed, I mean 
[an act] involuntary, irrational, insensible ; and by the 
'world' I mean, not the world of length and breadth [the 
world of space], and which existed subsequently, and has 
a separate existence, but the germ of a world (jravaTrepfila 
ic6afwv). And the seed of the world held all things in 
itself, just as a grain of mustard-seed contains within the 
smallest body all things at once [in embryo], the roots, the 
trunk, the branches, and the leaves, the numberless seeds 
of other plants born of that one plant, each seed in its turn 
the parent of innumerable other seeds, a process many times 
repeated. Thus not-being God made a not-being world out 
of things that are not, casting down and depositing a certain 
single seed containing in itself the whole germ of the 
universe {<nrip/Aa n $p e^pp iraaav iv iavrS rr}v rov fcoa-fAov 
trapairepfilav)*^ (Hippol. Haer., vii, 9). This cosmic seed, 

^ **Hinter der als Lififfam indmdualisierten Prakriti steht die allgemeine, 
Kosmische Prakriti, ohne dass tod ihr welter die Rede ware** (Deuisen, *<Die 
Philosophie der tTpanisbad's/' p. 217). 

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this not-being world, is purely ideal, like not-being God ; 
it is beyond all predicate; ''the not-being seed of the 
world which had been deposited by not-being God" 
(Haer., vii, c. 9). 

From the transcendental cosmic seed we pass to the 
individual seeds which in their aggregate form the actual 
world. '' The non-existent seed of the world constitutes 
at the same time the germ of a multitude of forms and 
a multitude of substances" (Haer., vii, c. 9). "It had all 
seeds treasured up and reposing in itself just as not-being 
entities, and designed to come into being by 'not-being 
God'" (Haer., vii, c. 10). But how existence evolves itself 
from non-existence Basilides cannot say. "Whatsoever 
I affirm to have been made after these, ask no question 
as to whence" (Uaer., vii, c. 10). The Buddhists also 
asserted that from the non-existent the existent is evolved.^ 
But " Buddhism does not attempt to solve the problem of the 
primary origin of all things. 'When Malunka asked the 
Buddha whether the existence of the world is eternal or not 
eternal, he made him no reply.' "' 

The actual world, then, according to Basilides, is preceded 
by an ideal world deposited by an ideal God. But this is 
evidently a mere accommodation to the infirmity of human 
thought. We shall see hereafter that the world of actuality 
has no end. We may conclude that it had no beginning, 
and that creation is a mere fiction of the mind. But neither 
Basilides nor the Buddha definitely say so. 

From cloudland we pass to reality. This spawn of the 
world, this chaotic and conglomerated seed-mass, has all 
entities, all realities stored up, entangled, and confounded 
in itself. It evolves these entities by a process of dis- 
crimination and difierentiation, and it has three fundamental 
qualities which correspond with the three Gunas. This last 

* ** Naoh der Ansicht der Baddbisten ^ht das Seiende ans dem NichtseiendeB 
lierror," says Garbe, quoting Vacaspatuni^ra (*' Die Samkhya Philosophie,'* 
p. 201). 

a «< Buddhism," by Professor T. W. Bhys DsTids, p. S7. Compare his 
" Dialogues of the Buddha," pp. 187, ISS. 

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is evident from the description of the triple Sonship. We 
have the light or subtle (to XeTrrofiepiii) and the dense * = 
Sattvam and Tamas. Between these two is the second 
Sonship in the region of tA 7rcid97=Rajas.^ This seed-mass 
proceeds to evolve itself in obedience to a double law. 
First : each individual seed, eternal in itself, eternally acts 
in accordance with its original nature, and without exterior 
government or aid. '* The things which are generated are 
produced according to nature, as has been declared already 
by Him who calculates things future, when they ought 
[to be], and what sort they ought [to be], and how they 
ought [to be]. And of these no one is superintendent, or 
thought- taker (^povrurr^?), or demiurge ; for sufficeth to 
them that calculation which the not-being One calculated 
when He made them" (Haer., vii, c. 12). The second law 
is that everything ascends, and nothing descended. The 
whole scheme of salvation, according to Basilides, is founded 
upon this. " Nothing descended from above," he says, 
speaking of the Gospel (Haer., vii, c. 13). And again, 
"All things press from below upwards, from the worse 
to the better. Nor among things superior is any so 
senseless as to descend below" (Haer., vii, c. 10). 

Basilides classifies all existences (tA Spto) as either 
mundane or supra-mundane. The supra-mundane corre- 
sponds to Lokuttara, which is the same as the region of 
Nirvana ; the mundane includes everything below it. This 
is Basilides' primary classification,^ and it is also the chief 
division of the Buddhists. But we find another and 

> Basilides (or rather Hippolytus) does not give us the exact Greek equiyaleiiti 
for the second and third (ju^as. The second Sonship is called i^ waxvfAtar^pa 
[vl6rrif'] (Haer., yii, c. 10). The third Sonship is the Sonship **left behind in 
Formlessness'' (Haer., vii, c. 14). The second Sonship is less deeply embedded 
in the material world, and resides in the Aether, the region of the Great Archon 
(Haer., vii, c. 10 and 11). 

' Prakriti, says Deussen, '* besteht aus den drei Gui^a's (am besten als Faktoren 
zu iibersetzen . . .) Sattram (das Leichte, Helle, IntellektueUe), Rajas (das 
Bewegliche, Treibende, Leidenschaftliche) und Tamas (das Schwere, Dunkle, 
Hemmende), und auf der verschiedenen Mischung der drei Guna's beruht die 
nrspriingliche Verschiedenheit der Linga's." (• * Die Philosophie der Upanishad's,'* 
pp. 218-219.) 

> Basilides divides r& 6yra tit B6o riis irpocxca koL irptiras Suupio'tts, mI 
AoAciTcu mrr* ainhy rh fi4y ri K6fffU»f, rh 94 r< l^tpicScfua (Haer., vii, o. 11). 

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subsidiary divisiou, peculiar to Basilides, whioh carries us 
much farther. According to this there are five spheres. 
The highest is the region of 'not -being God/ of the 
supra-mundane, the xmepKo^fiLa^ of the Lokuttara, that is, 
Nirvaua. It is separated from the mundane world by the 
second sphere, which is the Firmament — the abode of the 
Holy or Limitary Spirit. The Aether forms the third sphere, 
the region called the Ogdoad, extending from the Firmament 
to the Moon. This is the sphere of the Great Archon, 
''more potent than things potent, wiser than things wise," 
the uuutterable. The fourth sphere embraces the region 
of the Air — the Hebdomad and habitation of the Lesser 
ArchoD, whose name is speakable and who inspired the 
Prophets. Lastly, we have the Earth, the place of 
Formlessness and Matter, "where men sit and hear each 
other groan." ^ Each of these regions, or roTrot, has its 
Treasury, and is filled with innumerable beings whose nature 

^ The not-being God and the first Sonship abide in the bw€pK6<rfua (Haer., vii, 
e. 10). The Finnament is between the 6itpK6afua and the Kosmos (ffrtp4»tM 
rmp tmtpKoo'idmv KaX rov K6fffxov /itra^b Ttrayjxiyoy : vii, c. 11). It is the abode 
of the Holy Spirit, also called the Limitary Spirit {rh 9\ fitra^h rod K6<rfiov ical 
rmif ^tpKOfffJmp fi€B6pto¥ «yct//Aa. rovro hwtp iarl KaX Syioy^ etc. : tU, c. 11). 
For the dlTision of the universe below the Firmament into Ogdoad, Hebdomao, 
and Formlessness, v. vii, c. 16. The highest of these regions is the Ogdoad, 
the region of the Aether and the seat of the Great Archon (dKrt} iirrip ^ icar' 
mbrohs 6y9oiLs \§yofi4nfi, Sirov i(rr)¥ 6 fi4yas &px^^ KoBiifit^os' waaaa^ oZv r^y 
iitovpdinop Ktlffiy, rovritm r^w al$4pioy, e^h$ Mlpydaaro b hifuovpyhs 6 fi^yas 
0-0^1 : rii, c. 11). This region extends to the moon {rod ipxom-os rod firydkow 
rii al04put Sriva fi^ypt (rcA^nis iffri^: vii, c. 12). The greatness of the Great 
Archon is frequently extolled : ** He is more ineffable than things ineffable, more 
potent than inings potent, wiser than things wise, and his beauty surpassingly 
beautiful*' (vii, c. 11). He surpasses every entity except the Sonship left behind 
(vii, c. 11). He believes the Kosmos to be His creation, and that there is 
nothing higher than Himself (vii, c. 11). He is called demiurge and God (rhtf 
ip^»¥ iLpprrr&r9po¥ BUv, vii, c. 12). The region below the Ogdoad is the 
Hebdomad, the region of the Air which extends from the moon to the earth 
(o'cX^rtls . . . iictidw yhp &V ^^^pof Suucphtrca : vii, c. 12) ; (koXcitcu 6 r^vof 
•Sror «f/38o/ias : vii, c. 12). The second Archon, like the first, is administrator 
and demiurge (in appearance) of all subject to him (Sioik^t^s koX lhifuovpy6t : 
vii, c. 13). He is the God of Abraham and inspired the Prophets (vii, o. 13). 
This Great Archon is Jkpprtrost prtirhw tk ^ tfiSofias (vii, c. 13). The distinction 
between tiie two Archons, in Basilides' opinion, probably corresponded to the 
Gnostic distinction between Yahve and Adonai. The Formlessness is the lowest 
sphere (StcUmifia rh Koff iifjMs Sitov iffrl^ ^ ifiop^la : vii, c. 15). The Gospel 
comes first to the Ogdoad, then to the Hebdomad, and lastly to us (vii, c. 14). 
The body of Jesus reverts to Formlessness, and His psychical part to the 
Hebdomad (vii, e. 16). 

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fits them for it. Some are destined to a further process of 
refinement and ascent; others have reached the final stage 
of which their nature is capable, and ascend no further. 
All this is partly Qnostic, partly the popular physics of the 
time, and Basilides uses Qnostic terms throughout — Archon, 
Ogdoad, Hebdomad, Principalities and Powers, drja-avpolf 
X^P^ ^^^ tottol} But this fivefold division, combined with 
the law that nothing descends from the stage in which it is, 
enables him to present the world-process with a sharpness 
of outline and firmness of detail impossible to the Buddhists, 
whose spirits wander aimlessly through multitudinous worlds 
from heaven to earth, from earth to hell. 

If now we return to Basilides* scheme of Metaphysics 
as a whole, with the exception of * not-being God ' and the 
fivefold division of the spheres, everything in that scheme 
is evidently Buddhist. It is impossible to mistake the 
general identity. Barth sums up the groundwork of the 
Sankhya and Buddhist metaphysics thus : — ^^ Instead of 
organising itself under the direction of a conscious, 
intelligent, divine being, the primary substance of things 
is represented as manifesting itself directly without the 
interposition of any personal agent, by the development 
of the material world and contingent existences. It is then 
simply, and by whatever name it may be called, the aaai^ 
the non-existent, the indeterminate, the indistinct, passing 
into existence — chaos, in other words, extricating itself 
from disorder by its own energies. When systeraatised, 
this solution will on one side have its counterpart in the 
metaphysics of Buddhism, while on the other it will issue 
in the Sankhya philosophy." ^ " The whole theory of the 
Basilidians consists of the confusion of a seed-mass, and the 
sorting and restoration into their proper places of things 
so confused." * The cosmic germ, the derivation of existence 

* Even tbe region (x^piov rov fieucaplov : Hacr., vii, c. 10) of the ineffiabto 
'not- being God' had its treasury {0ri<ravp6¥: vii, c. 14). 

* " The Religions of India,'* by A. Barth, translated by the Rev. J. Wood 
(Triibner's Oriental Series), p. 69. 

' iKyi yhp ain&p ^ &w66fais trifyx^f'^9 ^lov^X iraifffirtpfAias ical ^vKoiepiniffis luA 
ivKQKwrJurroffis rStv ovyK§xv/A4petv §1$ rii oUtta (Haer., yii, c. 15). 

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from non-entitj 
differentiation s 
the only law tl 
these are funda 
Buddhists. Bu 
identify * Form 
spirits in eartl 
Prakriti 'Form 
and entities of 
are innumerabl 
Basilidian schei 
entangled and 
ultimate separa 
systems went, i 
mentary, and w 
So far I ha 
ground.' I no^ 

^ For Prakriti and 
pp. 216-219, and Ga 

' BasilideB* repute 
does not amount to dd 
ideas of the system uj 
are divided between J 
world' are expressic 
little Platonism in I 
^ircKciya r^s ohtrlaf u 
sta^e of evolution frc 
God' becomes the i< 
with the invisible w 
cosmic Prakriti. Th 
applied for the ezph 
ot the world. These 
ftcWx** ^ 9t6$)f and 
not necessarily impi; 
v€Uf<rirfpfjLla is used b 
Anaxagorasy but in i 
the analogies betweei 
theory of the univers( 
is no resemblance be 
specifically different f 
mind, which orders 
corruption from their 
(Kitter, Hist. Anc. 1 
to Stoicism are based 
But * not- being God 
connection with it afl 
the requirements of tl 

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404 BUDDHIST gnosticism:. 

IV. Theology. 

For Basilides was a sincere Christian in his own belief. 
He was probably not conscious of any sensible difference 
from the ordinary Christians around him, at least not of any 
difference greater than that which might reasonably separate 
a philosopher from a simple believer, except in one point 
only. He pointedly refused to accept the belief in our 
Lord's impeccability. He admitted that our Lord did not 
sin, but he would not say that His material body was not 
sinful; he would not say "non potuit peccare." But in 
everything else he appears at first sight orthodox. He 
frankly accepted Christianity as a historical fact and as 
a rule of life. There is nothing docetic in his philosophy. 
" Jesus was bom," ^ and ** all the events in our Lord's life 
occurred in the same manner as they have been described in 
the Gospels." Basilides was acquainted with a considerable 
portion of the New Testament. He quotes S. Luke and 
S. John, and the whole scheme of his theology is in reality 
little more than the Basilidian expansion of the Prologue to 
the Fourth Gospel. His great work the " Exegetica " is said 
to have been a Gospel commentary. He delights to interpret 
some of the Pauline Epistles, especially the Epistle to the 
Bomans, and he appears to have known the Acts of the 
Apostles, 1st Peter, and the Epistle to the Hebrews. More- 
over, he treats the Old Testament with a respect somewhat 
unusual among the Gnostics. His reverence for our Lord 
and his admiration of the moral law are marked characteristics 
of the man. 

Nor is his exegesis, startling though it be, anything 
extraordinary in the age of Hadrian. Unlike Marcion and 
Yalentinus, he did not violently alter or mutilate the text of 

* It is always necessary to distinguish between Jeeus and Chrestos in dealing 
with the Gnostics. Hippolytus uses the word * Christ ' in speaking of the Son 
of the Great Archon (yii, c. 14) » but whether Basilides gave it this limited 
ngnification is not dear. The Son of Mary is always Jesus in the summary of 

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Scripture, so far at least as we can judge. Hif 
pretation is that of most philosophers of his 
canon which Dio Chrysostom and Aristide 
Homeric poems, an arbitrary adaptation of 
a preconceived philosophy. Nay, we might g 
and say that, granting him his own interpret 
have accepted considerable portions of the Ni< 
it then been formulated. At first sight 1 
orthodox of all the Gnostics; a Bible Chris 
almost call him. 

But granting that Christianity was histor 
an absolute rule of conduct, it wanted a pi 
age of Hadrian was enamoured of philosopl 
awakened to a general sense of human su 
a rule it accepted in popular form the i 
Divine Providence which governed the work 
presented for the first time the problems o 
a new and universal form. What is the 
what the method of salvation? The Basili 
an answer to these questions. 

Basilides bases his theology on the baptisn 
doctrine of the Holy Trinity. The ** Inc 
Blessed not-being God" (Haer., vii, c. 13) 
The Sonship (17 vioTtf^) is consubstantial w 
01/0-109; Haer., vii, c. 10). The Holy Spiri 
from, but not consubstantial with the Sons 
c. 10). With this Basilides starts, an( 
philosophy by the aid of two ideas, the Sc 

The Father is inconceivable, and above all 
or human predicates. The Sonship, on tl 
deposited in the cosmic germ, but being 
with the Father, cannot stay there ; it musl 
communion with Hira, and its evolution is th 
world-process (Haer., vii, c. 10). But this 
single; it is a collective germ, containinj 
many Sons within itself, and according to 
metaphysic it ought to have a twofold 

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sapra-munda&e and the mundane. Bat Basilides insists 
that it is threefold : •Ji' iv aur^ trn-ipfiari vioTt)^ rpifiepif^ 
Karh irdvra r^ ovic 6im 0€^ ofAoovaio^, yevffrtj i^ ovtc Svrwf 
(Haer., vii, e. 10). The refined or subtle Sonship {lik 
\eirrofi€pks;)f free from all cosmic stain, ascends at once 
with the deposition of the seed in pre-^osmic time to the 
region of the Father (Haer., vii, c. 10) ; or in other words, 
seeing that the deposition of the cosmic seed is a mere 
figment of human thought, the primal Sonship was with the 
Father from eternity. The grosser Sonship {fi ira'xyfiearipa) 
is more or less entangled in the seed -mass and remains 
behind. But the more aetherial part of it, less heavily 
clogged, ascends (also in pre-cosmic time) to the region of 
the Great Archon, whom it illuminates and instructs. This 
is the second Sonship (Haer., vii, c. 10). With this second 
Sonship, however, must be classed the Son dwelling in the 
Hebdomad with the Archon of the aerial and psychic world 
(Haer., vii, c. 12). The third Sonship is deeply submerged 
in the material world of Formlessness, and first disentangles 
itself in the Son of Mary, the prototype of all the Sons of 
God on earth (Haer, vii, c. 14). 

Before we go further we must pause a moment. It is 
clear that, under the Basilidian scheme, each region of 
Being (except the region of the Holy Spirit), required 
a Sonship for itself, whose business it was to illuminate and 
benefit that region ; and this corresponds with the actual 
enumeration. Why, then, does Basilides insist on a threefold 
division P The logical division would have been twofold, the 
actual one is fourfold. Basilides was doubtless influenced 
by the doctrine of the three Gunas, but there was probably 
a Christian element at work. The first Sonship corresponds 
with the Son who " is in the bosom of the Father from 
eternity " ; the second corresponds, in position at any rate, 
with the Son " by whom all things were made," since this 
is called the Son of the Great Archon, who imagines 
Himself to be the Creator ; while the third is the historical 

Since the Holy Spirit is inseparable from the Sonship 

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there must have been a tripartite division of the Holy 
Spirit also. Hippolytus mentions only one, the fiedopiop 
wevfJM (Haer., vii, c. II); Clement mentions a second, 
TO Sicucovovficpov 7rv€v fia (Strom., ii, 8. 36, p. 162, and 
Frag., p. 337). The Limitary Spirit accompanies the first 
Son^hip on His upward flight, but not being consubstantial 
with Him is left behind in the adjacent firmament.^ He has 
a distinct entity, although scarcely a distinct personality, and 
the Sonship is related to the Holy Spirit as a bird to its 
wing, or a pot of myrrh to the fragrance it exhales (Haer., 
Tii, c. 10). The second and third Sonships are accompanied 
by the * ministering ' Spirit, but as the Spirit cannot descend 
from a higher to a lower sphere the * ministering Spirit * of 
each must be regarded as distinct; and it is evident that 
when each Sonship finally ascends to the region of * not- 
being God ' the accompanying Spirit must be left behind in 
the region of the Firmament. 

The second factor is the advent of the Gospel, for 
''although nothing descended from above, yet from above 
the Gospel really came" (Haer., vii, c. 13). It came aa 
naphtha catches fire from a spark, and each sphere in turn 
caught the glory from the sphere above it. The Ogdoad, 
the region of the Great Archon, was illuminated first ; his 
ignorance was enlightened, he confessed his sin, and his 
awe-strock mind learned that ** fear of the Lord which is the 
beginning of wisdom" (Haer., vii, c. 14; cf. Strom., ii, 
8. 36, p. 162). From the world of the Ogdoad the Gospel 
descended to the Hebdomad, and from thence to the earth. 
Each world has been illuminated and evangelized in turn. 

What, then, is this Evangel ? It is the knowledge of 
supra-mundane and celestial things, to know what is the 
Father, the * not-being God,' what the Son, and what the 

* ^p yiip obx 6/Mo6<rtop oM ^^iv ttx^ f^^^ t^* vliniTQs (Haer., vii, c. 10, 
cf. c. 1 1). HippolTtiis (c. 10) attaches this Limitary Spirit to the second Sonship 
(^ •KaxvjA9ffr4pa vl&nis). But there is evidently some confusion, since he explains 
why this Limitary Spirit could not enter into the communion of not- being Qod. 
Moreover, nothing could have checked the upward flight of the second Sonship^ 
bad there been no limit. In c. 1 4 the Holv bpirit is aJso represented apparently 
as Light. 

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Holy Spirit. To know this, and to know what is the con- 
stitution of the universe, the differentiation, the perfecting, 
the restoration of all things, that is the fourfold wisdom 
(Haer., vii, c. 14).' 

The advent of the Gospel is a world event. And here 
we come upon a striking application of an Indian belief. 
The novelty of Christianity profoundly impressed the Church 
of the first two centuries; it was a characteristic note of early 
Christianity. But none seized on it more powerfully than 
the Qnostics ; it is a keystone in the theories of Marcion 
and Valentinus as well as of Basilides. With Basilides the 
time of Jesus' birth was determined by the conjunction of the 
stars, for although the stars, he holds, do not determine the 
destiny of man, they control the hour of his birth. And so, 
when Jesus was born, a new Kalpa or Yug began,* a world 
period which will end when all the Sonship has been gathered 
in and the consummation of all things takes place. For the 
third Sonship is not exhausted by Jesus any more than the 
second Sonship is exhausted by Christ. It embraces all the 
Sons of God left behind in the material mass.' Jesus lived 
the life narrated in the Gospels; he is "the first-fruits of 
the discrimination of the things confused" (Haer., vii, c. 15), 
and all the Sons of God must follow in His steps (Haer., vii, 
c. 14, 15). They are the elect (17 ixKoyi]), and their very 
nature ensures their ultimate salvation, although the time 
may be postponed by voluntary sin. It is neither the 
Valentinian gnosis nor the contemplative absorption of 
the Buddhist which enables them to apprehend the Gospel, 
but it is Faith. Faith (17 tticti^), according to the Basilidian 

^ rlt iffrip 6 ohic &v, ris rj vUrtiSf ri rh Sytow irvcD/ia, rls if rw 5x«r 
«aTa<rKcv^, iroG rovra iiroKaTcurratf^o'crflu* aSn; itrrXv ri atxpia iv fAvtmipl^ 
XeyoiAiirn (Haer., vii, c. 14) ; cf. Clem. Strom., ii, 8. 36, p. 162; r^v ImrXi^lir 
ainov (of the Great Archon) ^xf/Sor KKnOrivai ipxh" y*v6iiwov awplas ^vXo- 
Kptm/iriKris rt ical iituepniKris koI TcXforrtic^s Koi iLvoKaraffrariKriS. These words 
recall the ' fourfold path * of the Buddha, hut while the latter is moral the 
fourfold wisdom of Basilides is intellectual. Each of the four adjectives employed 
by Clement bears a technical meaning in the Basilidian philosophy. 

' j|r yhp, ^r^a\t iced ainhs [6 Xctr^p'] &wh yivtcip iurr4pMP jccU &p «r 
&TOKara<rT<urcwt 4y r^ fityd\a irpoktKoyt(rfi4yos <rwp^ (Haer., vii, c. 15). 

^ ^f) oZy ISci iiiroKaXv^Bijpai rifjMS t& r^Kva rov Otov (Haer., vii, c. 13). 

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BUDDHIST gnosticism:. 


definition, is the intellectual apprehension of and belief in 
undemonstrable truths, an intuitive grasp of the teaching 
of the Gospel (tA jjuddrjfjMTa) when presented to a kindred 
soul (Clem. Strom., ii, 3. 10, p. 156, and ii, 6. 27, p. 160). 
By this faith the elect,^ the believer by nature, arrives at 
a stage of serene blessedness, fulfilling the divinely con- 
stituted law which requires him to be in a state of charity 
with all things, neither desiring nor hating anything (Clem. 
Strom., iv, 12. 88, p. 217).^ All passion, all desire is past : 
surely the elect has attained to the dignity of an Arahat. 

If the Pauline terms Faith and Election are essential 
terms of Basilides' teaching, perfection and restoration are so 
equally. Jesus suffered and died, and His material part was 
restored to the Formlessness to which it belonged. The 
psyche ascended to the Hebdomad, and the regions of the 
Great Archon and of the Holy Spirit received such elements 
of His personality as were peculiar to them, while the third 
Sonship ascended through all these regions to the ' Blessed 
Sonship,' which had been from the beginning with the 
Father — the * not-being God.' And in like manner as Jesua 
ascended, so must all the elect ascend (Haer., vii, c. 16). 
Now this region at which they arrive, and this communion 
with 'not-being God,' *the Inconceivable and Blessed,' is 
none other than Nirvana. And, like Nirvana, it is a state 
to be passionately desired. " For every nature desires that 
[not-being God] on account of a superabundance of [its] 
beauty and [its] bloom," and " that blessed region which 
words cannot express nor reason grasp" (Haer., vii, c. 10).' 

* The ^^ei wiirrhs and the ^kXcict^s are Gonyertible terms ; ^6<ru wicrov tcai 
iKXtKTov 6trros (Strom., v, 1. 3, p. 233). 

' It is ^v ti^pof 4k toO XtyofAtvov BtX-fifiaros rod Ofov . . . . rh IryamiK^ycu 
flvoyra 3ri \6yop kwoaiiCovffi vphs rh irar &Taprd. *Mt is one part of the declared 
will of God '' *' to be in a state of charity with all things, because all [individual] 
things bear a relation to the whole, i.e. the general scheme of the Kosmos. 
This ** declared will of God " is the constitution of the uniTorse ** involuntarily 
willed by not-being God.'* ** Deus nee amat nee edit *' is a fundamental maxim 
of all Indian philosophy as well as of Spinoza, and to attribute a state of charity 
to * not-being God, as some commentators do, is to furnish with morality 
a being above all predicates. 

' rou fuucapiov ired yatiOripai fi^ Zvpaiiivov iirfik x^P^""^P^<^^^<'^ tim kSy^ 
X»piov. Professor Rhys Davids has pointed out to me that Nirvana is, properly 
speaking, a state and not a region. Now Basilides certainly conceived that 

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From this state the Sons of Ood oau never more descend, 
for them rebirth is over, all things are at an end. When 
the last seed of the Sonship has been gathered in, the world- 
period is over, the * Elalpa ' is completed, and the restoration 
of all things will take place. At preseut '^ the whole creation 
groaneth and travaileth in pain together," ' waiting for the 
manifestation of the Sons of God ; it is disturbed by the 
birth pangs of the spiritual Sonship, and desires heights to 
which it can never attain. But when the Divine Light is 
for ever withdrawn it will cease from unavailing trouble, 
sorrow and sighing will flee away, and Hhe great Ignorance' 
will envelop everything (Haer., vii, c. 15). 

" Thy hand, Great Anarch, lets the curtain fall, 
And universal darkness covers all.'* 

Basilides and the '^Dunciad" arrive at the same happy 

This, then, is the far-famed Basilidian theology, a scheme 
immensely ingenious, boldly conceived, powerfully reasoned, 
sincerely believed. It is composed in unequal parts of 
Gnosticism, Christianity, and Buddhism. With the main 
stream of Syrian Gnosticism, which attained to Hellenic 
symmetry and form in the hands of Valentinus, Basilides 
was well acquainted. But he borrows little from it except 
the general problem. All the Gnostics agreed in placing 
the Absolute God beyond all human ken, they all assigned 
an inferior place to the Old Testament dispensation, they 
entertained somewhat similar notions of the demiurge, and 

<< being with not-being God" implied not only a state but a place, a supni- 
mundane reffion with its * treaflnry.* We must remember that Basilides acquired 
his knowledge, not from learned Sraraanas, but from the popular beliefs of 
Buddhist merchants, and that at this very time the doctrines of the older 
Buddhism were falling into abeyance, and Buddha himself was widely worshipped. 
£?en Clement was aware of that. But if Buddha were worshippea, he must b« 
somewhere ; he must have some shadowy existence in some supra-mundane region. 

1 Apparently a favourite text with Basilides. Hippolytus twice quotes it 
in hit summary. 

> ** As a mere system of metaphysics the theory of Basilides contains ths 
nearest approach to the conception of a logical philosophy of the absolute which 

the histor)- of ancient thought can furnish, almost rivalling that of HegttI is 
modem times.** (Hansel, ** Gnostic Heresies,'* p. 166.) 

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they all set themselves to solve the problem of the origin 
of evil and the ascent of man. But beyond this Basilides 
has not much in common with the Gnostici. He borrows 
the terms Ogdoad and Hebdomad, and the division of the 
Spheres. He may have borrowed from his contemporary 
and fellow-townsman Valentin us the term * Limitary Spirit/ 
although the term is so essential to the Basilidian theology 
that, if borrowing there was at all, I suspect the borrowing 
was the other way. But in everything else Basilides and 
the Onostici are opposed. For them the great fact of human 
life is the fatalism of the stars, and metempsychosis takes 
a secondary place. The fatal nexus of rebirth determines 
Basilides* philosophy, and astrology is scarcely of account. 
They proceed by emanations, and clothe their ideas in the 
garb of Babylonian or Egyptian mythology. Basilides is 
comparatively free from mythology,* and argues vigorously 
against all emanation theories (Haer., vii, c. 10). They 
start with a fall from the Infinite to the Finite ; he knows 
nothing of it. 

Basilides doubtless believed Christianity to be the main 
factor of his system. He frankly accepted the Gospel 
narrative, the evangelical morality, the doctrine of the 
Trinity, the Pauline terminology. His whole scheme is 
intended to show the advent of the Gospel, how the Divine 
Sonship came into the world and gave the power to become 
sons of God to as many as are bom of God. And his 
theology throws a suggestive light upon the doctrinal 
teaching, and the authority of the Gospels and Pauline 
Bpistles in the Church of Alexandria when Hadrian reigned. 

^ The one, directly mythological expression I find in Basilides is the remark 
that Righteousness and her daughter Peace dwelt in the Ogdoad (Strom., It, 
p. 231). The Ogdoad was doubtless inhabited by a number of abstract entities — 
Nous, Fhronesis, Logos, and the rest mentioned by Irensus — but not emanations 
•0 IrencuB and tiie later Basilidians held. All these were probably treated, like 
the Sonship, as collectiTe germs, and characteristic of the sphere. But these 
are merely abstractions hypK)statized after the Oriental fashion. They do not 
necessarily wear a mythological or even an anthropomoiphic dress. At the same 
time the spheres of the first and second Archon were inhabited by innumerable 
hosts of tcvpidrtfTtSt ifx^i i^owrlatf and Hwdfiusj the Gnostic counterpart of Greek 
demons, Jewish angels, and Buddhist devas. who were ready to supply the later 
Banilidiann at once with a full-blown mythology. 

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But this Christianity apparent to the eye is profoundly 
Buddhist at the core. All things have their law of being 
in themselves : suffering is the concomitant of existence, 
rebirth is the result of former acts, and metempsychosis 
governs men with inflexible justice and with iron severity. 
The office of Jesus is the office of the Buddha ; ' the elect 
alone are saved, and the mass of mankind remains content 
to be born again. All things have their consummation in 
immense ignorance. But the Basilidian scheme is more 
grandiose than its prototype : in the place of unending 
turmoil it substitutes a world process of differentiation, for 
the release of the individual Arahat the cessation of the 
sorrows of the world ; and it is carried out with a historical 
character, a clearness of definition, and a rigour of logic 
which Buddhism never knew. 

Thus Basilides lived and taught, accounted an arch-heretic 
in after times, but in his own day an eminent doctor of 
the Church at Alexandria. He had constructed, so he 
thought, a vast th^odic^e, he had solved the problems of 
Free-will and Fate, he had explained the evolution of the 
Spheres, and of the innumerable spirits which dwell above 
and below the motions of the Moon, as well as of the 
Sons of God on earth, consubstantial with not-being God 
and desirous to return to Him. *' Vain wisdom all, and false 
philosophy." Buddhist metaphysics found little acceptance 
in Alexandria; they were too foreign to Hellenic modes of 
thought, and it was many centuries later when the legend 
of Barlaam and Josaphat first attracted the mind of the 
West. The doctrines of Basilides were misunderstood by 
his critics, and misinterpreted by his followers. Clement 
and Hippolytus prove their agreement and good faith by 
enabling us to reconstruct the main outlines of the system, 
but they were frequently much puzzled. The followers of 
Basilides were confined for the most part to Alexandria and 

^ " Tou TOorselTeB must make the effort : the Buddhas are only preachers " 
(Rhys Davids, ** Buddhism," p. 107). Compare the striking elaboration of the 
theme, '* Be ye lamps unto yourselves,*' in the Maha Parinnabbana, translated 
by Rhys Davids, '* Buddhist Suttas," pp. 36-39. 

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BUDDHIST gnosticism:. 413 

the Delta of the Nile ; they were men of little note, probably 
Egyptianized Hellenes, and HeUenized Egyptians and Jews. 
They turned the Basilidian teaching into a wild farrago 
and an immoral cult. The doctrine of election lent itself 
to Antinomian licentiousness, and the moderate Clement 
reproaches them with their views of marriage ; they scorned 
the sufferings of the Martyrs, and counted it wisdom to 
deny Christ. They delighted in emanations and astrology, 
divided the spheres into 365 heavens,^ and placed the solar 
Abrasax ^ at its head, and they were famed above all other 
sects for their belief in the hidden virtues of stones, in 
talismans and spells, and all the products of Judseo- 
Egyptian Magic. These beliefs, the offspring of superstitious 
hearts and stuffed-up brains, bear as little resemblance to 
the teaching of Basilides as the confused medley called 
the religion of the Mandaites bears to the teaching of 

^ It is clear from Hippolytus, vii, c. 14, that that ** tedious treatise" on the 
365 heaTens had nothing to do with Basilides or Isidore. These 365 heavens 
correspond with the 365 days of the Egyptian * common ' year, and are connected 
with Abrasax and the solar colt of the later Basilidians. 

' The Abraxoid gems are numerous, especially in the Delta of the Nile, and 
they are the only ones which are certainly Gnostic. Hippolytus tells us (yii, o. 14) 
that Abraxas, or more properlv Abrasax, was supreme lord of the 365 heavens, 
which represent the 365 days oi the year. He bears therefore a solar character, 
and the (Jreek letters of his name have 365 for their numerical value (a a 1, 3 =2, 
p=100, a=l, (=60, a==l, $=200=365). NeUos and Meithras give the same 
arithmetical result. The iconic representations of Abrasax on the gems represent 
him in the main as an Egvptian solar deity. He has the head of the solar hawk, 
the bird of Horns, or rather Horns himself, and the addition of a rude cock's 
comb on some gems may represent, as in other cases, not a cock's head, but 
flames or rays. With his left hand Abrasax advances a shield, his right hand 
holds a scouree upraised to strike. The scourge I identify with the khu of the 
Egyptian goas, and the attitude recalls the attitude of Min Amen at Thebes. The 
Abrasax legs are snakes, the symbols of the underworld. The bark of Ba is 
drawn by serpents in its passage through the twelve hours of the night, and on 
the sarcophagus of Seti I serpents represent the hidden fires of germination 
in the realms of Osiris ( v. ** The Alabaster Sarcophagus of Oimenepthah I," by 
J. Bonomi & S. Sharpe, 1864, pi. vii). Abrasax is often identified with lao, 
and lao is occasionally represented by an immense python for ever travelling — 
a pvthon such as we fina on the walls of the same Seti's tomb in the Yafiey 
of the Kings. These Abraxoid gems are magical talismans for the protection of 
the wearer. But Abrasax is much more than fjxios iXf^Uoicos, more than 
Amen-Ra ; he is the invention of Egyptian Jews and Gnostics, and has Jewish 
and even Syrian elements in his composition. For Abrasax, v. King, '* The 
Qnostics and their Remains," p. 226 S. Also Dr. Hort s.v. Abrasax in Smith's 
** Dictionary of Christian Biography." 

j.K.A.s. 1902. 27 

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the Baptist The Basilidians and Baailides have little in 
common except the name. 

It 18 a fascinating spectacle, that inward straggle of the 
early Church in the generations that extend from the 
persecntions of Nero to the golden age of the elder Antonine. 
On one side was ranged the Christian consciousness, the 
organization, the simple faith, and solid virtues of obscure 
men ; on the other side were learning and philosophy, 
poetry and genius. The Church was still largely Oriental 
in character, and Christian experience had not had time 
to formulate itself in universally accepted dogma. If the 
churches of Borne, of Antioch, and Asia Minor reeked with 
blood, these persecutions which made men shudder had not 
extended to the banks of the Euphrates or the NUe. While 
Bome and Asia Minor were engaged in building up the 
social and ecclesiastical organism, and in evolving the 
rudiments of the liturgy, the Oriental mind was busy 
in adapting Christianity to preconceived philosophies. 
Orthodox and Gnostics were sincere believers alike; alike 
they acknowledged the divinity of Christ, the novelty 
and the superiority of the Christian dispensation; they 
listened with curiosity and respect to the stories of those 
who had known the Apostles. But the Gnostic philosophies 
were pagan, no other, indeed, being then available, and for 
the early Christians Paganism was an instinctive barrier. 
Had the Gnostics prevailed Christianity would have been 
at an end; happily it was the Church of the simple that 
triumphed. And yet, perhaps, something has been lost 
with the disappearance of the traces of the struggle. The 
historian may regret the loss of traditions which threatened 
to occupy a place similar to that they hold in Mahommedan 
theology. Some great truths held alike by Orthodox and 
Gnostics were allowed to fall into the background. The 
Church resolutely set its face against all inquiries into the 
origin of evil. But whenever Christian poets and divines 
have dared to overleap the limits of our ignorance they have 
always begun with that first supposition of the Gnostics — 
the pre-existence of the soul. 

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" Our birth is but a sleep and a forgettiDg : 
The soul that rises with us, our life's star, 
Hath had elsewhere its setting, 
And Cometh from afar. 

Hence, in a season of calm weather. 

Though inland far we be, 
Our souls have sight of that immortal sea 

Which brought us hither ; 

Can in a moment travel hither — 
And see the children sport upon the shore, 
And hear the mighty waters rolling evermore." 

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Art. XVI.— -Yo^^ on the Past Tense in Mardthi. By Stbn 
EoNOW, of the UniYersity of Ohristisnis, Norway. 

The past tense in Marathi is formed by adding a suffix Id. 
The same suffix is also used in Bihari, Oriya, Bengali, and 
Oujarati. This form has long been a puzzle to scholars. 
Mr. BeameSy A Comparative Orammar of the Modem Aryan 
Languages of India, toI. iii, p. 135, compares the past tense 
in SlaTonio languages ; Dr. Hoemle, A Comparative Orammar 
of the Oaudian Languages, p. 139 f., deriyes ia from the suffix 
ta of the past participle passive in Sanskrit ; and Sir Oharles 
Lyall, A Sketch of the Hindustani Language, Edinburgh, 1880, 
p. 48 f., thinks that fa is a diminutiye suffix added to the old 
past participle passive. This last view is essentially the 
same as that held by Dr. Gh*ierson, who some time ago, and 
before I had arrived at any independent opinion regarding 
the question, told me that he derives la from the Prakrit 
suffix ilia (Hemacandra, ii, 164). 

It is not my intention to discuss the whole matter in this 
place. I hope that such a discussion will soon proceed from 
a more competent authority, and I shall only draw attention 
to some phonetical features in Marathi which wiU, in my 
opinion, throw some new light on the matter. 

It is a well-known fact that Marathi possesses two 
^sounds, a dental and a cerebral one, but this fact has 
never, so far as I am aware, been satisfactorily explained. 

The cerebral / only occurs between vowels, and its use is 
also in that position restricted. The Prakrits do not give 
any clue towards the solution of the question about its use. 
In most manuscripts the cerebral / is never written, while 
others, copied in South India, always use / instead of /. 

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An inspection of numerons instances in Marathi has led 
me to the following conclusion : Every singk 1 between poweb 
in the Prakrite becomes \ in Marathi, ivhik U becomes L 

This role does not apply to modem compounds, nor to 
tatsamas and other borrowed words, and the initial / of 
postpositions is not changed after words ending in vowels. 
In other cases I have not found any exception to the rule. 

Single / between Towels becomes /. Thus, dfakkhjii, to 
know, Prakrit ihkkhdi ; kdl^ time, Prakrit kdla ; kM^ black, 
Prakrit kdlaa ; galdy neck, Prakrit galaa ; ga^ne, to fall, 
Ptakrit galm ; gdld, globe, Prakrit gdlaa ; ddld, eye, Prakrit 
ddkta ; pa^ne, to run, Prakrit paUkn ; phal^ fruit, Prakrit 
phala ; mt/"nS, to meet, Prakrit milat ; mute, on account of, 
Prakrit m6linam ; vitdl, impurity, Prakrit mffdla. 

Double / between Towels becomes /. Thus, andil, male, 
Prakrit *andilh ; atll, being in, Prakrit *antiUa ; did, wet, 
Prakrit oUaa ; kdl, yesterday, Prakrit kallam ; ghdl'ne, to 
throw, Prakrit ghallm ; tsdhie, to go, Prakrit calkn (Hema- 
dandra, iv, 231) ; cikhal, mud, Prakrit cikkhalla ; tel, oil, 
Prakrit tella ; phUl, flower, Prakrit phuUa ; bbH^, to say, 
Prakrit boUat ; bail, a bull, Prakrit bdilla ; bhuhfe, to forget 
oneself, Prakrit bhulldi ; vadih an elder, Prakrit mddilla. 

It seems to me that there can be no doubt regarding the 
existence of this law. And we are, I think, justified in 
using it for the explanation of dubious forms. Thus the 
form pahild, the first, must be deriTed from a hypothetical 
*prathillaa, and not from *prathilaa. The Apabhramda fbrm 
pahila represents the modem, and not the Prakrit stage. 
Ap^ld, his, must be compared with Prakrit appulla. Further, 
the suffix Id of the past tense must be derived from llaa, that 
is from illaa, as Br. Orierson thinks ; compare Ardharaagadhl 
dmlliya, brought. 

It is of interest to note that the change of / to / is also 
found in Pai^i and in OGlikapaificika. The conditions 
seem to be exactly the same as in modem Marathi. Comport 
kuhth, saHlaih, jakm, pdhkb. Kid, but ucchallanti. There is 
no connection between Marathi and these old dialects, bttt 
the coincidence shows that the law is an old one, and th*t 

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it is not restricted to Marathl. I do not doubt that farther 
investigations will show that / and / interchange according 
to the same law in other modem Temacolars where both 
sounds occur. 

It may be noted that n and n between vowels appear to 
be interchangeable in exactly the same way as was the case 
with / and /. That is to say, n is derived from a single, and 
n from a double n. We are, in this case, able to follow 
the development farther back. Ardhamagadhi, Jaina 
Miharas^riy and Jaina Sauraseni change every single n 
between vowels to n, but usually write n in the beginning 
of words, and nn between vowels. The oldest manuscripts 
prefer n in all positions, but n is very common in all paper 
manuscripts. Compare Pischel, Orammatik der PrakrH- 
sprachen, § 224. 

Medial n is preserved in Marathl : thus, an'yil, to fetch, 
Prakrit *dnaanaam^\ kdrty whoP Prakrit kO una or kd nu; 
iine (-kariin), therefore, Prakrit tinam; pan, but, Prakrit 
puna; bahin, sister, Prakrit ^(?A/nt. 

Medial nn becomes n : thus, kSn, ear, Prakrit kamta ; dOn, 
two, Prakrit domi ; dzund, old, Prakrit jtmnaa ; ran, forest, 
Prakrit ranna; vinavine, to entreat, Prakrit fnnnavH; 8(^, 
gold, Prakrit Bonnaa. 

1 I do not believe in the deriration of the infinitive suffix 9I from -onlyaM. 
The suffix ana, ai^u in Apabhramto (Hemacandra, iv, 411) certainly belongs t6 
an ordinary verbal nonn in ana, and I am unable to explain the phonetical 
changes and the development of the sense of the form which must be supposed 
when adopting the derivation from aniyam. The suffix aniya becomes af^\jja in 
Maharaftri, and Mara^h! agrees with that dialect in the formation of passive 
forms. Hindi and especially Braj, on the other hand, show some points of 
connection with ^uraseni (compare, for instance, kiyau, done, with Sauraseni 
kida, where Mahura^^ri has kaa), and anlya in Sauraseni becomes o^ia. 
I therefore think it probable that an old verbal noun in anaa, corresponding 
to ihe Apabhramto infinitive in ai^, has in Hindi been confounded with a form 
derived from the participle of necessity in anlya. Such a supposition would 
ei^lain the fact that the Hindi form in na is used both as an infinitive and a» 
a future participle passive. In Mara^i, however, the form in 9} is a pure verbal 
noun. And its derivation from aniya ii, I think, phonetically impossible. A suffix 
-tfMMNWM, on the other hand, must become Mar^b! 9?, Braj imw, and 00 lorih. 
Compare tiie analogous development of the past participle passive. 

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There is, howeyer, some uncertainty with regard to the 
matter. In the Dekhan every n is, at least in many places, 
pronounced as a dental, and we cannot, therefore, expect 
that the two sounds should be correctly distinguished. Thus 
we find vdn and f?an, colour ; ani and dnt, and ; and so forth. 
The word rdni, a queen, is probably correct. It is scarcely 
derived from a Prakrit •ranni, as the corresponding rdd 
usually preserves the long d, and the analogy of this word 
should, therefore, be expected to counteract the shortening 
of d in rq/ni. The suffix un of the conjunctive participle 
woxdd be against the rule, if it is in reality identical with 
Maharastr! una. The old forms in On, oiii, and Onit/a make 
the explanation of this suffix very difficult, and I am not 
able to solve the question. Compare the old ablative suffixes 
pdsunit/a, huniya. Niya seems to be a postposition of the 
ablative or the instrumental added to the old form in u. 
Compare Gujarat! {h)ne. 

I have already mentioned that the suffix of the past tense 
probably goes back on an older illaa. This suffix is in the 
Prakrits interchangeable with allaa and ulha, and I think 
it probable that one of these latter forms occurs in past 
tenses such as buddid, he sank. 

There are in Marathi several irregular verbs, and some 
of these allow us to see that the //-suffix was really added 
to the past participle in ta. I shall make some remarks on 
a few of these forms. 

Poetical texts have preserved several old forms. Thus, 
kddhiyaii, taken out, for the modem kddhile, where the old 
participle is clearly preserved. The same is the case with 
pdiaU, went, from Prakrit pdttaillaa. Several such forms 
have been mentioned by Sir Charles Lyall, l.c., and the 
reader may be referred to that work for further instances. 

The old participle is also easily recognizable in several 
forms in the modern language. Thus, kite, done ; geU, gone ; 
mite, dead, clearly contain the old Maharastr! participles 
kaa, gaa, maa, respectively. It is of interest to note that 
kite is derived from kaa, and not from kia, kida, which latter 
form is common in l^aurasen!. Pydle, drunk, contains pia ; 

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ihydle, feared, bhia ; and lyUlS, pat on, probably a *lia. 
Khdlle, ate, is not clear to me. There exists a poetical form 
khddiie, which seems to be the origin of it, but this latter 
form looks like a late loan-word from Sanskrit. 

The t of the past participle has been preserved in forms 
«uch as ghei^le, taken; ghdi^S, put; dhut^le, washed; baghii^le, 
seen ; sdhgii^le, said ; mdgit^le, asked. This t must be traced 
back to a double t in Prakrit. Oheif^te is derived from 
^hetta, a form which must be inferred from Maharastn 
ghettUna, Qhdif^te belongs to Prakrit ghallai, to throw, from 
which a past participle *ghatta, that is ghalta, might be 
formed. The t of the other forms must be explained after 
the analogy of Prakrit forms such as hatta^^haa, killed; 
Jchatta=khda, dug; that is, the t of the su£Sx has been 
doubled under the influence of the accent. 

In mhafle, said; kharU^le, dug; and hdfU, slain, a t 
precedes the suffix le. The form mhafte is probably derived 
from a Prakrit *bhattha, formed from *bhii§'ta, just as lattha, 
friendly, from *la§'ta. It might, however, also be derived 
directly from the root bhaL This verb is in Prakrit con- 
jugated as belonging to the 9th class, and the same was 
perhaps originally the case in Sanskrit. The forms khanfte 
and hSf^te are not clear to me. I may note that a form 
mhanfte^ said, occurs in dialects. 

The mentioned forms are not all clear, but this much they 
«how, that the suffix Al is an additional suffix added to the 
old past participle passive. 

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1. A Eectification. 

3, Via San Francesco Poverino, Florence. 
January 9, 1902. 

My dbar Professor, — ^I have recently received a letter 
from General Houtum Schindler in Tehran, from which it 
appears that, quite unintentionally, I have misstated his 
views in my recent paper (J.R.A.S. for April, 1901) on 
"The Cities of Kirman." I therefore hasten to set th^ 
matter right. In regard to the site of Sirjan (p. 282 of 
last year's volume) I have misunderstood General Schindler 
in supposing that he had identified this place with the 
modem Sa'idabad ; on the contrary, General Schindler is of 
opinion that this, the older capital, probably stood in the 
Mashiz plain, which is considerably to the eastward of 
Sa'Idabad. In the second place, in connection with the 
etymology of the name Bardasir (note 1 to p. 283), 
General Schindler disclaims any reliance on the statements 
of the Persian dictionary called Farhang-i-Anjumdn Ard, 
which he knew to be misleading and incorrect. — Believe me 
to be, yours most truly, 

G. Le Strange. 

2. The term Sahampati. 

Sir, — ^In the course of Dr. Anesaki's interesting letter on. 
the Agamas in the J.E.A.S. for 1901, p. 899, he gives the 

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explanation of Japanese scholars of the puzzling title 
Sahampati applied to Brahma in Buddhist books. Chinese 
scholars interpret it somewhat differently. They translate the 
first part of the word sometimes by ' patient ' and sometimes 
by * mixed/ and explain the whole word as meaning "the 
inhabitants of the sphere over which Sakya - Buddha's 
influence extends." The older Chinese translators generally 
transcribed it ahd'po or sha-bo, which is apparently meant to 
represent sarva or aabba, but the meaning they give is 
always either 'patient' or 'mixed/ and not 'perishable.' 
It is evident that those who give the meaning ' patient ' had 
the root sah, *to be patient/ in view; and those who give the 
meaning ' mixed ' had the preposition saka, ' with/ in view. 
The Chinese Buddhist scholiasts further explain the word 
' patient ' thus : — 

" all creatures inhabiting the sphere which is under Sakya- 
Buddha patiently bear ragas, dvesas, and mohas/' ^ 

And the word ' mixed ' thus : — 

" in this sphere holy sages, gods, common people, and 
the beings in hell are found, they are mixed in 
that world," 

so that, in the view of those writers, Sahampati has the same 
meaning as Prajapati.^ 


^ Cf. Earuna-pun^arika (Calc. ed., fasc. i, p. 63), where we must read saha 
instead of saha, 

' [This comes to much the same as Dr. Anesaki's eiplanation " Lord of the 
Shaba world," where shaba is an interesting cross between sarva and sabba. It 
seems more natural to connect Sahampati, as an epithet of Brahma, with 
svof/ambhu, also used as such an epithet. So already m 1881, in our **yinaya 
Texts," 1. 86; and Professor Franke, in 1893, in the Vienna Journal, p. 359. 
The Chinese derivations are very forced. K one wanted to say ** Lord of the 
world,*' is it probable one woula have said either ** Lord of the patient ones" 
or ''Lord of the with's," even if either of these explanations were etymolosically 
satisfactory P But they belong to the sphere of exegesis rather than to uat of 
etymology — like the word-plays in the Old Testament or in the Agganna 
Suttanta— and, as such, are very ingenious. — Rh. D.] 

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3. Water (vatura) in Sinhalese. 

Indian Institute, Oxford. 

January 22, 1902. 

Dear Professor Ehts Davids, — As the word vatura in 
the sense of 'flowing water' occurs in an inscription of 
King Dappula V (a.d. 940-952), which I have just edited 
for the "Epigraphia Zeylanica/' I had to go into the question 
of its correct signification and its etymology, about which 
you and Mr. Ferguson contributed several interesting notes 
to the Journal for 1898 (pp. 198, 367-369) and for 1901 
(pp. 119-120). 

There is no doubt that vatura, as well as its more archaic 
form vaturu, meant originally 'water in motion,' and not 
'water' pure and simple, as it is now understood. To the 
authorities already cited, I may add the Ruvanmala and 
the Piyummala (Pandit Batuvantudave's edition, 1892, 
pp. 21, 81, and 90), as well as Jayatilaka's Elu-akaradiya 
(p. 37), where only the old form vaturu is given as a 
synonym of dga (Pali ogha), ' flood ' ; megha, * rain-cloud ' ; 
saiu or pili, 'cloth.' Of the words dii/a and diyara, the 
former is common enough in the literature, and always 
means simply * water,' except, of course, when it represents 
the Skt. words jaya, ' victory ' ; j'agat, * world ' ; and j'yd, 
* bow-string' (Piyummala, p. 103) ; the latter, on the other 
hand, is not recorded in any of the well-known vocabularies 
such as Namavaliya, Ruvanmala, nor have I come across it 
in inscriptions or standard works. Jayatilaka also omits it 
from his useful Elu-akaradiya (Colombo, 1893). We see, 
however, from Mr. Ferguson's letter at p. 369 of the Journal 
for 1898, that diyara and diya were synonyms commonly 
used in every-day talk so far back as the beginning of the 
seventeenth century. 

Turning to the etymology of these three words, we 
find James de Alwis derives vatura from Skt. ran. 
Dr. Goldschmidt from vdtula, while my friends Mudaliyar 
B. Gu^asekara and Professor Geiger connect it with 

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tSkt. vistara, 'extensive/ through Pali and Pkt. vitthara 
("Etymologie des Singhalesischen," Munich, 1897, p. 78; 
also his "Litteratur und Sprache der Singhalesen/' Strassburg, 
1901, pp. 32 and 36). Mr. Ferguson, in his last note on 
the subject (J.B.A.S., 1901, p. 119), adheres to this 
etymology. There is yet another derivation which I wish 
to submit, and which seems to me to be more in accordance 
with the phonetic laws of Sinhalese. I should connect 
vatura or vaturu with the Sanskrit mrtaruka (Hemacandra's 
Anekarthasangraha, iv, 31), through a Prakritic form 
*vatiarfM and Sinhalese *vataru and vaturu (cf. Sinh. 
katura = Skt. kartari ; Sinh. turu = Skt. tdrd or tdraka ; 
Sinh. ragman = Skt. mrtamdna; Sinh. (farii = Skt. ddraka). 
Vartaruka, moreover, means a whirlpool, an eddy. It is 
also the name of a river. Compare in this connection Skt. 
dvarta, * whirlpool,' and d-vartaka, name of a form of cloud 

Professor Geiger has rightly adhered to the recognized 
etymology of dii/a from Pali daka. We have dala from Skt. 
Jala in dala-dara (Skt. jala-dhara^ * cloud,' and jala-dhdrd, 
^current of water, stream'). The word diyara, however, 
I am inclined to consider either as a derivative of a 
compound daka-dhdrd or as a word formed from diya by 
adding ra on the analogy of vatura. The different spellings 
diya-wara^ diaura, diora, quoted by Mr. Ferguson (J.R.AJS., 
1898, p. 369), seem to support the first etymology. Compare 
also Sinh. piyayuru with Skt. payodhara. — ^Yours very truly, 

Don M. de Zilva Wickremasinghb. 

4. Two Old Manuscripts. 

17, Elysium Bow, Calcutta. 
December 10, 1901. 

Dear Sir, — It may interest the members of the Society 
to learn that in the course of removing the Records of the 
Board of Examiners, Fort William, which is the existing 

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representative of the College of Fort WilHam, to the new 
offices^ I have unearthed two rather interesting manuscripts. 
One is a large thick folio of 271 manuscript pages, in 
excellent condition, except as regards the calf binding. The 
paper is thick, and bears in it a watermark, a shield, on 
which is a bend, the shield surmounted by a fleur de lis and 
beneath it the letters G. E. The paper is yellowed by age 
and somewhat mottled by damp, but otherwise is in excellent 
preservation. The title-page reads as follows : — 




The Laws of 


THE Hindu System of 


Religious and Civil, 

vbrballt translated from the 

Original Sanscrit 

By Sir William Jones." 

This MS. appears on the face of it to be Sir William 
Jones' original manuscript. It is undoubtedly in his 
handwriting, as judged by specimens of his script in the 
records of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. I have no 
knowledge of the circumstances under which this MS. came 
into the possession of the College of Fort William, whose 
Library stamp it bears. 

II. The second MS. is the original Catalogue of the 
Library of Tippoo Sultan, made in 1806 by Major Charles 
Stewart This is a folio of 105 pages, in Stewart's own 
handwriting and bearing his signature. 

I have collated it with the printed Catalogue of the 
Library pubUshed at Cambridge in 1809, and am about to 
bring the MS. before the Asiatic Society of Bengal at the 
next meeting. It is in good condition, but requires re- 
binding. Not a page, however, is missing. 

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The title-page reads — 

"Detailed Catalogue of the Library of the late Tippoo Sultan of 
Mysore. Compiled A.D. 1086 [sic ; in pencil is added " 1806 ? "]." 

The last words are— 

" Having given the Titles of the Books in the Persian Character^ 
I have not been at all studious in my Oriental Orthography, nor have 
I attempted in the course of the work any Elegance of Language. 
It may perhaps mitigate the severity of criticism when it is ^own 
that from the commencement of this work till its conclusion only 
five months have elapsed. College, January 7, 1806. 

S7 Charles Stewart" 

Yours faithfully, 

George Ranking, M.D., 

Lieut.-Col., I.M.S. 

5. The word Eozola as used of Eadphises on 
EusHAN Coins. 

March 15, 1902. 

Dear Professor Ehys Davids, — Mr. Vincent Smith's 
paper on the Eushan, or Indo-Scythian Period, read at the 
last meeting of the Society, has shown that there is much 
to be said in fayour of a readjustment of present conceptions 
as to the chronology of the Eushan kings. At any rate 
it has revived my interest in the question as to what the 
term Eozola means which, is found attached to the name of 
Eadphises I» and I venture to offer a solution. 

As this monarch consolidated the five Yue-chi kingdoms 
and became the sole supreme head of the Eushan empire, 
I at one time suspected that the word might be intended 
to represent the Latin title Caesar, or even Ehusro, but this 
proved to me to be untenable when I considered that the 
longer expression Eozola-kara is, unless I am mistaken, found 
as qualifying Eadphises. This shows that the term must be 
explained by a word which is equivalent in meaning, whether 
it be Eozola or Eozola-kara. We have the words Kuiala 
and Euiala-kara in Sanscrit which satisfy this requirement. 

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They mean 'proeperous/ 'prosperity-causing^/ and 'auspicious' 
or 'propitious/ The parallel terms Ksh ema and Ksh ema- 
kara in Sanscrit are of exactly similar meaning. I am not 
sure that I should not be justified in saying that the same 
idea of the auspicious or prosperous underlies the very 
name of Augustus, whose coins seem to have served as an 
archetype for one issue at least of Eadphises ; and perhaps 
the word Augustus may have suggested Kozola. In cases 
where one meets Kozolakasa, or Euyalakasa, or Eujalakasa, 
this would be the genitive of KuSalaka, a noun formed from 
the adjective Ku6ala. — Yours truly, 


6. Buddhist Notes. 

British Museum, 
March 25, 1902. 

Dbar Professor Rhts Davids, — Perhaps the following 
observations may have some interest, despite their trifling 
nature. If there should be any error in them I shall be 
grateful for correction. 

1. Apparently there exists in Burma a Pali version of the 
Lalitavistara. That maker of books without end, the late 
Shwegyin Hsadaw, has written a little tract called Kdtnddi- 
navakathd, containing the well-known passage describing 
the sleeping damsels seen by Siddbartha (pp. 252/ in the 
Bibliotheca Indica), with a Burmese translation and homiletic 
notes (Mandalay, 1894, 1898). 

2. The British Museum possesses two MSS. of a little 
Bimbamanavidhi (Or. 5291-2), which begins — 

apa^dugaridam aruj^adharam ayataksim 
bhrucapacarucaturasmitam indukantam 
maranganavadanapaukajam abhyabari 
yenavadbutam avatat sugatasya yusman. 

This apparently means "may you be blest through the 
sanctity of the Buddha, for whose sake a smile was brought 

J.IUA.8. 1902. 2S 

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upon the lotos-faces of Mara's maids" (Lalitayistara, xxi). 
The interest lies in the imperative avatdi. After pointing 
out the extreme rarity of imperatives in -tdt in later Sanskrit, 
Whitney remarks that for the " benedictive " value of this 
form avouched by the grammarians (Fanini, vii> 1. 35, etc.) 
no examples appear to be quotable. Here is a striking 

3. There is a certain wit in passages such as the 
mangaldcarana of the Jain Jyotisasaroddbara — 

tarn namfimi jiDadhi9am sarvajnam sarvasiddhidam 
pratibimbitam abhati jagad yajjnanadarpane. 

This is clearly a voice from the Sankhya. The Tirthankara 
is omniscient ; the content of his thought is the whole 
universe. For this his mind is a perfect mirror ; himself 
Buddha, he cognizes the All with pure buddhi. Remembering 
that two of the functions of buddhi are defined as '' reflexion 
of object " and " reflexion of soul," we see all these points 
brought out still more explicitly in the opening stanza of the 
Daivajnakamadhenu of the Buddhist Anomadassi — 
pratiphalanti jaganti samantato 
mahati yad dhi aandmani darpane 
sa bhagavan munir Ihita siddhaye 
hrdi ciram mama gandhakutiyatam. 

** Forasmuch as the imiverse is reflected in the great 
(mahat = buddhi) mirror that has the same name as he 
(i.e. the buddhi of the Buddha), may the saintly Lord long 
dwell enshrined in my heart," etc. — Very sincerely yours, 

L. D. Barnett. 



Owyn/a, Cheltenham. 

March 25, 1902. 

My dear Professor Rhys Davids, — I regret to say that 
I find a serious and misleading blunder in my paper on 

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kubinIbI. 431 

Eusinara, ante, p. 140, top. For the sentenoe " The 
discovery .... garden/' please substitute ''The dis- 
covery of the true site of the Lumbini Oarden proved that 
Ku^inagara could not possibly be represented by the remains 
near Easia, which are neither at the right distance, nor in 
the right direction, from the garden." 

Also the following errata: — Ante, p. 152, line 3, for 
' Magistrate ' read ' Commissioner ' ; ibid., f ootnote, for 
* 1889 ' read ' 1898/ I am indebted to Mr. Walter Lupton, 
M.B.A.S., for pointing out the former error, which was due 
to a slip of memory on my part. The second error is merely 

a misprint. — Yours sincerely, 

V. A, Smith. 

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A Catalogub of the Striac Maxxtscripts prbsbrvbd in 
THE Library op thb Univbrsity op Cambridgb. By 
the late William Wright, LL.D.; with an Introdnotion 
and Appendix by Stanley Arthur Oook, M.A. 1901. 

No work on Syriac or Ajrabic literature could come to the 
world better recommended than one bearing on its title-page 
the name of W. Wright. The present Catalogue, of which 
more than three-quarters were prepared by that eminent 
scholar, provides a further proof of his extraordinary industry, 
to which Oriental study owes so many monuments. The 
MSS. catalogued are far less interesting in every way than 
those of the British Museum, but this fact does not diminish 
the gratitude due to those who have gone through the 
trouble of acquainting the world with the nature of their 
contents. The editor, besides describing those MSS. which 
Wright had not examined, has contributed an Introduction 
dealing with the history of the accessions to the Syriac 
collection of the Cambridge Library and also a valuable note 
on South Indian Syriac MSS. The arrangement of MSS. in 
the Catalogue, which appears to follow the shelf-numbers 
in the Library, is less helpful than the arrangement 
according to subjects which is ordinarily adopted ; but the 
Indexes which the editor has appended compensate for this 

D. S. Margoliouth. 

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Bruchstuckb Indischer Schauspible in Inschriften zu 
Ajmbrb. Yon F. Eiblhorn. Mit 4 Tafeln. Separat- 
abdruck aus der Festschrift zur Feier des 150 jahrigen 
Bestehens der Eonigl. GeseUschaft der Wissenschaften 
zu Gottingen, 1901. (Berlin: Weidmannsclie Buch- 
handlung, 1901.) 

The inscriptions which Professor Eielhom now publishes 
are found on four basalt slabs which are kept in the Arhai- 
din-ka Jhompra mosque in Ajmere. They have already been 
partly edited by the same scholar in the Indian Antiquary^ 
ToL XX, and in the Oottinger Nachrkhten for the year 1893. 
The new edition is based on better pencil rubbings and 
accompanied by photolithographic plates of the originals. 

The Ajmere slabs contain fragments of two plays, 
the LalitaYigraharajanataka, written in honour of King 
Yigraharaja of Sambhar, and the Harakelinataka by King 
Yigraharaja himself. The former is styled a Nataka, but 
is in reality a Natika. Both are engraved by Bhaskara, 
the son of Mahipati, and the latter is dated Samvat 
1210=1153 A.D. 

The fact that these plays were engraved on stone is of 
interest as giving some support to the tradition according 
to which the Hanumannataka was originally engraved on 
a rock. Their chief importance, however, rests with the fact 
that they contain passages in Prakrit which more closely 
agree with the rules laid down by the Prakrit grammarians 
than is the case with any known manuscripts of Sanskrit 
plays. This is especially the case with the Lalitavigraha- 
rajanataka. We find here three Prakrit dialects used — 
Maharastri, l^aurasenl, and Magadhl. The last-mentioned 
dialect is not used in the Harakelinataka, and the Prakrit 
passages in this play are, on the whole, far inferior to those 
occurring in Somadeva's work. 

The spoken vernaculars of India had in the twelfth 
century a.d. developed very far from the stage represented 
by the literary Prakrits, and an author who wished to use 

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those forms of speech in his compositions was, accordingly, 
obliged to learn Prakrit from literary sources. The manu- 
scripts of older plays were, as we can see from Hemacandra's 
grammar, at this period much better than now. And 
a study of them might therefore convey a fair idea of the 
peculiarities of the various Prakrit dialects. There is no 
reason for supposing that Somadeva and Yigraharaja have 
not studied their predecessors. But such a study is not 
sufficient to account for the comparative correctness of the 
Prakrits, especially in Somadeva's work, and there can be no 
doubt that there has been another source from which they 
derived their knowledge. This source cannot be anything 
else than the Prakrit grammarians. 

Professor Pischel has already a long time ago, when these 
inscriptions were for the first time made known, drawn 
attention to the fact that Somadeva's Prakrit is, broadly 
speaking, in close accordance with the rules laid down in 
Hemacandra's Prakrit grammar. This is not only the case 
where Hemacandra's rules are in accordance with the practice 
in the oldest plays, but often also where his sources have 
been corrupt. The rich materials collected in Professor 
Pischel's masterly Prakrit grammar make it a comparatively 
easy task to state the relation between them, the more so 
because Professor Kielhom in footnotes refers the reader to 
Professor Pischel's book. It is not necessary to go into 
details in order to show the general agreement of Somadeva's 
Prakrit with Hemacandra's rules, as this has already been 
done in a review of Dr. Bloch's ''Yararuci und Hemacandra" 
in the Obttinger gekhrte Anzeigen^ 1894, pp. 478 flF. I shall 
only make some remarks regarding the instances where 
Somadeva's Prakrit is incorrect. 

A medial t ought to be dropped in Maharastri. It is, 
however, in some instances changed to d. Thus, mdladi, 
agahida, amunida. It is probable that here we have only to 
do with ordinary blunders. The Prakrit grammarians teach 
that t becomes d in certain words, not however in those 
just quoted. Hemacandra declares that this change is not 
justified. He admits, however, that instances occur. They 

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moBty he informs xhb, be explained by means of the rule 
i^atyayai ca, aocording to which the various dialects are 
freely mixed up with each other. That is to say, that the 
rules of his grammar may, if convenient, be disregarded. It 
is characteristic for Hemacandra as a systematic grammarian 
that the first and last rule about Prakrit teaches to neglect 
the whole grammar ad libitum, 

I shall now turn to Somadeva's daurasenl. We here find 
several orthographic mistakes ; thus, final m instead of lih 
e.g. detHyam anurdam edrisam ; n instead of n, e.g. NonUUie 
and Nomdlie ; double consonants in the beginning of words, 
e.g. Uhdne, wavasidam, jijh\jjai\ single consonant instead of 
double ones, e.g. pacakkhdim, tamapasara, and so forth. Most 
of these are probably only slips of the pen. The same is the 
case with kitti for kirn ti, kifina for kith na, humti for hdnti, 
etc. Hemacandra's grammar contains many similar blunders, 
and they are of no importance. The words of Desaladevi, 
plate i, 1. 37 f., are pure Maharastr! and were perhaps 
meant as verses. 

There remain, however, several blunders of a more 
serious kind. 

The form dupp^ccha, i, 7 is Maharastr!. The corresponding 
Sauraseni form is dvpp^kkha. The grammarians do not, 
however, give any rule about this word. 

A t between vowels becomes d in l^uraseni. This rule is 
usually observed by Somadeva. We find, however, also the 
Maharastr! form in words such as edrisam, rayandim. These 
are probably mere slips, and are against the rules of all 
grammarians, with the exception of the convenient vyatyayat 
ea and bahulam, Hemacandra commits the same blunder 
in his Eumarapalacarita, a monstrous work which clearly 
shows how little he really understood of Prakrit. Compare 
fmavaind:=jinapatind, vii, 94. 

Th becomes dh under the same conditions as those under 
which t is changed to d. The rule is, however, according to 
Hemacandra, iv, 267, and other authorities who copied his 
statements, only facultative. Somadeva follows this laxer 
rule and presents forms such as manoraha, jahaUha. 

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The inflection of nouns and verbs is in accordance with 
HemacaDdra's rules. The locative plural ends in su, not in 
wm; thus, peramtem. The grammarians do not give any 
rule about the formation of this case in l^auraseni. The 
correct form is, however, probably Bum; compare Pischel, 
Orammatiky § 371. 

The false form kdmim-raana, i, 8, is only a misprint for 

The form tuj/ha for tuha, thy, in i, 2, is probably false, 
but quite in accordance with Hemacandra, who actually 
gives tt^'ha in Sauraseni, Eumarapalacarita, vii, 101. 

In the inflection of verbs we may note forms such as 
gihlda, huvamti^ huvidatmm, which, though wrong, are not 
forbidden by Hemacandra. The conjunctive participles in 
una, e.g. dacchiUna, pikkhiUna, kdriUnay are Maharastrl and not 
j^uraseni. Hemacandra, however, allows the forms in d&na. 

The Sauraseni termination of the passive is tadi, Hema- 
candra, however, freely uses the mixed form in ij/adi. The 
same is the case with Somadeva, who writes pikkhtyadi, jam'- 
pijfadi, p^kkhipathti, and so forth. 

Somadeva's use of the particles wa for iva, khu after a and 
o, and hu in Sauraseni is probably wrong, but is in accordance 
with Hemacandra's grammar. The same is the case with 
the use of ddni for iddnim in the beginning of a sentence. 

The only point where Somadeva's Sauraseni differs from 
Hemacandra is in the particle j[feva:=eva for Hemacandra's 
ypeva. I think it probable that Somadeva has here followed 
the practice of older plays. 

Several of the preceding remarks also apply to the Magadhi 
passages in the Lalitavigraharajanataka. Compare forms 
such as iialfjLtxm^Bvarupam, ydniyyadi for ydniadi^fndyati, 
hage khu for hage kkhu^aham khalu, vva=iva, and so on. All 
these forms are in accordance with Hemacandra's practice. 
The same is the case with the substitution of nd for nt in 
forms such b& payyamda^paryanta. Hemacandra allows this 
change also in Sauraseni. The change of nt U) nd ia now 
common in Pafijabi, Sindhi, MultaDl, Naipali, and EaiSmiri. 
It is also occasionally met with in the Prem Sagar, from 

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438 NoncBS of books. 

which work I have noted Vaisandara = Vaihantara. Compare 
Dr. Grierson, ZDMO., 1, p. 36. It is therefore probable 
that such forms are due to the influence of the Western 
yemaculars spoken in the neighbourhood of Hemacandra's 
home, just as his Apabhramsa is often pure Oujarati. 
Compare, however, Pischel's Prakrit Grammatik, § 275. 

Hemacandra teaches that j\ dy^ and y in Magadhi become 
y and yy. He does not, however, give any such rule for the 
treatment of the corresponding aspirates. Forms such as 
n^hala and yMijjha are, therefore, not in disaccord with his 
grammar. The only point where Somadeva really differs 
from Hemacandra in his Magadhi is in the treatment of 
original Ars, ;A;, and rth^ for which he substitutes i^, kk^ it^ and 
8t respectively, instead of Hemacandra's hk and sk, sk, and st. 
I do not think that this disaccord is in reality serious. In 
Hemacandra, iv, 296, ksasya ikah, *hk must be substituted for 
k8\ the jihvamiiliya h is not written in any manuscript, but 
we find ks and 6 instead of it. The same may have been the 
case in the copy which Somadeva used. We can clearly see 
how little he was able to distinguish between the different 
s-sounds in his treatment of rth, which, according to 
Hemacandra, becomes st Somadeva has iaita =i sdrtha, 
but aste^artha^ yahastath for yadhastamznyathdrtham, and 
so on. The same remark holds good with regard to the 
change of sk to ik instead of Hemacandra's ak. Compare 
TuluSka=Turuska, iuika^iuska. Namisadhu, whose sources 
must have been somewhat the same as Hemacandra's, has ik 
as Somadeva. 

I cannot, therefore, see any serious obstacle to the sup- 
position that Somadeva actually used Hemacandra's grammar. 
It is well known that the courts of Sambhar and Aijihilvad 
were in intercourse with each other, and it is therefore quite 
probable that copies of Hemacandra's grammar were sent to 

The Harakelinataka also contains some passages in Prakrit, 
but only in Maharastri and Saurasenl. The two dialects are 
much more mixed up with each other than was the case 
in Somadeva's work. But the mistakes are exactly of the^ 

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same kind. Thus we find 'ggahida^grhita in Maharastri; 
duggai =idurgati ; niggaa:=znirgataf ndha^mdiha, etc., in 
Sauraseni. Other mistakes of the Harakelinataka do not 
oocur in the Lalitavigraharajanataka, but do not, on the 
other hand, sin against any of Hemacandra's rules. Compare 
the locatives satnaammi and aggini, the imperative p^kkhadAam, 
the use of the theme kun = kr in kunehi, and forms such as 
avidio, that is abidio = adviCiga, mahaddruna for mahdddruna, 
and so on. 

The preceding remarks will have shown that the Prakrit 
dialects of both plays are not correct, but still, on the 
whole, in agreement with the teaching of contemporary 
grammarians. This is of importance for the understanding 
of the Prakrits and their history. It shows, as does also 
Hemacandra's grammar, that the knowledge of the different 
Prakrit dialects was in the twelfth century vague. The old 
writings had been copied during centuries by more or less 
ignorant writers, the dialects had been mixed up, and 
had long ago ceased to be clearly understood. The later 
grammarians based their works on their predecessors and 
on the manuscripts, which did not any more faithfully 
represent the old dialects. But these grammars were used 
by the authors for their compilations, as they are used to 
the present day. And we may safely conclude that the 
oonunon practice had been the same for centuries. 

The fact that we are able to prove that these authors 
used a Prakrit grammar for their work is of importance, 
because it conclusively shows that this was the practice, 
and that the authority of the grammarians can accordingly 
be, at least to a great extent, relied on when we have to 
correct Prakrit manuscripts; It is quite irrelevant for this 
question whether Hemacandra or some related Jaina gram- 
marian was the authority used by Somadeva and Yigraharaja. 

Professor Kielhom's edition is excellent. I have only 
noted a few misprints. Thus, p. 2, 1. 20, kdmini for kdmini ; 
p. 6, 1. 19, praddg=za8mad' for praddg^dsmad; p. 7, 1. 23, 
namn=eva for ndmn^em ; p. 8, note 6, bhQsiabbham' for 
bhiUidabbhafh" ; p. 9, note 2, edrisam for eddrisam ; p. 19, 

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1. 27 ff., ought to have been printed as verse ; p. 24, note 2, 
talK is correct; compare Earpuramanjarl, iv, 126, 16b. 
I may add that the last Prakrit passage on p. 12 ought 
to be translated sakala-jagad-eka-pradlpa, etc. 

The accompanying plates are very clear, and Professor 
Eielhom's Sanskrit translation of the Prakrit passages will 
prove to be useful. 

Sten Konow. 

Sanskrit Grammar for Beginners. By A. A. Macdonell. 
(London, 1901.) 

The appearance of Professor Macdonell's Sanskrit Grammar 
f6r Beginners will be welcome to those who are entering on 
the thorny paths of Sanskrit, and still more to those who 
have to guide them. It is the work of one who has tested 
by experience the needs of elementary students, and, but for 
the fact that Yedic reading generally comes early into the 
course of a Sanskritist, it hardly deserves its modest title, 
since the student of purely classical Sanskrit will find 
enough for his needs until he begins the study of the Indian 
grammarians. The mistake made by many writers on 
grammar is to suppose that condensation means simpli- 
fication, and this is by no means the case. It is often easier 
by the help of the numerous examples given in a large 
grammar to formulate a rule that can be understood and 
remembered than to understand the condensed statement in 
a short grammar, and some of the new simplified grammars 
of Eastern languages err greatly in that respect. Professor 
Macdonell has, however, generally avoided this difficulty, 
though occasional passages would not be very clear to 
a solitary student. 

The book begins with an interesting short introduction to 
the history of Sanskrit grammar, which will give pleasure 
to older students also. The Devandgarl is transliterated 
throughout, with the exception of the examples in the 
syntax and the parts of the irregular verbs, these exceptions 

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being made in order to compel practice in reading the native 
alphabet. It may be doubted whether these also should 
not have been printed in Roman type. Sanskrit students 
are either obliged to read Devan^gari^ or, in the case of some 
philological examinations, are purposely exempted from so 
doing. The latter will be impeded in the use of the syntax 
and the list of verbs, while the former have probably ample 
opportimities of learning the character in their reading. 
Intelligent students, moreover — and most Sanskrit students 
are intelligent — ought to be able to consult the whole 
grammar long before they can read the foreign character 
with ease. 

Professor Macdonell shows his knowledge of a beginner's 
needs by telling him where to seek in the dictionary for 
words containing anusvdra and visarga. The Sandhi rules 
are very good, but Sandhi is the greatest difficulty in starting 
Sanskrit, and it would be convenient to have such a table 
as Dr. Biihler gave in his Leitfaden. The rules on internal 
Sandhi he wisely suggests should be taken after learning 
the paradigms. It is questionable whether the arrangement 
of learning the vowel declensions first, familiar already to 
classical students, is not better than to start with the more 
normal endings of the consonant declension. Change of 
termination demands less mental effort than change of stem, 
however reg^ular, and, for practical use in reading, the vowel 
declension is sooner needed than usnik or samrdt, while the 
philological student has no difficulty in re-classifying the 
declensions in his own mind. The paradigms of verbs and 
the explanations of their formation are very clear, while 
the chapter on particles is specially useful, and given in 
great detail for the size of the book. Compound words also, 
the second great difficulty of the beginner, are well analyzed, 
while the syntax is excellent and contains all that is 
necessary for the ordinary reader of classical Sanskrit. 
There is a useful short appendix on metre, and a second, 
of eight pages, on Yedic peculiarities. Two pages of the 
latter are given to an admirable account of Yedic accent. 
The purpose of this appendix is doubtless to increase the 

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student's thirst for knowledge, for, good as it is, it is hardly 
sufficient equipment for reading a Vedic hymn. 

It would be interesting to know if, when Professor 
Macdonell says the five nasals are incorrectly replaced by 
anuwdra, and the final m of a sentence wrongly written 
with the same sign, he would condemn the practice of the 
Clarendon Press — a system which the student begins by 
reprobating, but ends, for its saving of the eyes, by blessing. 

Altogether, the book is an excellent and scholarly one, 
written with practical experience of the needs of learners, 
and already found valuable when tested by the experience 
of teachers. 

C. M. Ridding. 

Alexander S. Khakhanov. Ochbrki po Istorii Gruzi- 
usKOi Slovesnosti. Vypusk 3 : Literatura xiii-xviii w. 
Outlines of the History of Georgian Literature. Part 3 : 
Literature from the Thirteenth to the Eighteenth 
Centuries. (Moscow, 1901.) 

The third volume of the elaborate work of Professor 
Khakhanov on Georgian Literature treats of the period from 
the beginning of the thirteenth to the end of the eighteenth 
century. We have left the classical period and now have 
to do with others, in which much less poetical merit can be 
found. As M. Khakhanov says, literary productions are 
numerous, but they are deficient in originality and style. 
A large number are translations from Persian, which had 
a great influence upon Georgian literature. Thus, in the 
Vardbulbuliani of Teimouraz (1591-1663) we have the 
favourite Persian motif ot the loves of the Nightingale and 
the Rose. References to the originals of these poems can 
be found in the excellent works of Professor Eth^, who has 
done so much for the history of Persian literature. The 
very interesting version in Georgian of the Alexander-Saga 
will attract the reader's attention. Mention must be made 
of the Rostomiani, a version (although not complete) of the 

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Shah Nameh. Professor Eth^ gives a catalogue of the 
translations of Firdousi's great work, but does not appear 
to mention this. 

One of the most important productions in Georgian of 
the eighteenth century is the version of the Kalilah va 
Dimnah made by Tsar Yakhtang YI. The tsar seems to 
have accomplished his translation partly while imprisoned 
at Ispahan, whither he had gone to do homage to the 
Persian king who was his suzerain. The latter, how- 
ever, was offended with him because he would not turn 
Mohammedan. Yakhtang translated the prose, but the 
verse was rendered by the famous Savva Sulkhan Orbeliani, 
the author of the first Georgian Dictionary. In the intro- 
duction Tsar Yakhtang speaks of an earlier version of the 
twelfth century, which would have been of great interest. 
This has been considered lost. Professor Ehakhanov, 
however, thinks that he found some fragments of it in 
the Library of the Georgian Society at Tiflis. The version 
from which the tsar translated was a Persian redaction of 
the fifteenth century. Yakhtang died in 1737: he will 
be always famous in the annals of Georgian Uterature for 
having established the Press at Tiflis. The earliest book 
printed in the Georgian language was a Psalter at Moscow 
in 1705 ; the first book which issued from the Tiflis press 
was an edition of the Gospels in 1709. In 1712 was printed 
there the work of Rustaveli, Vephkhvis tqaosani, which has 
now become a great rarity. In 1743 the Georgian Bible 
appeared at Moscow. 

We must not leave the authors of the eighteenth century 
without mentioning the Catholicos Antoni, who wrote a famous 
grammar of his native language, and afterwards under the 
influence of the Latin monks at Tiflis turned Roman Catholic. 
Sulkhan Orbeliani, previously mentioned, travelled in the 
west of Europe, and, besides his dictionary, wrote his famous 
collection of stories called the ** Book of Wisdom and Lies," 
of which an excellent translation into English has been 
published by Mr. 0. Wardrop. 

Mr. F. C. Conybeare has also translated the Armenian 

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444 Nonces OF BOOKS. 

Tersion of the Khikar, a book whieh belongs to this period,, 
although not written by Orbeliani. The work of Professor 
Khakhanov concludes with pieces of apooryphs — ^the Gospel 
of Joachim, the birth of the holy Virgin, etc. 

This useful production fills a void, for but little is known^ 
about Georgian literature in Europe. Professor Khakhanov 
has a very readable style. Unfortunately his book is written 
in Russian, but the number of students of that important 
language is so continually increasing that it seems idle to- 
talk of a book in the Russian language as being sealed. 


Thb Spoken Arabic op Egypt. By J. Sblden Willmorb^ 
M.A. (London : David Nutt, Long Acre, 1901.) 

In a country which has been during the whole of the past 
century closely connected with England, and for the last 
twenty years of it has occupied a very exceptional position 
under British influence, it is indeed strange that the English- 
speaking resident should have found himself up to the 
present without any reliable guide in his own tongue to the 
language spoken by the people. 

Tet this has been the case in Egypt. A few English 
grammars of Arabic have, it is true, given some indications 
of the Eg}rptian dialect, but their references to it have been 
generally merely incidental, and they have so confused it 
with the literary language, or with other dialects of Arabic, 
as to be of little value. 

We now have a work which supplies this want. It 
will be welcomed by those who are desirous of acquiring 
a practical knowledge of the speech of the country in which 
they live, but there is another class to which it will be equally 
acceptable. Students of the Semitic languages will regard 
it as by no means an unimportant contribution to Semitic 

Its author, a well-known resident of Cairo, where he 
occupies the position of a Judge in the Native Court of 

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Appeal, is exceptionally well situated with regard to bis 
undertaking. His judicial office must give him remarkably 
good opportunities for hearing the speech of all sorts 
and conditions of men delivered under circumstances that 
preclude artificiality of diction. 

Besides having lived in Cairo for a considerable time he 
has, we believe, previously passed a number of years at 
other places in the East, and thus has had the opportunity 
of acquiring a diversified experience of Oriental life and 
a knowledge of Eastern languages in addition to Arabic, 
which, doubtless, he has found of considerable service to 
him in the execution of his task. We have to thank him 
for a comprehensive Egyptian- Arabic Grammar, the first 
that has been written in English which treats the subject 
on a fitting scale with full detail. It is evident that labour 
has not been spared in the execution of the work. Those 
who examine it, when they see the great quantity of 
interesting material that it contains, will be able to realize 
the amount of time and trouble that must have been spent 
on its collection. 

A work of this sort, founded on original observation by an 
author really familiar with the language of which he writes, 
and resident in the locality where it is spoken, is the only 
kind that can be of real value as a dialectical study. Tet so 
much is written on dialects by persons extremely imperfectly 
qualified, and based on observation made over totally in- 
adequate periods, that the production of such work must be 
looked upon as the exception rather than the rule, and hence 
its appearance will be regarded with increased appreciation. . 

Mr. Willmore gives us a volume of some 390 pages, 
divided into two parts. The first part contains an Accidence; 
the second a Syntax. There are 74 exercises, consisting of 
sentences for translation from and into Arabic in the first 
part, which together with vocabularies and the sections of 
the Accidence to which they are attached, form a series of 
graduated lessons. There are also 42 exercises in Arabic for 
translation into English in the second part, illustrative of, 
the rules of Syntax. In addition to this, two appendices^ 

j.]i.A.t. 1902. 39 

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one on 'Nahwi/ the other on provincial pronunciation, 
besides a Yocabulary which gives the meaning of the words 
occurring in the Syntax exercises that have not beea 
explained in the body of the book, must be mentioned. 

The book contains a number of footnotes by its author, 
and a few by Professor Sayce, to whom Mr. Willmore in his 
preface acknowledges his obligation for reading his manu- 
script, and who supplies a short introduction. 

The Latin character is used throughout, the spelling of 
Arabic words being generally phonetic, but with some regard 
to uniformity of spelling, so that words may not be repre- 
sented in forms in which they might be hard to I'ecognize. 
The volume is well bound, and of a convenient size. 
Reference to the book would have been much facilitated 
by the provision of a proper table of contents. Its index is 
too scanty to be of much use for the purpose, and having had 
occasion to examine it we feel that this is a real want 

The study of the Egyptian dialect by Europeans may be 
said to have been commenced by Burckhardt, whose collection 
of proverbs, published in 1817, contains the first genuine 
material of value relating to the subject. It was not, how- 
itil 1880 that the first complete exposition of the 
r of the Cairene language was made, by Spitta 
" Grammatik des Arabischen Vulgardialectes von 
m" The importance of this book was immediately 
ted, and it has remained until now the standard 
y. Mr. Willmore has been able to supplement and 
the observation of his predecessor, whose work, 
le as it is, could not possibly be expected to be 
I every single particular. Yet the generally un- 
at nature of the differences between Mr. Willmore 
tta on points of fact gives a striking testimony to 
> and accuracy of the latter. Spitta's book affords 
sird by which Mr. Willmore's book will naturally 

pears to be, like that of Spitta, confined almost 

to the dialect of Cairo. Mr. Willmore makes 

emarks on the idiom of the fellahin, but we think 

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we are right in supposing that he would not claim that his 
book iududes all their forms of speech. He would doubtless 
justify its title in the same way as Spitta does that of his 
grammar in his preface. 

An essential difference between Mr. Willmore's treatment 
of his subject and that of Spitta may now be pointed out. 

The latter continually compares the etymology and syntax 
of the modem dialect with that of 'classical' Arabic. The 
former does not keep up a regular comparison between them. 

The reason of this is apparent when the author's preface 
is examined. From it may be gathered that he does not 
belieTC that Cairene is deriyed from classical Arabic. We 
understand that the dialect is considered by him to have 
a separate place in the Semitic family^ that is to say, it is 
derived from some form of Arabic so far removed from the 
classical as to be really a distinct language^ occupying a place 
beside it similar to that of Hebrew, Ethiopic, or any other of 
the Semitic group. 

To assert that the Arabic portion of Cairene is all 
derived from the dialect of Quraish would be so opposed to 
probability as to be absurd. But the compilations of Arab 
lexicographers and grammarians are not confined to the 
' Quranic' They cannot be imagined to treat of a single 
dialect, but to embody the words and practice of a number 
which, taken together, form what is generally called classical 

Historical considerations make it exceedingly improbable^ 
one might almost say quite impossible, that Cairene is derived 
wholly from any single Arabic dialect, so that it can have 
a place in the Semitic family similar to that of one of the 
languages referred to. 

It can hardly be otherwise than derived from a mixture of 
several Arabic dialects. In the classical compilations we 
find what appear to be the easily recognizable originals of 
nearly every one of its Arabic words and forms, whose 
modification, by readily visible phonetic changes due to the 
corruption of foreign influence until they have reached their 
present shape, seems usually easy to trace. 

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It is quite possible that Cairene may have preserved to us 
a few words or even forms from Arabic dialects outcast by 
Arab philologers as vulgar or ungrammatical, but if this is 
kept in view it seems safe to treat it as a derivative of 
classical Arabic. 

It is not, however, necessary to make any assumption in 
order to be able to recognize that no other language of 
which we have any knowledge affords a more useful standard 
of reference for the comparison of Cairene grammar, without 
which it can hardly be made intelligible. Mr. Willmore, by 
ignoring classical Arabic almost wholly, deprives himself 
of what would have given him the means of elucidating 
much that he leaves obscure. He generally rejects the 
services of a guide, whose place is poorly supplied by a little 
casual assistance that he derives from Hebrew, Syriac, or 

He is naturally perfectly right in dissociating the dialect 
from the written language by rigidly excluding forms of 
the latter which do not occur in the former. Want of 
recognition of the obvious fact that* the dialect must be 
treated as thoroughly distinct has long prevailed; it is 
only lately that the necessity for a proper division has 
been appreciated, or, at least, has been acted upon. But 
he appears to tend to the other side, and a bias against the 
written language pervades his work. What else could induce 
him to say that words like h&lan, d&iman, dawaman, mararan 
do not in reality belong to the dialect of Cairo P ^ They are in 
universal use, not only in Cairo, but throughout Egypt. 
But they belong also to the written language, and preserve 
the sign of inflection. So, too, do a good many more 
nouns not mentioned in the list where the words cited 
are given (e.g., abadan, tiratan, taqrtban, ghaliban, jiddan), 
whose use is also general. We are therefore told they are 
borrowed from it. The participles with preformative mu, 
in some cases the typical form, whose existence destroys 
attractive analogies with Hebrew, are kept, likewise, well in 
the background. 

^ ^ 63, p. 54, remark. 

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The book commences with an account of speech sounds. 
Comparing this with the same section of Spitta's work, one 
perceives that the latter is more elaborate. Some differences of 
observation will be noticed on examination. Spitta divides his 
vowel sounds into a, f , u groups ; Mr. Willmore into a, e, t, o, u. 
Why his treatment of the vowel sounds precedes that of the 
consonants, since the former are influenced by the latter far 
more than the latter by the former, is not quite evident. The 
syllable is not dealt with specially ; some remarks on it are 
found under double consonants. We do not see the very 
peculiar transformation of jlm to shin in 'wish' (wajh) 
noticed on the chapter on transformation of letters. With 
respect to the pronunciation of vowels we may enquire whether 
the long a (d) of khftlis, entirely, has the same sound as 
that of nftr, fire, or rftb, U curdled. We think that in the 
former word its sound is far deeper than in the last two. 

It is true that t followed by 'ain has the sound of the 
French eu in the word li'b, game (§ 6, p. 4). But it has not 
this sound under the same circumstances in fi'l, deed, bi't, 
/ 9old, simi^ he heard; at least we are convinced we have 
never heard feu'l, beu't, simeu^ The rule at § 5 seems, there- 
fore, to require modification. Also we agree that the vowel 
following the t of 'yistiwi,' U is ripe, sounds like a French ii 
(§ 5, p. 4). To lay down as a rule from this that w 
following t converts it into the French ii does not, however, 
seem quite admissible. First, because to do so requires an 
assumption that the original sound of the vowel following 
the t in the above word is f . It might be reasonably main- 
tained that this vowel is original a. But a stronger reason 
is that w following i does not appear to always give it this 
u sound, e.g., diw!, riwftiyah, siw&r, in none of which has the 
I this sound. Mr. Willmore teUs us that the final con- 
sonants of ab, akh, and some other words of this sort are 
doubled, but not in the construct form (§ 24, p. 23). A 
doubled consonant closing a syllable would be pronounced 
in exactly the same way as a single one: its duplication 
oould only be apparent when it is followed by a 'helping' 
vowel. We venture to doubt that these words are always 

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pronoanoed Mae, etc., and think that the statement referred 
to cannot be accepted without reservation. 

There is a great deal more in Mr. Willmore's phonetios 
that requires careful consideration. We will only bri^y 
refer to the long lists of words spelt in Arab dictionaries 
with t, d, By and %, which are pronounced in the dialect of 
Oairo t, d, §, or z. Leaving out of consideration one or two 
(tawa, p. 12; almaz, p. 15) which are not spelt in any 
ordinary Arabic dictionary as represented, the correctness of 
the rendering of the pronunciation of some of the others, such 
as sagar, sarr, zftr, etc., instead of sagar, etc., might be tested 
by some one on the spot to see whether the consonants are 
really transmuted in the manner indicated, or, as we are 
inclined to think, a thickening of the vowel has not produced 
the idea that the consonants have changed. 

The spelling of Arabic words appears, generally speaking, 
good throughout the book. The helping or semi- vowels are 
not as a rule represented. They can easily be supplied by 
the reader himself, but it is hard to explain the reason of 
the omission of the sign for hamzah qat' before a vowel 
(p. 22, note 2), or to understand how the presence of this 
consonant can be divined when it is not indicated. When 
mara (passim) is written, how is anyone to know that it 
must be pronounced mar'a P 

One finds a few words of which the spelling seems open to 
question, such as (p. 375) a'ud (Pqa'ud), (p. 377) bamya 
(Pbamya), (p. 370) mahgur, etc. (Pmahgur), (p. 378) turiyah 
(P turiyah), possibly misprints, (p. 335, § 591 and often else- 
where) zeye bardu (Pzeye ba'duh), (p. 270 and passim) 
qus&d (Pquss&d). 

The conjunction wa, and, appears frequently as u. It 
loubted whether this is a strictly accurate representa- 
kuy form which it assumes. 

w remarks may be made on the Accidence which 
Some of its general rules might have been laid 
ith more emphasis, and a clearer distinction might 
du drawn between them and what may conveniently 
d upon as exceptions. To illustrate this, referenoe 

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may be made to the article dealing with the formation of 
the relative adjective. It will be seen that only one of the 
forms mentioned in § 44 is described as '^ but sparingly used " 
(remark d). But surely others of the forms given are also 
extremely rare; for example, that which is formed by the 
addition of ftti. It would be possible also to give some 
fuller information with respect to the application of the 
other terminations and the conditions under which they are 
used, besides some idea as to the relative frequence of 
their occurrence. Again, a number of broken plurals are 
formed so frequently from certain forms of singular that 
they may be considered as the regular plurals of words in 
these forms. These might well have been pointed out for 
the assistance of the learner (§ 91). The rules for the 
formation of quadriliterals (§ 83, p. 80), etc., appear far 
simpler when given in the usual way than as they are stated. 

The formation of nouns from roots is not explained in 
a way that would make it very clear to anyone without 
previous knowledge (v. §§ 228, 131, which treat of the 
matter). Full justice does not seem to be done to this part 
of the subject. 

Attention may be drawn to a few rules that occur in this 
part of the book. 

§40. ''The indefinite [article] w&hid agrees in gender 
and number with its noun.'' Spitta (§ 114, b, p. 252) by no 
means corroborates the universality of this rule. He appears 
to make the agreement of w&hid with a feminine the ex- 
ception C' gewohnlich beim Femin. nicht verandert"). In 
§§ 64-67 the correctness of the rule relative to the forms 
assumed by nouns ending in a to which a noun in the 
genitive is annexed depends on whether the words ending 
in d, which it is stated do not undergo any change when 
followed by a word in the genitive, can properly be written 
phonetically as ending with a long a. 

But we know that in the great majority of cases thia 
spelling does not represent their pronunciation in the dialect. 
Mr. Willmore tells us so himself (remark a, p. 56). The 
rule, then, appears of no service at all : the form in whioh it 

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could be giyen is obvious, but the author's aversion to the 
classical language seems to prevent him stating it in an 
intelligible manner. 

It must be remarked that if the rule stated in § 66 is 
correct, ruyasit (ru'asit) Masr, Ehulafit Masr will be regularly 
formed combinations and, as far as we understand the 
rule, ruyasft (ru'a8&) Masr, Ehulaf& Masr would not be 
admissible. But with the suffixed personal pronoun, according 
to § 121, remark b, p. 105, one can say either ruyas&ya and 
Ehulaffthum or ruyas&ti and Ehulaf&thum, but ruyasiti and 
Ehulafithum would not be allowable. Such a remarkable 
usage of the dialect certainly requires corroboration. 

§ 73, note 1. Mr. Willmore informs us that Spitta is 
mistaken in stating that widn, ear^ has a dual form, and also 
in giving abbahen, ummahen, as the duals of 'abb' and 
* umm/ We cannot pretend to say which is right. 

With regard to a statement in § 79 to the effect that 
almost all nouns ending in lya make their plurals in di, the 
exceptions to this rule seem so numerous that we think it 
can hardly be accepted. As far as the writer's personal 
experience enables him to judge, very many common words 
such as, e.g., ma'addiyah, zarbtya, qadiya, would not admit 
of a plural being formed in this manner : indeed, it seems 
difficult to call to mind many substantives of Arabic form 
ending in it/a except such as denote the abstract idea of 
the primitive noun, that usually make their plurals in the 
manner described. 

In the chapter on the pronoun we find (§ 112, remark b), 

"with the negative particles ma and ah ana becomes manish" 

(manlsh as well). This is correct, but turning to § 120 

i that precisely the same form, manish, is regarded 

mbination of the verbal suffix with negative particles ! 

atement in this latter paragraph, that the suffixes 

vith the negative particles the forms which they 

as objects of the verb, is, we submit, altogether 

aken one. It is hardly necessary to spend time in 

itrating the fact that the suffixes are not attached 

negative particle, as Mr. Willmore himself, in the 

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first of the extracts cited, has contradicted the theory which 
he gives in the second. One of the most extraordinary 
statements in the Accidence is that which makes intazar 
to be a verb of the form inbarak (§ 173, p. 146). As one 
cannot believe that Mr. Willmore would seriously wish to 
derive this form from a stem ' tazar,' it must be looked upon 
as a slip; but upon it an exception is made to a rule to 
which we are unable to call to mind any exception, namely, 
that the sense of verbs of the form inbarak is never active. 
A mistake of this sort is enough to shake one's confidence 
in the whole book. 

The chapters on the pronoun and verb are very full and 
will be read with interest. 

General rules are laid down with regard to the vocalization 
of the aorist of most forms of the simple verb. This is, 
we believe, the first time that any system with respect 
to it has been demonstrated. Spitta (p. 207) was unable 
to fully establish one. In spite of somewhat numerous 
exceptions, Mr. Willmore's rules seem very useful, and 
great credit is due to him for his successful investigation of 
this difBicult matter. 

It may be noted that Spitta gives us examples of itfi'il 
as well as itfa'al; we understand Mr. Willmore to admit 
only of itfa'al (v. § 168, p. 141). The former mentions 
it'izim, itfihim (Spitta, p. 199), which the latter renders 
it'azam, itfaham (Vocab., pp. 141, 142). 

For the aorist of waqaf Spitta gives jyqaf (yiqaf) (p. 223, 
near foot) as a possible form; we do not find this form 
(which we never remember having heard, and are certain 
must be somewhat rare if it still exists) in Mr. Willmore's 
book (§ 192, p. 166). 

A suggestion may here be hazarded on the writer's own 
responsibility that the assimilation of the preformative with 
the initial waw of verbs which have that letter for their 
first radical, does occasionally give rise to the sound au=zo 
nearly, in their imperatives and aorists. Thus we think 
Au'ft (d'&) ^ will be heard as often as &&, tauqaf as well 
as tftqaf. 

> See Mr. Willmore, p. 87 vocab., for 6*4. 

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Besides this, those who can hear the dialect spoken maj 
consider whether the vowel sound of the preformatiye of 
the aorist in other cases is not e as frequently as t. The 
role given by Mr. Willmore (§ 140) that the vowel of the 
preformative syllable persons of the aorist other than the 
1st pers. sing, is i^ although subsequently modified, appears^ 
to OS too absolute even for strong verbs. 

Neither of these views is supported by Spitta or by 
Mr. Willmore, so they must be put forward with due 

Coming to the prepositions, doubt may be expressed as 
to the correctness of the classification of lamma among 
them. Presumably, in some such expressions as ruht 
lammft^ ... 1 bait, it is considered to have the function 
of a j/reposition. The construction here seems to be elliptical, 
and we think lamma ought to be regarded as an adverb. 
At any rate, if it is a preposition it is an undeveloped one. 
It cannot surely take the pronominal suffixes. As 'ala 
represents the literary ila (§ 242, note), something more 
than * on,' * against,' should be given for its meaning. 

There are excellent lists of adverbs and conjunctions. An 
addition that might perhaps be made to the former is the 
interrogative particle * a.' Although Spitta (p. 168) hardly 
seems justified in thinking that this 'a' appears in azai, 
ezai (which by the bye is generally pronounced izzey or 
ezzey), since the first part of that compound is surely nothing 
more than the interrogative pronoun *ai' (ey), yet unless 
recollection is wholly unreliable 'a' affixed to the negative 
particle 'ma' does occur frequently in such phrases as 
ama aqul lak. Do not I tell you. 

Appendix A, on Nahwi, contains one or two visible errors. 
It is needless to particularly mention each one. With regard 
to provincial pronunciation we wonder whether Mr. Willmore 
is quite correct in entirely excluding the pronunciation of 
jim as y. Spitta emphatically agrees with him (p. 5), but 
he does not seem to have had very much experience of the 

^ No example of the use of lamma as ajprepoeitioii seems to be givna. 

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prorinoes. The writer believes he has heard jlm pronounced 
asy in Upper Egypt by peasants not ' Bedwins/ but he has 
to depend on his memory and he cannot assert positively 
that this is the case. He is able, however, to vouch for the 
transformation of jim into d in the speech of some natives 
of the southern provinces, generally Copts. They pronounce 
jebel, debely etc. This peculiarity is well known to Egyptians ; 
it appears to arise from an inability to pronounce the letter, 
and may therefore be looked upon more as a defect of speech 
than as dialectical variation. It may be mentioned since the 
letter to which the jlm is changed is remarkable if its 
original pronunciation by their fellows is g. 

In his Syntax Mr. Willmore has possibly found himself 
hampered by his destination of his book for two purposes, 
that of a practical manual and that of a grammar for the 
use of students. The standpoint from which the syntax 
is viewed seems rather that of showing how English 
expressions may be rendered into Cairene Arabic than of 
explaining the relations expressed in that language by the 
combination of its words in speech and the manner of the 
construction of its sentences. The arrangement of this 
part of the book certainly does not compare favourably with 
that of Spitta's grammar. One does not find Spitta's orderly 
sequence, his careful subdivision of his topic into sections, 
the subject of each of which is thoroughly discussed under 
its proper heading with a rigid exclusion of irrelevant 
matter. One misses also his lucid explanations of broad 
general principles. A grasp of the spirit of the language 
is essential in order to make the intricate and difficult 
syntax anything more than a hopeless puzzle. More 
consideration of the principles of the grammar of the litorary 
language would have facilitated the exposition of many 
things that are left far from clear. 

Some of the rules given appear to be unduly minute, and 
to make distinctions the validity of which seems extremely 
doubtful ; in other oases matters which are really important 
are hardly noticed, or receive what seems inadequate 
attenticm. Instances of the former are such as the rule in 

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§ 282, that the second noun of two nouns in the vocatiye, 
'' especially if denoting a high office** may take the definite 
article instead of the interjection being repeated. Or the 
rule as to the particular concord of the verb with the word 
^anam, of which we learn in § 461, remark b: ''With 
the words 'askar, soldiers^ troops^ and ghanam, aheep^ the 

yerb is put in the fern, singular II 'askar gum 

may be also said, but not il ghanam gum." Examples of 
this kind could be multiplied; it is not necessary to add 
to them. They show the character of the rules referred to. 

On the other hand, no separate section of the syntax 
deals with the relation between subject and predicate. The 
only mention that is made of the nominal predicate at 
all seems to be in the chapter on the adjective. It is 
there generally dealt with at the same time as the 
attributiye adjective. The adverbial relation is also hardly 
sufficiently discussed. What relates to it is divided between 
the chapter on verbs, transitive and intransitive, and that 
on the noun, but there is little information given that 
makes the practice of the language with respect to the 
adverbial use of nouns clear. 

What is said about the relative pronouns also does not 
clearly explain the peculiar principles of their use, and comes 
partly under the heading Possessives and Suffixes, partly 
under Relative Pronoun. 

Some of the rules of Syntax appear rather loosely worded, 
and statements which are demonstrably not accurate occur. 
A few specimens of these may be noticed. 

In § 248 (6) we are told that the definite article is used in 
Arabic where not expressed in English ** with names (nouns) 
followed by a demonstrative pronoun." Anyone reading 
this would draw the obvious inference that with nouns 
preceded by a demonstrative pronoun the practice is as in 
English. This is, of course, not intended, as it is not 
the case. 

In § 277 Mr. Willmore says that a noun immediately 
following a predicate and limiting or specifying its action 
may be regarded as an accusative of extent, and gives for an 

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example Eabir es sinn, saying in a note that the noun in 
literary Arabic takes the sign of the accusatiye. That the 
note is absolutely erroneous, as far as this example is 
concerned, is quite beyond dispute; no deep knowledge of 
literary Arabic is required to be aware that ' sinn ' would be 
in the genitive. 

Again, we are informed, in § 288, that in the sentence 
Shufte wfthid dir&'u maksurah there is an ellipse of the 
relative pronoun illi, etc. But we know from the usage 
of Arabic and, indeed, of all Semitic languages that this 
sentence ought not to be regarded as elliptical. 

In § 430 the statement that '' the relative is not expressed 
when the antecedent is indefinite " is, we think, hardly the 
right way of saying that relative sentences are annexed to 
an immediately preceding indefinite substantive without the 
aid of a conjunctive noun. If this be thought hypercritical 
there can, at any rate, be little doubt that the direct 
inference to be drawn from § 433, viz., that m&, which is 
a relative pronoun, may have an indefinite antecedent, is 
irreconcilable with the rule in § 430 just referred to. We 
should like to know an example of the use of m& with an 
expressed antecedent definite or indefinite. Apparently in 
cases like Kaffit ma 'andu (§ 433, c) Mr. Willmore looks on 
Kaffit as the antecedent of ma ! 

It is quite evident that the real distinction between ma 
and illl has not been apprehended by him, so it is hardly 
to be wondered that he fails to make it clear. 

After this we are not surprised to see that mk " may take 
the pronominal suffixes " (p. 270, line 1), an example of 
which, we suppose, is that given below — 'ala qadde m&hum 
'auzln. This sort of assertion does not require serious 

In §§ 263, 426, hagit eh is classed as an instance of the 
partitive genitive, doubtless on the strength of the t in hagit. 
With this we must express dissent, based on the meaning 
of the phrase, which will admit of two interpretations, but 
not, in our opinion, of the one given. 

About r&khar we are told (§ 330, remark d) that ''it 

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always agrees with the subject of the sentence." This 
hardly seems right. We take from Spitta, § 125 (a), r&^ar 
rabat&h, where it agrees with the object. Without this 
example we should have been sure that ' rftkhar ' could and 
often does stand in apposition to and agree with the object 
or with any substantive. 

§ 376 tells us that even adjectives used as adverbs will 
sometimes take the pronominal suffixes. A little later, in 
§ 390, we read that pronominal suffixes are " rarely appended 
to adjectives, and then only of course when they are used 
as substantives." 

From this it follows that in the example given in the 
first paragraph referred to ('beyinhu khayif') beyin must 
be regarded as used as a substantive, and also from the 
terms of that paragraph that beyin is used as an adverb 
in this sentence. 

It is hardly necessary to argue that beyin is not, in this 
case, an adjective used as a substantive ; the only way in 
which it can be made out to be an adverb, as far as we 
can see, is that in English we can translate it by * apparently/ 
But the correct equivalent of the phrase, which shows its 
construction, is '[it is] apparent that he is afraid.' That 
beyin is an adjective, the predicate of a suppressed subject, 
appears to us not open to question. And we are not able 
to admit that the example is an instance of the annexation 
of a pronominal suffix to an adjective. Such a construction 
is, we believe, impossible from the relation expressed by 
the attachment of these suffixes to a noun, due to the &ct 
that they are by nature defined. 

A reasonable interpretation can be found on the theory of 
the phrase being a contraction of beyin innahu khayif, which 
Arabic grammar would lead one to expect, and the facility 
of the assimilation of n's will support. 

All through the chapter on verbs, transitive and intran- 
sitive, we notice no distinction between the direct object of 
a verb and its adverbial complement. Thus, in § 550 we 
gather that in the expression ana fidilte mahallt, mahalll 
is regarded as 'the object' of fidilte. Similarly, in the 

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examples § 554 (c) mallt el kAz moiya, moiya is the second 
object of malit. It must be said that a note after this 
paragraph informs us that this object might be regarded as 
a ''mere complement/' Of course all depends on what is 
meant by the term object. If it is used in its ordinary 
meaning of ''the word which stands for the object of the 
action described by the yerb/' as appears to be done> then 
sarely neither mahalli nor moiyah are the objects of their 

If ' object ' is intended to include all limiting adjuncts of 
^ verb^ we see no difficulty in saying that Ramad&n is the 
object of S&m in the expression S&m Ramad&n. But in this 
case a verb may have more than two objects, and the 
character of the various relations they express ought to be 

We have not been able to discover anything about the 
noun used to indicate the condition of the subject or object 
of a verb, the ' Ml ' of Arabic. It is quite impossible to 
discuss all the rules of syntax in a moderate space, and 
would be futile. There are a great mauy with which we by 
no means agree, and consider as either misleading or wrong 
in principle. 

A useful list of examples of the use of the various 
prepositions, and another of stock expressions in use on the 
occurrence of common events and the usual replies to them, 
will both be found of interest. 

There remains to be mentioned a difference between 
Mr. Willmore and Spitta relative to the concord of the 
verb. The former, if we understand him rightly, makes 
the concord depend on the question of the definition or 
indefinition of the subject rather than its position with 
respect to the verb, which he regards as a subsidiary 
condition. The latter does not adopt this view. 

Spitta, in his chapter on reflexives, mentions the well- 
known instance of the use of the pronominal suffixes to 
denote the reflexive prououns as direct objects of the verb 
khalla. Mr. Willmore seems to have overlooked this. 

We ought to be informed of the source from which the 

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exercises on syntax have been derived. The same remark 
applies to the examples throughout the book. Spitta gives 
us a description of the way in which his " Sprachjagd *' was 
conducted. He assures us definitely that all the data on 
which his grammar is based are taken from the spontaneous 
speech of natives, collected in a manner which he describes. 
He tells us the origin of his longer prose pieces. Mr. Willmore 
ought to give similar information about the collection of his 
material. We do not find that he does so. In the absence 
of any it is not possible to feel the same confidence in 
Mr. Willmore's exercises as we can feel in those of Spittcu 

We do not think that Mr. Willmore's prose contains 
words and combinations which are not in use. But the 
phraseology of some of the pieces strikes one as rather 
strange. Long sentences strung together with leinn, which 
occur very often, hardly appear typically idiomatic; the 
tendency of Cairene speech is, we believe, to break up 
sentences and to avoid complex construction. 

An abnormal frequency of explanations of simple terms 
prefaced by ya'ni suggests conversation to a foreigner rather 
than from one native to another. After reading some of 
the pieces we are left with the impression that a native 
talking naturally would hardly have told the story in this 
way. Possibly this impression is mistaken. A satisfactory 
account of the manner in which the exercises were obtained, 
and a certainty that if they have been taken down from the 
mouths of native speakers sufficient precautions were taken 
to ensure their having been delivered in a wholly natural 
style, would give a guarantee of their reliability. 

In conclusion, we may say that Mr. Willmore's book, by 
its comprehensiveness and its elaboration, claims a foremost 
place as a standard authority. Such a book must necessarily 
be submitted to the most searching examination before it 
attains the position which it will reach provided that it is 
proved to be thoroughly reliable. 

The comments which we have made in the foregoing 
remarks concern matters that are not, we think, without 
some importance, but are far secondary to the accuracy of 

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its data. With reqpeot to this, we have been only able 
to point ont one or two differences between Mr. Willmore 
and the only reo(^ized authority that is available, and 
to make a remark or two on our own responsibility, which 
we put forward with a full knowledge of the unreliability 
of memory. The test of the accuracy of the representation 
of the dialect, which is the most important part of the 
book, must be made by those living in Egypt who have 
opportunities for comparison with the actual speech they 
hear. If the result is, as we believe it will be, to establish 
its general trustworthiness on matters of fact, then any 
slight imperfections that it may contain in respect to their 
co-ordination and arrangement will become of very minor 

A. R. Guest. 

Arabic Manual. (Luzac, 1901.) 

This is another work on colloquial Arabic, by Mr. F. E. 
Crow, late H.B.M. Yice-Gonsul at Beirut, dealing with the 
Syrian dialect. It is not intended to be in any way 
exhaustive, but merely to serve as a practical manual for 
the use of visitors to Syria and Palestine. For this purpose 
it will doubtless be useful. It consists of a sketch of 
Arabic grammar followed by an excellent and comprehensive 
vocabulary of words in common use. The Arabic of the 
grammar and vocabulary is that of Beirut. As a rule, 
the vocabulary gives the plurals of nouns, and indicates also 
the formation of the tenses of the verbs, a most desirable 
aid to those for whom it is intended, the necessity of which 
is frequently overlooked in guides of the kind. One 
wonders why the plurals have not been given in every single 
case, and for what reason they are occasionally omitted. 

Following the vocabulary is a series of dialogues in the 
Damascus dialect. These dialogues appear to be well chosen 
and to deal with subjects that the ordinary traveller will be 
likely to require. 

j.s.A.s. 1902. 


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It should be said that the European character is used 
throughout. Altogether, Mr. Crow's book seems to be well 
adapted to the purpose for which it is intended, and it 
will also not be without interest to those who wish to take 
a general view of the present dialects of Syria. 

A. R. G. 

EiN S&HNQEDiCHT DER BoNPO. Edited by Dr. Berthold 
Laufer. Reprinted from vol. xlvi of the Denkschrif ten 
der Kaiserliche Academie der Wissenschaften in Wien. 
(Wien, 1900.) 

The work of Csoma de Koros is bearing fruit now, not 
only in the interest felt by Sanskritists in the Buddhist 
works of Tibet, but in the labours of a few scholars who 
are devoting themselves to its indigenous literature. Of 
this we have a proof in Sin Suhngedicht der Bonpo, edited 
by Dr. B. Laufer from MS. 52 in the Schlagintweit 
Collection at the Bodleian, treating of the sacrifice to be 
offered by man, as tiller of the soil, to the nature deities, 
whose haunts are troubled by his works. Its date and 
author are unknown, but a reference to the * Land of the 
Three Valleys' and certain dialect forms point to West 
Tibet as its home. By a process that combines minute 
statistics with sympathetic imagination, Dr. Laufer shows 
how the poem, though containing only about 300 lines, is 
not all the work of one period. A metrical analysis resolves 
^hix yerses into those consisting respectively of two, three, 
•ur dissyllabic feet followed by one accented syllable, 

"yulla I ml ma I mkh&n," 

1 is the normal verse. 

e occurrence of many irregular verses he explains as 
sometimes to names of deities which do not fit the 
3, occasionally to a desire to give dignity by a full 
ling of the verse, but most frequently to an extra 
)le connected with monosyllabic pronominal words or 

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affixes, especially the word der. For the facts we have 
statistics; the human element comes in the explanation. 
It appears that the MS. was not copied, but written 
from dictation, and may perhaps be a school exercise, 
even verbal directions given by the dictator being sometimes 
inserted in the text. The metre demands condensation and 
fulness of meaning, and the teacher tries to obviate the 
obscurity thus produced by adding particles to indicate 
the construction. For instance, the couplet 

'' klu gnan sa bdag sgrog 
klu giien sa bdag thar '* 

becomes enlarged for the pupil's help into 

*' klu gnan sa bdag gi sgrog yan 
klu gnen sa bdag gi thar ram phye." 

Many of these lengthened lines form a helpful commentary 
to the text, and while the textual critic must separate them 
the translator will use the help they afford. We get a vivid 
picture of the patient teacher, also a West Tibetan, and the 
puzzled or inattentive pupil putting down at random the 
remarks of the teacher or the words of the text. We are 
even allowed to conjecture that the addition at the end, 
quite at variance with the metrical scheme of the rest, is 
an exercise in style by the pupil. Dr. Lauf er is careful to 
suggest this only as a hypothesis, but it is one which may 
well be true. Rhyme is not uncommon, and alliteration is 
often used. 

Three kinds of verse are distinguished. The single line, 
which Dr. Laufer calls Typical, which is repeated in difierent 
places to serve as' leit-motif; the Parallel verse, such as 

" sgrog tu bcags nas Adug 
nad kyi bcins nas Adug '* ; 

and the Corresponding verse, which repeats part of 
a previously expressed whole to bring in a new thought. 
The first brings the leading idea of the poem and its logical 
conclusion, the second gives form and colour to single 
thoughts, and the third weaves the parts into a whole. It 

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is this variety of artistic handling, combined with directness, 
that gives the poem its charm. 

Sections on phonetics, morphology, syntax, and lexico- 
graphy deal in a fall and scholarly manner with the fresh 
knowledge gained from the text. Among them we may 
note variations in Sandhi, the spelling ro for rtm, which 
shows its pronunciation, and the use of ba after another 
determinative with a noun of relationship, which is also 
the subject of the sentence. 

The poem falls into two parts, the picture of the primitive 
world and its contest with man. 

It begins with the creation. '' In the first season of the 
world naught was. In the chaos that has no beginning 
were created the elements in their turn. Moisture and 
water arose : from the earth, stirred up by the water, arose 
moisture and lakes. Then the lakes overflowed and formed 
many a spring, and in these lay the Naga cities.'^ The 
eight Naga kings arose, Ananta, Taksaka, etc., and Nagas 
of the four castes, with the Ca^dala caste in addition. Then 
arose the kings of the giian, rulers of the regions, and among 
others the Four Raging Brothers, the Four destroyed by 
sin, and the Four gnan of the year. To them were added 
the Earth-potentates, among whom we notice the Lord of 
Stones, with a pig's head, the Lord of Water, with the head 
of a water dragon, the Lord of Wood, with a panther's head, 
and the Flamingo, Lord of the Wind, while their followers 
were scorpions with long stings, ants with flat bodies, 
golden - eyed fishes, shell - white butterflies, and other 

A — ^ "Fearlessly they dwelt in wood, fearlessly they 

in rock, fearlessly they dwelt on the earth." Then 
id had a name, but no man dwelt therein. But in 
id of Skos the King and Queen had two sons, the 
and the Younger Brother, who worked evil. " They 
e land in possession ; they turned it into ploughland ; 
left rocks and built castles ; they cut off water and 
d it in tanks; they felled wood and burnt it on 
krth." Such sinful deeds did they bring to pass, and 
Earth - potentates, Nagas, and gnan, and destroyed 

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their followers. ''Then in wrath the Naga host spread 
alvroad like a lake; the gnan host was violent as the wind; 
the Earth-potentates' host crashed down like a rock/' and; 
brought upon th^ sons of Skos, the Elder and the Toux^^ 
Brother, disease, crippling, dea&ess, and deformity. And, 
a witch consulted by the King and Queen of Skos said that 
in such transgressions as these she had no power to help. 
Meanwhile the Nagas, gnan, and Earth-potentates cried out 
for a loosing of their fetters, and the Skos King and Queen 
prepared a feast of reconciliation, to which they called the 
Than po and the Winged Beings (mythical beings of 
uncertain nature), and these demanded the presence of the 
Bon worshippers belonging to Nagas and gflan. These 
came and received rich gifts, with drugs to heal their ills. 
Among other preparations the King and Queen " drew on 
white Chinese paper the land and the castles, and the shapes 
of Nagas, gnan, and Earth-potentates, as large as life. Three 
days they heaped up gifts, and three nights with hymps and 
blessings gave them to the injured deities. They mended, 
the severed bodies of the ants with red cotton, and the 
wings of the butterflies with blue Naga silk. Then the 
sons of Skos were anointed with nectar, and healed of their 
diseases " ; and the poem ends with the words — 

^' The fruitful earth is reconciled. 
The crooked is made straight : 

In the Three Valleys of Lahul contentment reigns .... 
May Earth-potentates, Nagas, and gnan be at ease. 
For Earth-potentates, Nagas, gnan, and the offerers of 
gifts are reconciled." 

In addition to the interest of folklore and the increase 
of our small knowledge of the Bon religion, the imusual 
simplicity and directness of this short poem make it, especially 
with the help of the German translation Dr. Laufer has 
provided, an excellent book for the beginner in Tibetan. 
Its style is not the artificial one produced by translating 
Buddhist Sanskrit, but a genuine product of the coimtry. 

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Its merits are those of the best ballad poetry, and we may 
hope to see in it the firstfroits of a literature valuable both 
for its intrinsic beauty and its human interest, while it 
promises well for Tibetan scholarship that its pioneers keep 
before them so high an ideal of scholarly work as is here 

C. M. Ridding. 

The first part of vol. iv of the Mittheilungen des Seminars 
fur Orientaluche Sprachen, zweite Hdlfte, JTestaaiatische Studien 
(1901), is devoted to the conclusion of Mr. Wilhelm Padel's 
article on recent laws concerning landed property. This is 
followed by an article on the study of Turkish Chundbuchwesen 
by Count von Mulinen. Two other articles, the first by 
Dr. B. Meissner, the second by P. L^on Pourridre (written 
in French), deal with the Arabic dialects of Iraq and Aleppo, 
and are of considerable interest. Both begin with a survey 
of the peculiarities of the dialects in question, and are 
supplemented by a number of proverbs with translation and 
philological notes. There are many instances in the Qoran 
where the term tnathal is applied to sayings and sentences 
of every kind, and Dr. Meissner was therefore well advised 
not to omit anything which seemed worthy of notice. It 
is altogether greatly to the credit of the MiWieilungen that 
they pay so much attention to Arabic dialectology, a field 
not sufficiently cultivated in this country. The lack of 
a centre to train young scholars in this branch becomes 
more marked every year. Dr. Barthold concludes his very 
useful essay on the writings by Russian students on Western 
Asiatic literature. Professor Brockelmann publishes an 
ancient Arab recension of the legend of the Seven Sleepers 
of Ephesus, and Dr. Foy contributes a study on the oldest 
Turkish texts in Gothic transcription. 

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Thb Lament of Baba Tahir, being the RubI*iyIt of 
Baba Tahir, Hamadani ('XJrtan). The Persian text 
edited^ annotated, and translated by Edward Hbron- 
Allen, and rendered into English verse by Elizabeth 
Curtis Brenton. pp. xxii and 86. (London: Quaritch, 

The importance and extent of the literature of the Persian 
dialects has hitherto scarcely been adequately appreciated ; 
and, so far as we can judge from a careful examination of 
the older documents bearing on Persian literary history, 
this literature was in early times, especially during the 
eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries of our era, much 
more important and extensive. Verses in dialect, which 
are, unfortunately, but seldom wholly intelligible to us, are 
constantly cited in historical works, treatises on prosody and 
rhyme, and the like, with evident approval and consideration, 
as productions worthy of serious attention ; and we read of 
extensive works both in prose and verse, such as the 
Marzubdn-ndma and Nlki-ndma of Marzub&n, the son of 
Bustam, the son of Sharwin Parim, a scion of one of the 
noble families of Tabarist&n who lived towards the ead of 
the tenth century of our era, composed entirely in one or 
other of the Persian dialects. 

Of all these dialect-poems, however, few are at the present 
day much known in Persia outside their own districts save 
those of B&bd T&hir. Concerning this mysterious individual 
but little is known, and the oldest and fullest account of him 
which I have met with occurs in the unique Schefer MS. 
of a contemporary history of the Seljuqs entitled Itdhatu*§' 
SudUr toa At/atu'a-Suritr, now No. 1,314 of the Suppliment 
persan in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. Of this 
valuable and interesting history, which was composed in 
A.H. 599 (a.d. 1202-3), and of which this MS. was 
transcribed in a.h. 635 (a.d. 1238), I intend to publish 
a full account in the next two numbers of this Journal. 
This will include the text (f. 43^ of the MS.) of the passage 

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concerning B&b& T&hir, of which the translation runs as 
follows :— 

''I have heard that when Soltin Tughril Beg came to 
Hamad&ny there were there three aged and saintly men, 
B&b& T&hir, B&b& Ja'far, and Shaykh Hamshl Hard by 
the Gate of Hamad&n is a hill called Ehidr, on which they 
abode. The Sult&n's glance fell upon them ; he halted his 
army, dismountedi and approached them with his Minister, 
Abti Nasr al-Eundurf, and kissed their hands. B&b& T&hir, 
who was somewhat crazy in his manner, said to him, 
*0 Turk, what wilt thou do with God's people?* 'What- 
ever thou oommandest,' replied the Sult&n. B&b& said, 
' Do rather that which God commands : " Verilt/ Chd en- 
foineth Justice and well-doing*** (Qur*&n, xvi, 92). The 
Sult&n wept and said, ' I will do so.' B&b& took his hand, 
saying, ' Dost thou accept this from me P ' ' Tes,' answered 
the Sult&n. B&b& had on his finger the top of a broken 
ewer {ihriq), from which he had for years performed his 
ablutions. This he removed, and placed it on the Sult&n's 
finger, saying, ' Thus do I confide to thy hand the empire 
of the world : be just ! ' And the Sult&n always treasured 
this amongst his amulets, and when a battle was impending 
he would place it on his finger. Such was the purity of his 
fidth and the sincerity of his belief; for in the BeHgion 
of Muhammad there was none more pious than he, nor more 

Now this meeting must have taken place about a.h. 447 
(= A.D. 1055-6: cf. Houtsma's ed. of al-Bund&rl's History 
of the Seljdqs, pp. 12, 13, and 15), and thus, though the 
date of 6&b& T&hir's death (a.h. 410) given by Rida-quU 
Eh&n in his excellent Eit/d^u'l-'Ari/in (lith. Tihr&n, 
A.H. 1305 ; p. 102) is evidently a mistake, the poet belongs 
without doubt to the early Seljuq period, so that his simple 
and plaintive quatrains — his '' lament," as Mr. Heron- Allen 
appropriately terms them — ^which are still widely sung and 
recited in Persia, are nearly nine hundred years old. 

These quatrains were published with a French translation 

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and notes by M. Client Huart in the Journal Asiaiique 
for 1886 (aer. viii, voL vi, pp. 502-546) ; and Mr. Heron- 
Allen, who is already well known to students of Persian 
literature by his contributions to the extensive literature 
connected with 'XJmar Khayy&m, and more particularly by 
his final settlement of the vexed question as to how far 
Fitzgerald's famous rendering of the Quatrains represents 
the Persian original/ has now, making use of all the 
available materials to perfect and complete the work of his 
illustrious predecessor, republished them with an Introduction 
(pp. i-xxiv), an English verse rendering by Mrs. Elizabeth 
Curtis Brenton (pp. 1-15), notes and variants on the text 
(pp. 19-63), and a literal prose translation (pp. 67-86). 
The whole makes a pleasant and readable volume, which 
will be welcomed by all those who are interested in Persian 
literature ; and if it has the effect of directing greater 
attention to the poetry of the Persian dialects, a field 
hitherto but scantily explored, it will render a great service 
to the cause of Oriental letters. 

E. G. B. 


Band vi : Qesch. d. Pers. Litt., von Dr. Paul Hobn ; 
Gesch. d. Arab. Litt., von Dr. C. Brockblmamn. 
pp. 228 and 265. (Leipzig, 1901.) 

This volume is the first of the above-mentioned series 
{which deals also with the East European literatures) 
treating of the literatures of Asia ; and since it comprises 
in one compact and readable book accounts of two of the 
most important and interesting branches of Muhammadan 
letters, each written by a scholar of distinction in a style 
which happily combines the scientific and the popular, it 
should meet with a warm welcome from all Orientalists. 

1 JSdword FitagtrMU JUtbdHifAt of Omar Khayy&m, with their original 
Fersian Murets, collated from hie oum MSS. and literally translated, by Edward 
Heron- Allen (London: Qoaritch, 1899). The author's conclnsionB are snm- 
laijrised on pp. xi-xii of the Preface. 

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The first half of the volume (which is entirely independent 
of the second, both as regards pagination, subject-matter, 
preface, and index, though one cover contains the two parts) 
deals with Persian literature from the Avestic period till the 
present day. The first chapter (pp. 1-33) deals with the 
Avesta; the second (pp. 34-44) with the Old Persian 
(AchaBmenian) and Pahlawi remains ; the third (pp. 45-81) 
with the beginnings of Modern Persian literature down to 
the time of Firdawsi; the fourth (pp. 81-114) with Firdawsi 
and his predecessor Daqiqi, together with some of his 
successors; the fifth (pp. 114-145) with H&fiz, J&mi, and 
the lyric poets, including the moderns Q&'&ni and Shayb&ni, 
who died only eleven or twelve years ago, and some of the 
older satirists, quatrain-writers, etc. ; the sixth (pp. 145-176) 
with the mystics, moralists, and didactic poets ; the seventh 
(pp. 177-193) with the romanticists, notably Niz&mf and 
J4mi ; the eighth (pp. 194-201) with the panegyrists and 
court poets ; the ninth (pp. 201-212) with the Drama, that 
is to say the ta'zii/as, or Muharram Passion -Plays, and the 
quite modern comedies of Mirzd Ja'far Q&raja-d&ghi ; and 
the tenth (pp. 212-222) with Persian prose down to modem 
times. It will be observed from this epitome of the contents 
that Dr. Horn has arranged his materials according to style 
and treatment rather than chronologically, but the materials 
have been handled in a manner which leaves nothing to be 
desired in a work like this, which is primarily intended for 
the general reader rather than the professed Orientalist, 
while Dr. Horn's high reputation as a Persian scholar, and 
the eminent services which he has rendered to the study of 
Persian philology and literature, are a sufficient guarantee of 
icellence and accuracy of the work. The only criticisms 
I could be made on it are that Persian prose hardly 
es the attention that it deserves ; that the diaries of the 
ih&h can hardly be taken as representative of all the 
nodern prose writing ; that the early S&m&nid poets 
Fhom our very slight knowledge rests ultimately 
t entirely on 'Awfi's Lubdbu* I - Albdb) receive a dis- 
rtionately large share of attention; and that hardly any 

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mention is made of the important and extensive literature 
which, though written in Arabic, was produced by Persians, 
and which, therefore, if we understand the term '' Literary 
History" in a wide sense, believing that the special 
characteristics of a people are displayed not merely in their 
language but in their thought, ought to be considered to 
some extent even in a History of Persian Literature. Yet 
these criticisms apply to all existing works of the same 
character, and the force of the last is to a large extent 
removed by the fact that to Arabic literature in its wider 
sense, as including all that has been written from the earliest 
times to our own day in the Arabic language, the second and 
larger half of this volume is devoted. 

In this second part Dr. Carl Brockelmann, whose more 
technical, and, alas! still incomplete Arahische lAtteratur- 
geschichte (Weimar, 1897-) has been so precious an aid 
to all students of Muhammadan literature, follows in 
general arrangement the lines laid down in that earlier 
and more elaborate work. The material is divided as 
follows into eight books, each of which is subdivided into 
numerous chapters. The first book deals with the pre- 
Isl&mic literature, which is, as is well known, almost 
entirely poetical; the second with the literature of the 
Arabs during the time of the Prophet and his immediate 
successors ; the third with the same in the XJmayyad period. 
With the triumph of the 'Abb&sids and the consequent rise 
to power of non-Arabs, especially Persians, the literature 
produced in the Arabic language is no longer wholly or 
even chiefly Arabian, and hence it is no longer spoken of as 
"die arabische Nationallitteratur," but as "Islimic literature 
in the Arabic language." This literature forms the subject 
of Books iv-viii, of which the fourth book deals with what 
may be called the " Golden Age " of the 'Abb&sid Caliphate 
(A.D. 750-1000) ; the fifth with the period of 'Abbdsid 
decadence down to the Mongol invasion, fall of Baghdad, 
and destruction of the Caliphate (a.d. 1000-1258) ; the 
sixth with the period intervening between the events last 
mentioned and the conquest of Egypt by the Ottoman Sultan 

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Selim (a.d. 1258*1517) ; the seventh with the sucoeeding. 
period down to Napoleon's invasion of Egypt (a.d. 1517- 
1798) ; and the eighth and last with the succeeding century, 
which brings us down almost to the present day. 

Within the limits here imposed it is impossible to bestow 
on this interesting and valuable manual the fuller and more 
detailed notice which it so well merits, but it will certainly 
be read with equal pleasure and profit by all students of 
Isl&m, and by that wider circle of readers who desire to 
acquaint themselves with '' the best that has been said and 
thought in the world." 

B. G. B. 

The Majjhima-nikaya. Vol. ii (1898). VoL iii. Part i 
(1899) ; Part ii (1900) ; Part iii (conclusion, 1902). 
Edited for the Pali Text Society by Bobert Ohalmbss, 
C.B. With Indices to the three volumes by Mabbl 
Bode, Ph.D. 

Die Bedbn Gotaho Buddho's aus deb mittleren Sammluko 
(Majjhimanikato) des Pali-Eanons. Zum ersten Mai 
iibersetzt von Earl Exjoen Neumann. II^ Band. 
(Leipzig : Wilhelm Friedrich, 1900.) 

This year the Pali Text Society fitly celebrates its coming 
of age by completing its publication of this wonderful old 
book. It wants but the appearance of a few volumes for the 
whole of the Sutta Pitaka to be fully presented in scholarly 
collation and in Roman type. This is now the twelfth year 
since the Pali Text Society brought out the late Y. Trenckner's 
great editio princepa of the first half of the Maj jhima, and the 
fifth year since the editor of the remaining seventy-six Suttas 
began to fill up his intervals of strenuous leisure from pro- 
fessional work with the disinterested labour of finishing 
Trenckner's task. The debt that scholars of Pali and of 
Buddhism owe to Mr. Chalmers's conscientious workmanship, 
so xmfalteringly carried through, cannot easily be estimated, 
the more so in that he is adding to their indebtedness by 

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preparing an edition of Buddhaghosa's Commentary, the 
Papanca Sndani, the greater part of which is so far transcribed 
that I have been able, with the editor's generons permission, 
to have access to a great part of it. 

That in a lengthy foreign text the typographical errors 
should be so few and unimportant is a noteworthy feature. 
Such slips as bhUtam ttwcham for taecham (as opposed to rittam 
tuccham in the preceding line) in ii, 171, and saJmam for 
suhmm in ii, 263, the reader need not stumble over. Kaiham, 
however, in ii, 35, L 18, has been misinterpreted. But among 
the MSS. themselves there is now and then a partial consensus 
of apparent error, as, for instance, in iii, 245, where the 
Siamese version as well as Buddhaghosa write abhinanditdni, 
when we should look for the anabhinanditdni of the Copen- 
hagen and Kandy MSS. 

The editor, finally, seems to have hit the golden mean in 
the extent to which he has paragraphed and punctuated the 
text, aiding without worrying the student — ettamtd pi kho 
dtmso bhikkhuno bahu katam hoti ! 

Mrs. Bode's indices to the Majjhima wiU be hailed with 
grateful appreciation as an attempt to meet a great want. 
The time required hitherto for searching its pages for any 
one of the countless points of antiquarian or doctrinal interest 
Mattered broadcast has ill-fitted into the normal span of life. 
It is only to be regretted that when so beneficent an aid was 
compiled, its range should not have been stretched yet a little 
further. I do not mean to say that a concordance of the 
Majjhima was feasible, but I do think that, had one more 
sheet of space been conceded to her disinterested labours, the 
help to a student would have been doubled. The indices of 
proper names and of similes would then have been really as 
exhaustive as they are intended to be. And that of subjects 
might have been made to exhaust the occurrences of the 
terms selected, instead of sampling the passages as has usually 
been the case. All rare words too, or, let us say, all that 
are not in Childers's Dictionary, might then have been 
included. For instance, names of rivers, mountains, and 
places of resort (at Savatthi, etc.) would have been useful to 

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some readers.^ Had more space been available the similes 
would have included the beautiful and prominent parable of 
the creeper (mdluvd, i, 306) ; that of the lamp (i, 295) ; of 
the dart (i, 429) ; that of the two chief apostles as parent 
and educator (janetti, dpddeid), recalling so forcibly the 
Christian parallel — I (Paul) have planted, Apollos watered 
— and the Christian divergence which completes it ; that of 
Gotama of himself as Way-guide (maggakhayi) ; those 
included in the striking allegory of the Yammika-sutta, and 
about twenty others. Finally, we should have had such 
important references (doctrinally considered) as ii, 33, 36 
under attd, iii, 42, 220 under atammayatd, i, 147-150 under 
ndnam (^dassanam)^ i, 167 (let alone several others) under 
yogakkhemo, i, 480 under aaccam. Unusual words like 
attakdmarupo (i, 205; iii, 155), {an)dlayo (i, 49, 191; 
iii, 251), apahatid (i, 447), bhunahu (i, 502), amatagdmi 
(i, 510), allamattikdpufifo (iii, 94), amoaadhammo (iii, 245), 
ahhulhard (i, 414, 450), tammayo (i, 319), ketubhi (iii, 6), 
passivedand (iii, 26), and many others would have found 
mention. And there would have been space for the insertion 
of terms of philosophical importance, or curious application, 
such BA parinibbdyati of a well-trained horse (i, 446),j!)u^^ 
matd (i, 524), aniccam^ anattam, asmimdno, upadhi, ndnattam^ 
mpassand, samatho, sambodhi, etc., etc. It will be thought 
perhaps captious to regret that the thoroughness observed 
in indexing the term Tathdgato has not been the rule 
throughout, but when one thinks of the splendid accessories 
to study enjoyed by students of the classics, of theology, and 
even of Sanskrit, one is apt to forget the gratitude due to 
ungrateful toil of this sort, and, with unreasonable impatience, 
to envy a younger generation who will find a concordance of 
at least the Five Nikayas ready to hand. 

Turning to the subject-matter of these seventy-six suttas, 
it may straightway be said that they contain no missing 
pillars of the essential structure of Buddhist doctrine. That 

^ Hallika (devi^, Sabhuti and a few other personal names are omitted. Bake 
{hr&hfnmo) snonld be (Brahma). 

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doctrine had, from the time of its first promulgation till the 
compilation of the Nikayas, heen so well elaborated, as far as 
it went, that almost any sample reveals the whole. Hercules 
stands revealed in the foot. They cannot, even as restate- 
ments and variants of this or that tenet, touch those of the 
first volume in breadth, grasp, and eloquence. There are 
indeed not wanting, in some of them, hints that seem to 
betray other compiling hands, later, less original. Out of 
the 15 vaggas of 10 suttas each, the 14th (Vibhanga-Vagga) 
includes two extra, that is, 12 suttas. Now the first 10 of 
these 12 suttas have a different form from the rest of the 
Majjhima. The subject is first presented as a brief * argument ' 
or statement (uddesa) ^ — a term quite familiar to Buddha- 
ghosa, who applies it to the treatment in the Dhammasangani. 
The exegesis (or vibhanga) then follows, supplied in four of 
the ten discourses by leading theras — a procedure which 
Gotama may conceivably have adopted as he grew old, to 
spare himself and to regulate the preaching of his future 
representatives. But of the two extra suttas (141-2), one — 
the Sacca-vibhanga — whereas in form it loosely resembles 
the other ten, is unique, if I mistake not, in taking as its 
text, so to speak, the fact that the Tathagata had delivered 
his famous first sermon at Isipatana on the Four Truths. 
And the exposition contains the greater part of the concluding 
portion of the Maha-satipatthana-suttanta of the Dlgha- 
nikaya, which is omitted in the Satipatthana-sutta of the 
Majjhima. The other — ^the Dakkhina-vibhanga-sutta, with 
the episode of Ananda for a second time pleading the cause 
of Mahapajapati-Gotami, the aunt and foster-mother of the 
Buddha — seems to belong, in its subject-matter, to the 

But apart from these probably interpolated suttas, there 
are several lines of thought as well as terms which seem 
to break out in the last third of the Majjhima, but do not, 
so far as I can yet ascertain, form integral threads in the 

* The two Kamma-vibhanga suttas (135-6) are only formallf exceptions to 
this method. 

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tissue of ike Dhamma. There is the prominenoe given to 
the sabject of d^ia^'o in Suttas 105, 106, 122, as one of the 
many modes of mental abstraction generally cultivated. The 
term had occurred as an^apatto in the refrain of the self- 
eontroUed heart occurring in the Digha (i, 76) and in the 
Majjhima (i, 182, 278, 347, 522 ; iii, 36) ; also as injUam 
in M. i, 454. But the relative value assigned to it, in 
those three suttas, as one of the many mental 'stations' 
of introspective doctrine is an exceptional feature, matched 
only in one passage of the Samyutta (ii, 82), and 
rendered the more significant in that the term is not even 
mentioned in the Dhamma-sangani. Other instances of out- 
of-the-way treatment are (102nd Sutta) the regarding all 
fetches of abstraction, where a soul is postulated, as mere 
sankhatam oldrikam or grossly material. Gotama is repre- 
sented, not as usual waving aside the current speculations 
as to the soul which were rife at Savatthi (and likely to 
infect the faithful), and thus getting on to more positive 
doctrine, but entering into the subject, analyzing and 
criticizing, more like a doctor of a church than its founder. 
Another feature, suggestive of later workmanship, is the 
exhaustive enumeration of categories of dhdtuyo put into 
the mouth of Gotama in the Bahudhatuka-sutta (115th). 
Another curious feature is the way in which, in the Bala- 
pandita and Devaduta-suttas (129, 130; cf. A. i, 138), Gotama 
is made to depart from pure ethics and treat his bhikshus 
at Savatthi to details of retribution after death with 
a picturesqueness worthy of a mediadval friar or a village 
our6. Again, in Suttas 135-6 he is represented as 
dogmatizing about specific rebirths following on specific 
karmas, and on the order of efifectuation in the result of this 
or that karma. Elsewhere, special exercises in meditation 
are represented as availing to determine the conditions of 
future life, e.g. the four Brahma-viharas as the way to 
rebirth in the Brahmaloka — 'that low {hlno) sphere' as 
Gotama termed (ii, 195, 207 ; cf . 120th Sutta) the highest 
heaven of his countrymen's conception. 
Three suttas — 94, 108, and 124 — deal with episodes 

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iubseqaent to Gotama'e death, bttt» of course, this does not 
prove them later than the rest as oompilations. The dis- 
cassion by Gotama (128th Sutta) of the difficulties encountered 
by Anuruddha and his two brethren in the practice of Jhana 
is interesting rather as the earliest (if partial) account of 
the process, than as suggesting later work. So, too, the 
windy speculations of Anuruddha himself, in the preceding 
sutta, discoursing in his turn, are interesting rather as 
contrasting with the usually more solid teaching of his 
Master than as indicating decadent interpolation. Once 
more, in the Anupada-sutta (111), the analysis of conscious- 
ness into different dhammd or ' states of mind ' as it enters 
on successive stages of rapt meditation and abstraction is 
interesting rather as the prototype of the method followed 
in the first Ean^am of the Dhamma-sanga^i than as betraying 
approximation in date to the latter work. 

Space does not allow me to dwell on the ways in which 
these suttas help to body out the leading characters and 
doctrines of early Buddhism, as well as introduce fresh 
personages. A few words on each must suffice. Of the 
great central figure, the slight biographical touches vouch- 
safed show him as aged. King Pasenadi, in his glowing 
tribute of homage, recounted in the Dhamma-cetiya-sutta 
(89), speaks of both Gotama and himself as octogenarians.^ 
Subha the Brahmin is a mdnava when first meeting the 
Buddha (99), and still a mdnava after the teacher's death 
(Digha, i, 204). Paternal solicitude seems to break through 
the Buddha's passionless detachment in the Cula-rahulovada- 
sutta (147), when, having watched his only son's dawning 
arahatship, he fires him to supreme attainment with a final 
ray of inspiration. We see him, too, preparing the way for 
S^putta by extolling in detail his great qualities (111, 141), 
and, watchful at the same time over the spiritual and moral 
purity of the thera himself, urging on him daily self- 
examination — -paccavekkhitvd paccavekkhitvd (iii, 297 ; cf. i, 
415). And we note, in the penultimate Vagga (140th Sutta), 
that so well known were the characteristic features of his 

J.11.A.B. 1902. 

> So Gotama of himaelf, i, 82. 


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teaching that a young man of good birth, whom the Dhamma 
had conTerted at second-hand, recognized the Master by hia 
discourse when they two met casually to pass the night 
under the same roof. Turning back to the 86th Sutta, 
howeyer, which gives us the authorized version of the 
account of Gotama's bearding the desperate bandit Anguli- 
mala and converting him, we have an event attributed 
elsewhere to the fifty-sixth year of the Buddha's life. 

It may also be seen, as the Majjhima draws to a close, 
that the proportion of the discourses said to have been 
uttered at Savatthi and the Kosalan country generally is 
even greater than that which obtains for the whole collection, 
viz. f^ in vol. iii as against -,%. Judging by the Majjhima, 
the Jetavana of Savatthi had become the focus of the new 
Buddhist school. Here it is that we meet again with 
young Subha of Tudi, with Janussoni and his gorgeous 
white equipage, professing fresh but apparently unfruitful 
adherence to the Tathagata after each interview, as well as 
with other brahmins foregathering from other districts, such 
as Esukari, and those who give the learned youth Assalayana 
no peace till he consents to try a ' throw ' of dialectic with 
the famous Kshatriyan teacher. Elsewhere in Eosala we 
meet again with the Bharadvajas, including Sangarava, with 
Vasettha, as well as with the distinguished Cankl, Pasenadi's 
chaplain, who is said by Buddhaghosa to have convened 
a congress of brahmins every six months at Ukkattha to 
keep pure their genealogical records {jdti), and every six 
months at Icchanankala to revise the orally registered 

Rajagaha of Magadha appears as a sub-headquarters of 
the Buddhist Order. The only new brahmin personage of 
that town to which this half of the Majjhima introduces 
us — Dhananjani, the ranchman — goes to justify the low 
esteem in which Magadhese brahmins were held,^ for he has 
the reputation of being a double swindler in his official 

^ See Weber, Lit. Geseh., 2nd ed., pp. 83, 123, 156 ; and Oldenberg, 
•* Bnddha," Ist ed., p. 400. 

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capacity as tithe-collector, fleecing his fellow-brahmin grain- 
growers, and stinting the court on the plea that the crops 
were scanty. So at least the Commentator explains. Of 
itinerant clerics — paribbajakas — who flocked to both places 
we meet for the second time with leaders like Sakuludayi 
(77, 79 ; cf. A. iv, 30, 185), and for the first time with the 
personality of Sumana, nicknamed TJggahamana, son of 
Mandika the samana, who is quoted in Sum. i, 82, and with 
that of Yekhanassa, the institutes of whose Order are 
referred to in Manu vi, 21 (see Biihler's In trod., S.B.E., 
XXV, p. xxvii). An interesting feature in the otherwise 
insignificant grouping efiected by the Vaggas is that, in the 
8th and 10th, dealing respectively with instances of questions 
put by paribbajakas and brahmins, we can contrast the 
ideas habitual to either section of Indian society. The 
brahmins are interested in correct externals and birth- 
privileges ; gentlemanly in deportment and without origi- 
nality, they are living intellectually on the social capital 
of their traditions pitakasampaddya (ii, 169). The paribba- 
jakas, freed from trammels of property and caste, but without 
the substitution of any sounder intellectual discipline, let 
their imagination spread, etiolated and distorted, among 
mythical speculations. 

Among the Sangha itself it is interesting to meet here 
with another early account of that cheerful missionary Punna 
(Purna) of the Qronaparantakas (Burnouf, Lotus, i, 250 foil. ; 
Die. 38 foil. ; cf . S. iv, 61). And we get a pleasing record of 
a college lecture catechetically delivered to women students in 
the Royal Park at Savatthi, a daily institution which a certain 
thera, Nandaka, whose turn it was to teach, wished to shirk, 
but was not sufiered to by the Master. The lecture (146th 
Sutta) is on the central tenets of the faith, and the answers 
of the students do credit to their teaching. But the curt 
dismissal by the reproved teacher and the approving Master — 
*' Go, sisters ; time is up ! " — is suggestive. 

One more scene I must touch on is the deathbed of the 
Order's great patron, Anathapindika (143). Visited by 
Ananda and Sariputta, he is honoured by an examination 

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into the detachment of his mind from all worldly grasping 
such as it was customary to hold only with dying religieux. 

On the central doctrines of Buddhist philosophy — and 
for present purposes I would formulate them as follows: 
(1) justification of the instinct to avoid 111 ; (2) rejection 
of the logical tenability of postulating a super-phenomenul 
ego, as being incompatible with the universality of III; 
(3) belief in moral causation ; (4) belief in the possibility 
of so moulding mind and character that 111 loses all power 
in this life or any other, — on these doctrines the present 
volumes throw additional light most useful for comparative 
study. As to the first point, for instance, in its more positive 
aspect, the view taken by Gotama of the way to attain to 
absolute happiness, namely, by cultivating a state of mind 
whence the search for it has been eliminated (79th Sutta), may 
be compared with the doctrine in Sutta 75, that the lower 
pleasure is discarded only by the realization of its substitute 
as still more pleasurable. Again, as to the second point, along 
with frequent insistence on the anti-soul formulas — n*etam 
mama, etc., and aunham idam attena, etc. — a special feature is 
the use of words compounded of inflections of the first person 
singular,^ with the view of emphasizing not only the better 
insight, but also the ethical superiority claimed by the 
Buddhist position. Self-reference — the holding up of one's 
self as an entity over against other entities, whether souls, 
world, or gods — was fatal to the discernment of impermanence. 
'Ego-mania' (Ichsucht) was fatal to truly disinterested culture 
of life and conduct. Connecting points 2 and 3, we 
notice that, whereas Gotama's strong convictions with regard 
to what might now be called the moral conservation of 
energy lead him to define his Dhamma as u theory of 
causation (ii, p. 32), the problem of reconciling the denial 
of soul with the acceptance of personal 'karma' puzzled 
then as it may puzzle now. We again meet with the 
criticism (iii, 19 ; cf. i, 8, 258) — If all constituents of 

* Ahamkara-mamamkdra'mananMayo (iii, 18, 32; cf. i, 486); [a)tammaya{lia) 
(iii, 42, 220 ; cf. i, 319) ; atmimano (i, 139), etc. Cf . A. i, 132. 

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perdonality be empty of self, whom can deeds done without 
self affect ? As before, Gotama does not explain. He merely 
demonstrates that, whatever be the solution, a permanent 
subject of mental phenomena could not logically be predicated 
of man as we here and now know him. This difficulty of 
reconciling a belief in moral retribution with actions as 
anattakatdni may have driven many followers to his chief 
aversion — that 'net for fish' — ^the anti-causationist Makkhali 
Oosala (A. i, 33, 286), who possibly was also a disbeliever 
in soul. And it is not surprising that Gotama drew all 
earnest adherents away from considerations of ' my ' actions, 
' my * attainments, ' my ' personal fate, to the cultivation of 
a purely objectified moral consciousness. 

This brings roe to a final word respecting point 4. 
Whether or not it may be held to betray later compilation, 
nothing in these volumes, especially in the last, is so thrown 
into relief as the importance in Buddhist ethics of cultivating 
psychological analysis — an examination, that is to say, into 
the nature of sense-consciousness. To become morally strong, 
the student was not, as some taught (152nd Sutta) to ignore 
sense-experienoe, but to break it up into its constituent 
processes and resultants, so as to divert those complex 
impacts of the external world from kindling delusion and 
passion, and convert them into the cool judgments of 
intellect. Of the last thirty-four Suttas no less than fifteen 
are concerned with this question. The 111th also, the 
Anupada-Sutta, in paying tribute to Sariputta's proficiency 
in introspection, shows that the factors of the states of 
consciousness in the Dhamma-sanga^i are to be understood as 
so many consecutive moments of consciousness. And the 
discourse which betrayed Gotama to the disciple who knew 
him not was not an exposition of the central Truth-tenets, 
but mainly an analysis of sense-experience ! 

Meanwhile Dr. Neumann has published the second third 
of his translation of the Majjhima, and given fresh proof of 
his rare powers of style and wealth of diction. A foreigner 
must speak with diffidence on such a matter, remembering 

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the enhancement of ideas, — to quote George Eliot — ^the 
glamour of unfamiliarity conferring dignity on subjects 
presented in another language. But the vivid colour and 
graphic force of the translation, combined with a sufficient 
but not excessive dash of archaism, can hardly fail to impress 
strongly any reader. If the literary standard is maintained 
to the end, the work should rank, as to style, with the great 
translations of world-literature. 

Dr. Neumann, on the other hand, for the setting out of 
what he conceives to be some point in the original, seems 
at times, I venture to think, to flit too lightly among terms. 
To quote one instance out of many, to render ussdho by 
' gelten lassen ' and chando by ' biUigen ' is an uncalled-for 
laxity. The Commentator (if one may mention him !) seems 
at all events to hold that the normal meanings of r&yamati 
and kattukamyatd are good enough (ii, 174). Then, again, 
as to paripunm-sankappd. In vol. i (p. 304) of his translation 
this was rendered tcird caller WUlensregungen. Surely the 
point is just the opposite — the student in question becomes 
irrationally content, ceases to aspire higher. In the 146th 
Sutta it is clear that the women-students have successfully 
graduated, or 'fulfilled their intention.' And I shall be 
curious to see, in his last volume, whether the phrase 
attakdmarupd viharanti in Sutta 128 will be again rendered 
(as in Sutta 31) ' selbstzufrieden scheinen' — seem self- 
contented. Is it not more probable (I speak without access 
to this part of the Commentary) that the theras are supposed 
to be engaged in pantheistic meditation, and that the 
meaning is 'seem to be aspiring or longing after the Atman'P 
Cf. the expressions in Brih, TJp,^ 4. 3. 21, and 4. 4. 6. 
Returning to the volume under consideration, I do not 
hold that pacchimd Janata means ' posterity ' in Sutta 83 
any more than in Sutta 4. Gotama is mindful of the eflect 
of his actions on the weaker among his disciples — pacchinie 
mama sdvake,^ or istis fratribua meia minimis, as Christ would 
have said. Again, when, in Sutta 100, the brahmin youth 

* Com. on A. i, p. 61. 

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asks the question, rather flippantiy, if there are gods, the 
thdnaao of Gk)tama's very qualified and guarded remarks is 
not, I think, properly rendered by deutlich, 'dearly/ If 
the use of the word in M. i, 395, with that in A. iii, 238, 
be oompared, it will appear that the sense is probably 
'speaking off-hand/ The question is put hastily with 
leTity, and Gotama does not condescend to discuss it. 

C. A. F. Rhys Davids. 

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(January, Febroaiy, March, 1902.) 

I. Contents of Forbign Oriental Jo